United States Immigrants Admitted: Mexico data was reported at 170,581.000 Person in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 174,534.000 Person for 2016. United States Immigrants Admitted: Mexico data is updated yearly, averaging 153,629.500 Person from Sep 1986 (Median) to 2017, with 32 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 946,167.000 Person in 1991 and a record low of 66,533.000 Person in 1986. United States Immigrants Admitted: Mexico data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by US Department of Homeland Security. The data is categorized under Global Database’s USA – Table US.G087: Immigration.

This study examines the political participation of undocumented Mexican immigrants residing in the United States in Mexican external voting. As international mobility of people has increased globally, scholarly attention has grown concerning how overseas citizens engage in electoral processes in their countries of origin. However, previous studies based on traditional survey methods may have yielded biased results due to the underrepresentation of undocumented immigrants, who are less likely to enroll in survey company panels due to concerns about the potential compromise of their identities. To include this hard-to-reach population and conduct representative sampling, our research employs a method called respondent-driven sampling (RDS), which permits the surveying of a population devoid of a sampling frame. Our analysis of the Mexican case demonstrates that a lack of electoral information, lower levels of education, and heightened distrust of the Mexican government are associated with diminished electoral participation.

Users can download data and reports regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Users can also interact with maps to view population trends over time. Background The Pew Hispanic Center website contains reports and datasets regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Topics include, but are not limited to: homeownership, elections, criminal justice system, and education. User Functionality Users can view and download reports. Users can also interact with maps to obtain demographic information and view population trends from 1980 to 2010. Datasets are also available to download directly into SPSS stat istical software. Surveys administered by the Pew Hispanic Center include: Hispanic Health Care Survey, National Survey of Latinos, Hispanic Religion Survey, Survey of Mexicans Living in the U.S. on Absentee Voting in Mexican Elections, Survey o f Mexican Migrants, and the Survey of Latinos on the News Media. Demographic information is available by race/ethnicity. Data Notes Report information is available on a national and county level and is indicated with the report or dataset. Demographic trends in population growth and dispersion are available for 1980 through 2010. Each report and dataset indicate years in which the data were collected and the geographic unit.

Using historical data on the size of state-specific Mexican birth cohorts and geographic migration networks between Mexican states and US metropolitan areas, I construct an instrumental variable that predicts decadal migration from Mexico to the United States. The intuition behind this identification strategy is that larger historical birth cohorts in Mexico yield more potential migrants once each birth cohort reaches prime migration age. I report evidence that Mexican immigration is associated with a decline in property crimes and an increase in aggravated assaults. The available evidence suggests that this is not an artifact of reduced crime reporting among immigrants.

Many U.S.-born descendants of Mexican immigrants do not identify as Mexican or Hispanic in response to the Hispanic origin question asked in the Census and other government surveys. Analyzing microdata from the 2000 U.S. Census and the 2001-2019 American Community Surveys, we show that the age at arrival of Mexican immigrants exerts an important influence on ethnic identification not only for these immigrants themselves but also for their U.S.-born children. Among Mexican immigrants who arrived as children, the rate of “ethnic attrition”—i.e., not self-identifying as Mexican or Hispanic—is higher for those who migrated at a younger age. Moreover, the children of these immigrants exhibit a similar pattern: greater ethnic attrition among children whose parents moved to the United States at a younger age. We unpack the relative importance of several key mechanisms—parental English proficiency, parental education, family structure, intermarriage, and geographic location—through which the age at arrival of immigrant parents influences the ethnic identification of their children. Intermarriage turns out to be the primary mechanism: Mexican immigrants who arrived at a very young age are more likely to marry non-Hispanics, and the rate of ethnic attrition is dramatically higher among children with mixed ethnic backgrounds. Prior research demonstrates that arriving at an early age hastens and furthers the integration of immigrants. We show here that this pattern also holds for ethnic identification and that the resulting differences in ethnic attrition among first-generation immigrants are transmitted to their second-generation children.

Unauthorized population estimates for 1990, 2000, and 2014.

Projected Deaths by Single Year of Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin for the United States: 2016-2060 // Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division // There are four projection scenarios: 1. Main series, 2. High Immigration series, 3. Low Immigration series, and 4. Zero Immigration series. // Note: Hispanic origin is considered an ethnicity, not a race. Hispanics may be of any race. // For detailed information about the methods used to create the population projections, see https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/popproj/technical-documentation/methodology/methodstatement17.pdf. // Population projections are estimates of the population for future dates. They are typically based on an estimated population consistent with the most recent decennial census and are produced using the cohort-component method. Projections illustrate possible courses of population change based on assumptions about future births, deaths, net international migration, and domestic migration. The Population Estimates and Projections Program provides additional information on its website: https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/popproj.html.

Immigrants increasingly face exclusion at the local level. How do they respond to such backlash? This paper examines how exclusionary local immigration policies influence immigrants' internal migration preferences---an understudied but key outcome in the relevant political debate. Drawing on two pre-registered survey experiments conducted among first-generation Mexican immigrants in the United States, I show that while such policies do shape preferences over whether and where to move, economic considerations often outweigh their effects. Importantly, exclusionary policies influence all classes of immigrants, including naturalized citizens who are not their direct targets. This is because concerns about safety and discrimination, in particular in places with exclusionary policies, are widespread among all classes of immigrants irrespective of legal status. The findings contribute novel empirical evidence to a contentious political debate and reveal how local immigration policies can affect not only immigrants but also American citizens and voters.

IIMMLA was supported by the Russell Sage Foundation. Since 1991, the Russell Sage Foundation has funded a program of research aimed at assessing how well the young adult offspring of recent immigrants are faring as they move through American schools and into the labor market. Two previous major studies have begun to tell us about the paths to incorporation of the children of contemporary immigrants: The Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), and the Immigrant Second Generation in New York study. The Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles study is the third major initiative analyzing the progress of the new second generation in the United States. The Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles (IIMMLA) study focused on young adult children of immigrants (1.5- and second-generation) in greater Los Angeles. IIMMLA investigated mobility among young adult (ages 20-39) children of immigrants in metropolitan Los Angeles and, in the case of the Mexican-origin population there, among young adult members of the third- or later generations. The five-county Los Angeles metropolitan area (Los Angeles, Orange, Ventura, Riverside and San Bernardino counties) contains the largest concentrations of Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Filipinos, Chinese, Vietnamese, Koreans, and other nationalities in the United States. The diverse migration histories and modes of incorporation of these groups made the Los Angeles metropolitan area a strategic choice for a comparison study of the pathways of immigrant incorporation and mobility from one generation to the next. The IIMMLA study compared six foreign-born (1.5-generation) and foreign-parentage (second-generation) groups (Mexicans, Vietnamese, Filipinos, Koreans, Chinese, and Central Americans from Guatemala and El Salvador) with three native-born and native-parentage comparison groups (third- or later-generation Mexican Americans, and non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks). The targeted groups represent both the diversity of modes of incorporation in the United States and the range of occupational backgrounds and immigration status among contemporary immigrants (from professionals and entrepreneurs to laborers, refugees, and unauthorized migrants). The surveys provide basic demographic information as well as extensive data about socio-cultural orientation and mobility (e.g., language use, ethnic identity, religion, remittances, intermarriage, experiences of discrimination), economic mobility (e.g., parents' background, respondents' education, first and current job, wealth and income, encounters with the law), geographic mobility (childhood and present neighborhood of residence), and civic engagement and politics (political attitudes, voting behavior, as well as naturalization and transnational ties).

Content

This report provides statistics for the number of illegal immigrants arrested or apprehended by the border patrol in each division (or sector) of the United States borders with Canada, Mexico, and Caribbean islands; this data is a partial measure of the flow of people illegally entering the United States.

Acknowledgements

Data was compiled and published by the US Border Patrol on the Customs and Border Protection webpage.

The estimated population of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. stands at around ** million people. Although the number has stabilized, the United States has seen a spike in migrant encounters in the last few years, with over * million cases registered by the U.S. Border Patrol in 2023. This is a slight decrease from the previous year, when there were over *** million cases registered. Due to its proximity and shared border, Mexico remains the leading country of origin for most undocumented immigrants in the U.S., with California and Texas being home to the majority.

Immigration and political division

Despite the majority of the population having immigrant roots, the topic of immigration in the U.S. remains one of the country’s longest-standing political debates. Support among Republicans for restrictive immigration has grown alongside Democratic support for open immigration. This growing divide has deepened the polarization between the two major political parties, stifling constructive dialogue and impeding meaningful reform efforts and as a result, has led to dissatisfaction from all sides. In addition to general immigration policy, feelings toward illegal immigration in the U.S. also vary widely. For some, it's seen as a significant threat to national security, cultural identity, and economic stability. This perspective often aligns with support for stringent measures like Trump's proposed border wall and increased enforcement efforts. On the other hand, there are those who are more sympathetic toward undocumented immigrants, as demonstrated by support for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program.

Prior research indicates the enforcement of immigration policy by the host country affects immigrants’ political behavior. Yet, its effect on their economic behavior – namely, remittances – remains understudied. To fill this gap, we theorize on remittances’ political determinants in the host country. In general, we argue remittance flows vary with subnational enforcement of the host country’s immigration policy. In particular, immigrants insure themselves against deportation by remitting more in highly punitive locales. We test our theory in the context of the United States’ Secure Communities program, a nationwide policy involving local-federal partnerships to identify and deport undocumented immigrants. We expect greater remittance inflows to Mexican states with more deportees under the program. Instrumental variable analysis affirms our expectation. Mexican states with more deportees under Secure Communities receive significantly more remittances than other Mexican states. The analysis illuminates the indirect effects of host countries’ enforcement of their immigration policy.

Projected Net International Migration by Single Year of Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin for the United States: 2016-2060 // Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division // There are four projection scenarios: 1. Main series, 2. High Immigration series, 3. Low Immigration series, and 4. Zero Immigration series. // Note: Hispanic origin is considered an ethnicity, not a race. Hispanics may be of any race. // For detailed information about the methods used to create the population projections, see https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/popproj/technical-documentation/methodology/methodstatement17.pdf. // Population projections are estimates of the population for future dates. They are typically based on an estimated population consistent with the most recent decennial census and are produced using the cohort-component method. Projections illustrate possible courses of population change based on assumptions about future births, deaths, net international migration, and domestic migration. The Population Estimates and Projections Program provides additional information on its website: https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/popproj.html.

This article explores the impact of novel change in the ethnic composition of Americans’ local context on their attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy preferences. Adapting the “defended neighborhoods hypothesis” regarding residential integration and Black-White interracial relations to the context of immigration and intercultural relations, this paper advances the acculturating contexts hypothesis. This hypothesis argues that a large influx of an immigrant group will activate threat among White citizens when it occurs in local areas where the immigrant group had largely been absent. This theoretical argument is explored within the context of Hispanic immigration and tested using national survey and census data. This article demonstrates that over-time growth in local Hispanic populations triggers threat and opposition to immigration among Whites residing in contexts with few initial Hispanics, but reduces threat and opposition to immigration among Whites residing in contexts with large preexisting Hispanic populations.

Abstract This research aims to identify the sociodemographic characteristics, causes of death, and distribution of the repatriations of remains made from the USA to the state of Michoacán in Mexico in the years 2005-2015, as well as to understand the meaning given to death and repatriation of the deceased by their relatives. Through a mixed methods research design, a descriptive analysis of the figures of returned people from Michoacan were analyzed, and the testimony of 3 relatives is included. The return of 2950 corpses of deceased migrants was identified. Amid the pain associated with death, being able to bury their family member helps them face death as a real event that they can verify, thereby mitigating part of the suffering of the mourners.

This study was designed to systematically examine the similarities and differences of experience among four groups of adolescents: Mexicans (born of Mexican parents and residing in Mexico), Mexican immigrants (born of Mexican parents in Mexico and now residing in the United States), second-generation Mexican Americans (born and raised in the United States of Mexican immigrant parents), and White Americans (born and raised in the United States of white, non-Hispanic, U.S.-born parents). Specifically, the study explores how family orientation (i.e., familism and family conflict) and achievement orientation differ among these groups. The participants were 189 adolescents (96 girls and 93 boys) between the ages of 13 and 18 who were attending public middle and high schools. The participants were equally divided among the four groups. Data for the Mexican sample were gathered in 1991 and 1992 in Guanajuato, one of three Mexican states from which a majority of emigrants to the United States originate. Data for the other three groups were gathered in 1992 from public schools in California. The data collection methods consisted of classroom observations, ethnographic interviews, and tests which were conducted in either English, Spanish, or both according to the students' preference and proficiency. The interviews covered demographic, life-history, and migration-related information as well as issues related to their experiences at school and with their families and peers. The interview included a number of psychological tests: Familism Scale (Sabogal et al.,1987), Family Conflict Scale (Beavers, Hampson, and Hulgus, 1985), Sentence Completion Test (De Vos, 1973), Problem Situation Test (De Vos, 1973), and Thematic Apperception Tests (Murray, 1943). The Murray Research Archive holds the completed interview booklets as well as audiotapes of interviews. A follow-up of the study is possible with the collaboration of the contributor. Audio Data Availability Note: This study contains audio data that have been digitized. There are 284 audio files available.

About the Missing Migrants Data

This data is sourced from the International Organization for Migration. The data is part of a specific project called the Missing Migrants Project which tracks deaths of migrants, including refugees , who have gone missing along mixed migration routes worldwide. The research behind this project began with the October 2013 tragedies, when at least 368 individuals died in two shipwrecks near the Italian island of Lampedusa. Since then, Missing Migrants Project has developed into an important hub and advocacy source of information that media, researchers, and the general public access for the latest information.

Where is the data from?

Missing Migrants Project data are compiled from a variety of sources. Sources vary depending on the region and broadly include data from national authorities, such as Coast Guards and Medical Examiners; media reports; NGOs; and interviews with survivors of shipwrecks. In the Mediterranean region, data are relayed from relevant national authorities to IOM field missions, who then share it with the Missing Migrants Project team. Data are also obtained by IOM and other organizations that receive survivors at landing points in Italy and Greece. In other cases, media reports are used. IOM and UNHCR also regularly coordinate on such data to ensure consistency. Data on the U.S./Mexico border are compiled based on data from U.S. county medical examiners and sheriff’s offices, as well as media reports for deaths occurring on the Mexico side of the border. Estimates within Mexico and Central America are based primarily on media and year-end government reports. Data on the Bay of Bengal are drawn from reports by UNHCR and NGOs. In the Horn of Africa, data are obtained from media and NGOs. Data for other regions is drawn from a combination of sources, including media and grassroots organizations. In all regions, Missing Migrants Projectdata represents minimum estimates and are potentially lower than in actuality.

Updated data and visuals can be found here: https://missingmigrants.iom.int/

Who is included in Missing Migrants Project data?

IOM defines a migrant as any person who is moving or has moved across an international border or within a State away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of

  (1) the person’s legal status; 
  (2) whether the movement is voluntary or involuntary; 
  (3) what the causes for the movement are; or 
  (4) what the length of the stay is.[1]

Missing Migrants Project counts migrants who have died or gone missing at the external borders of states, or in the process of migration towards an international destination. The count excludes deaths that occur in immigration detention facilities, during deportation, or after forced return to a migrant’s homeland, as well as deaths more loosely connected with migrants’ irregular status, such as those resulting from labour exploitation. Migrants who die or go missing after they are established in a new home are also not included in the data, so deaths in refugee camps or housing are excluded. This approach is chosen because deaths that occur at physical borders and while en route represent a more clearly definable category, and inform what migration routes are most dangerous. Data and knowledge of the risks and vulnerabilities faced by migrants in destination countries, including death, should not be neglected, rather tracked as a distinct category.

How complete is the data on dead and missing migrants?

Data on fatalities during the migration process are challenging to collect for a number of reasons, most stemming from the irregular nature of migratory journeys on which deaths tend to occur. For one, deaths often occur in remote areas on routes chosen with the explicit aim of evading detection. Countless bodies are never found, and rarely do these deaths come to the attention of authorities or the media. Furthermore, when deaths occur at sea, frequently not all bodies are recovered - sometimes with hundreds missing from one shipwreck - and the precise number of missing is often unknown. In 2015, over 50 per cent of deaths recorded by the Missing Migrants Project refer to migrants who are presumed dead and whose bodies have not been found, mainly at sea.

Data are also challenging to collect as reporting on deaths is poor, and the data that does exist are highly scattered. Few official sources are collecting data systematically. Many counts of death rely on media as a source. Coverage can be spotty and incomplete. In addition, the involvement of criminal actors in incidents means there may be fear among survivors to report deaths and some deaths may be actively covered-up. The irregular immigration status of many migrants, and at times their families as well, also impedes reporting of missing persons or deaths.

The vary...

This data collection provides net migration estimates by five-year age groups, Hispanic origin, race, and sex for counties of the United States from 1990 to 2000. These estimates were derived from United States census data from 1990 to 2000, and from vital statistics collected by the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) for years 1990 through 1999 using the vital statistics (VS) method. The dataset contains the state and county Federal Information Processing Standards (FIPS) codes that uniquely identify counties within a state. Several data categories are presented in the collection. Vital statistics data tabulate births by sex, race, and Hispanic origin for the periods 1990-1994 and 1995-1999, and deaths by sex, race, Hispanic origin, and age groups for the period 1990-2000. The enumerated and adjusted 1990 and 2000 population categories offer population totals by sex, Hispanic origin, age groups, and race. The expected populations in 2000 are available with totals by sex, race, Hispanic origin, and age groups. Net migration estimates and net migration rates for each category also are included.

This dataset contains one of the main outputs of a study of internal migration among researchers in Mexico inferred from the affiliation addresses of Scopus publications from 1996-2018. Scopus data is owned and maintained by Elsevier.This dataset is provided under a CC BY-NC-SA Creative Commons v 4.0 license (Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike). This means that other individuals may remix, tweak, and build upon these data non-commercially, as long as they provide citations to this data repository (10.6084/m9.figshare.12619016) and the reference articles listed below, and license the new creations under the identical terms. For more details about the study, please refer toMiranda-González, Andrea, Samin Aref, Tom Theile, and Emilio Zagheni. "Scholarly migration within Mexico: Analyzing internal migration among researchers using Scopus longitudinal bibliometric data." EPJ Data Science (2020). https://doi.org/10.1140/epjds/s13688-020-00252-9The dataset is provided in a comma-separated values file (.csv file) and each row represents one movement of one researcher-active scholar from a state (source) to another state (target) in Mexico in a specific year (move_year). The data can be used to produce internal migration flows for the states or possibly other migration estimates. It can also be used as an edge-list for creating a network model of migration events between states (states being the nodes of the network and each movement being represented as a directed edge from source to target).A zip file of annual networks (directed and weighted) in gml format is also provided.

We examined the relationship between continental-level genetic ancestry and racial and ethnic identity in an admixed population in New Mexico with the goal of increasing our understanding of how racial and ethnic identity influence genetic substructure in admixed populations. Our sample consists of 98 New Mexicans who self-identified as Hispanic or Latino (NM-HL) and who further categorized themselves by race and ethnic subgroup membership. The genetic data consist of 270 newly-published autosomal microsatellites from the NM-HL sample and previously published data from 57 globally distributed populations, including 13 admixed samples from Central and South America. For these data, we 1) summarized the major axes of genetic variation using principal component analyses, 2) performed tests of Hardy Weinberg equilibrium, 3) compared empirical genetic ancestry distributions to those predicted under a model of admixture that lacked substructure, 4) tested the hypotheses that individuals in each sample had 100%, 0%, and the sample-mean percentage of African, European, and Native American ancestry. We found that most NM-HL identify themselves and their parents as belonging to one of two groups, conforming to a region-specific narrative that distinguishes recent immigrants from Mexico from individuals whose families have resided in New Mexico for generations and who emphasize their Spanish heritage. The “Spanish” group had significantly lower Native American ancestry and higher European ancestry than the “Mexican” group. Positive FIS values, PCA plots, and heterogeneous ancestry distributions suggest that most Central and South America admixed samples also contain substructure, and that this substructure may be related to variation in social identity. Genetic substructure appears to be common in admixed populations in the Americas and may confound attempts to identify disease-causing genes and to understand the social causes of variation in health outcomes and social inequality.