This is the third national probability survey of American Muslims conducted by Pew Research Center (the first was conducted in "https://www.thearda.com/data-archive?fid=MUSLIMS" Target="_blank">2007, the second in "https://www.thearda.com/data-archive?fid=MUSAM11" Target="_blank">2011). Results from this study were published in the "https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center report '"https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2017/07/26/findings-from-pew-research-centers-2017-survey-of-us-muslims/" Target="_blank">U.S. Muslims Concerned About Their Place in Society, but Continue to Believe in the American Dream.' The report is included in the materials that accompany the public-use dataset.

The survey included interviews with 1,001 adult Muslims living in the United States. Interviewing was conducted from January 23 to May 2, 2017, in English, Arabic, Farsi and Urdu. The survey employed a complex design to obtain a probability sample of Muslim Americans. Before working with the dataset, data analysts are strongly encouraged to carefully review the 'Survey Methodology' section of the report.

In addition to the report, the materials accompanying the public-use dataset also include the survey questionnaire, which reports the full details on question wording. Data users should treat the questionnaire (and not this codebook) as the authoritative reflection of question wording and order.

This landmark 2007 survey by the Pew Research Center provides one of the most comprehensive portraits of the American Muslim community to date. Covering religious beliefs, practices, political views, and experiences with discrimination, it offers critical insights into the diversity and integration of Muslims in the United States. The study highlights both the challenges and aspirations of this growing demographic, reflecting their perspectives at a time of heightened global and domestic tensions surrounding Islam.

In the aftermath of the attacks on September 11, 2001, and subsequent terrorist attacks elsewhere around the world, a key counterterrorism concern was the possible radicalization of Muslims living in the United States. The purpose of the study was to examine and identify characteristics and practices of four American Muslim communities that have experienced varying levels of radicalization. The communities were selected because they were home to Muslim-Americans that had experienced isolated instances of radicalization. They were located in four distinct regions of the United States, and they each had distinctive histories and patterns of ethnic diversity. This objective was mainly pursued through interviews of over 120 Muslims located within four different Muslim-American communities across the country (Buffalo, New York; Houston, Texas; Seattle, Washington; and Raleigh-Durham, North Carolina), a comprehensive review of studies an literature on Muslim-American communities, a review of websites and publications of Muslim-American organizations and a compilation of data on prosecutions of Muslim-Americans on violent terrorism-related offenses.

SSRS conducted a survey of Muslims, Jews, and the general population for the "https://www.ispu.org/" Target="_blank">Institute for Social Policy and Understanding from March 17 through April 22, 2020. The study investigated the opinions of Muslims, Jews, and the general population regarding politics, important issues facing the country, faith customs, and religious discrimination.

For the survey, SSRS interviewed 801 Muslim respondents, 351 Jewish respondents, and 1,015 general population adult respondents. A total of 2,167 respondents were surveyed.

In this manuscript, we review the literature to date on Muslims’ descriptive and substantive representation in American politics. We then evaluate how Members of Congress discussed Muslims from 2011-2017 by turning to their tweets during this time period. We find that Muslims were most discussed by non-White Democratic legislators, and contrary to expectations, White Republicans tweeted about Muslims far less than their White Democratic counterparts. But when White Republicans did mention Muslims, their tweets were much more negative in tone than Democrats of any racial background.

This dataset was derived from Swivel.com at: http://www.swivel.com/data_sets/show/1011482 Which cites the CIA Fact book as the official Source. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/ Data is available for 60 countries around the world, and lists the Muslim Population for each. This data was collected on January 15, 2008.

To deal with the threat posed by groups that use terrorist methods against Americans, in particular al Qaeda, the US is faced by more than the problem of the groups themselves. These groups operate in a larger society that provides them with some degree of support—enough to allow them to persist. The purpose of this study is to understand more deeply the nature and extent of this support, and also to determine how it is evolving. This points to a range of issues. To operate, groups that use terrorism must be viewed as legitimate by some sector of society. For decades the United States has had an increased military presence in numerous Muslim countries. Attitudes toward US military forces are, of course, embedded in a broader set of perceptions of US goals in relat ion to the Muslim world. These perceptions of US goals are in turn embedded in broader attitudes about the US government and how it operates in the world. Once the complex attitudes about America’s role and the methods that are used by groups like al Qaeda against America are understood, we can turn to the question of how people in Muslim countries feel about al Qaeda and groups that attack Americans. A central goal of al Qaeda is to make Muslim societies more ‘Islamist’, i.e., more aligned with traditional interpretations of Islam and Shari’a law. Finally, there is probably no more central front in the conflict between al Qaeda and the US than the status of governments in the Muslim world that are supported by the US: namely Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and Pakistan. To answer these and other questions WorldPublicOpinion.org conducted an in-depth survey of public opinion in Egypt, Pakistan, and Indonesia. This is the second wave of surveys and was conducted between July 28 and September 6, 2008: the first was conducted in late 2006 and early 2007. The research was primarily supported by the START Consortium at the University of Maryland. Other scholars of the START Consortium participated in the development of the questionnaire for both waves.

Muslim-American-Final-Questionnaire-1

These are the Stata and R data and replication code for "The Media Matters: Muslim American Portrayals and the Effects on Mass Attitudes."

Comprehensive dataset containing 11 verified Indian Muslim restaurant businesses in New York, United States with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

The purpose of the study was to identify characteristics and practices in the Muslim-American community that are preventing radicalization. The goal was to learn how Muslim-American communities have been dealing with the threat of radicalization and acts of violence to themselves as well as the broader American community posed by extremist ideologies.

To fully understand U.S. Muslims' experiences in comparison to other U.S. groups, we need extensive data from both Muslims and non-Muslims, along with detailed questioning on a broad range of sociopolitical issues. Fortunately, the 2020 CMPS offers a unique chance to dive deeper into the experiences of U.S. Muslims compared to other minoritized groups, and assess their experiences within American democracy. This article highlights several lessons in best practices from the CMPS Muslim oversample.

The data presented in this data project were collected in the context of two H2020 research projects: ‘Enhanced migration measures from a multidimensional perspective’(HumMingBird) and ‘Crises as opportunities: Towards a level telling field on migration and a new narrative of successful integration’(OPPORTUNITIES). The current survey was fielded to investigate the dynamic interplay between media representations of different migrant groups and the governmental and societal (re)actions to immigration. With these data, we provide more insight into these societal reactions by investigating attitudes rooted in values and worldviews. Through an online survey, we collected quantitative data on attitudes towards: Immigrants, Refugees, Muslims, Hispanics, Venezuelans News Media Consumption Trust in News Media and Societal Institutions Frequency and Valence of Intergroup Contact Realistic and Symbolic Intergroup Threat Right-wing Authoritarianism Social Dominance Orientation Political Efficacy Personality Characteristics Perceived COVID-threat, and Socio-demographic Characteristics For the adult population aged 25 to 65 in seven European countries: Austria Belgium Germany Hungary Italy Spain Sweden And for ages ranged from 18 to 65 for: United States of America Colombia The survey in the United States and Colombia was identical to the one in the European countries, although a few extra questions regarding COVID-19 and some region-specific migrant groups (e.g. Venezuelans) were added. We collected the data in cooperation with Bilendi, a Belgian polling agency, and selected the methodology for its cost-effectiveness in cross-country research. Respondents received an e-mail asking them to participate in a survey without specifying the subject matter, which was essential to avoid priming. Three weeks of fieldwork in May and June of 2021 resulted in a dataset of 13,645 respondents (a little over 1500 per country). Sample weights are included in the dataset and can be applied to ensure that the sample is representative for gender and age in each country. The cooperation rate ranged between 12% and 31%, in line with similar online data collections.

Spain has a long history of Islamic tradition under its belt. From cuisine to architecture, the southern European country has been linked to the North of Africa through many common elements. At the end of 2023, there were approximately 2.41 million Muslims in Spain, most of them of Spanish and Moroccan nationality, with upwards of eight hundred thousand believers in both cases. With a Muslim population of more than 660,000 people, Catalonia was home to the largest Muslim community in Spain as of the same date.

The not so Catholic Spain

Believers of a religion other than Catholicism accounted for approximately 3 percent of the Spanish population, according to the most recent data. Although traditionally a Catholic country, Spain saw a decline in the number of believers over the past years. Compared to previous years, when the share of believers accounted for slightly over 70 percent of the Spanish population, the Catholic community lost ground, while still being the major religion for the foreseable future.

A Catholic majority, a practicing minority

Going to mass is no longer a thing in Spain, or so it would seem when looking at the latest statistics about the matter: 50 percent of those who consider themselves Catholics almost never attend any religious service in 2024. The numbers increased until 2019, from 55.5 percent of the population never attending religious services in 2011 to 63.1 percent in 2019. The share of population that stated to be practicing believers and go to mass every Sunday and on the most important holidays accounted for only 15.5 percent.

The project had two main dimensions: the first is theoretical and the second is empirical, focusing on three case studies (Moscow, Tatarstan and Dagestan). The theoretical aspect of the project examines two main sets of questions: First, how the general concepts of extremism and moderation, and the associated concept of radicalization, are understood in the Russian context. How is radicalization linked to identity politics(ethnicity, nationalism and religion) and radical ideological movements? Second, how these concepts - moderation, extremism, and radicalization- applied in discourses and policies towards Muslim communities in Russia? What are the presumed internal and external influences? What are the comparisons and links with elite discourse in other European countries with significant Muslim communities, such as UK and France? The empirical aspect of the project examines how these general concepts and approaches help to illuminate and explains developments in regions of Russian where there exist sizeable Muslim communities. The three case studies chosen include a) the city of Moscow, where it is estimated that there are 1-2 million Muslims, representing at least 10% of the population; b) Tatarstan, which has an ethnic Tatar Muslim plurality and which is often taken to be the best example of the influence of moderate Islam; c) Dagestan, which is regularly taken to be the region with the greatest potential danger, apart form Chechnya, of Islamic radicalization. The dataset was originally intended to include transcriptions of elite interviews which would have been in the format of elite interview-audio files. However, as we warned might be the case, it did not prove possible to gain consent to recording the interviews. This project investigates the causes of Islamic radicalisation within Russia and their consequences for Russia's relevant domestic policies (for example ethnic, regional, immigration policies, and domestic democratisation), as well as its foreign policy response towards the Muslim world in the context of the global 'War on Terror'. There are four principal research questions:(1) How Russian policy-making and academic elites conceptualise the idea of 'radicalisation' and political violence. (2) How these discourses are translated into state practice and policy. (3) How these state-driven practices feed or undermine underlying processes of radicalisation. (4) How Russia's domestic context of combating radicalisation drives its foreign policy. The project methodology includes a discourse analysis of academic and journalistic writings and three regional case studies of Russian state policy towards Islam (Moscow, Tatarstan and Dagestan). Each case study relies on discourse analysis of public and media approaches, content analysis of relevant legal and state policy documents, and semi-structured elite interviews. The project co-ordinators will work with local institutes in Russia and will invite scholars from these institutes to the UK as research fellows. The project findings will be disseminated by four journal articles, policy briefings and a co-authored monograph. The interviews were in semi-structured format. Unfortunately, consent was not obtained for audio recording of the interviews. There were 20 principal interviews with Russian elites in academia and politics and among Muslim communities in Russia; in Moscow, Tatarstan and Dagestan.

Comprehensive dataset containing 182 verified Indian Muslim restaurant businesses in United States with complete contact information, ratings, reviews, and location data.

Kazi Aminul Islam at Kennesaw State University is the owner of the analysis data. Contact the lead author at kislam4@kennesaw.edu. This dataset is not publicly accessible because: NGA Nextview and NASA Commercial Data Buy license agreements prohibit the distribution of original data files from WorldView due to copyright. It can be accessed through the following means: N/A. Format: Original data files from WorldView. This dataset is associated with the following publication: Islam, K., O. Abul-Hassan, H. Zhang, V. Hill, B. Schaeffer, R. Zimmerman, and J. Li. Ensemble Machine Learning Approaches for Bathymetry Estimation in Multi-Spectral Images. Geomatics. MDPI, Basel, SWITZERLAND, 5(3): 34, (2025).

Population Growth for the Islamic Republic of Iran was 1.20408 % Chg. at Annual Rate in January of 2023, according to the United States Federal Reserve. Historically, Population Growth for the Islamic Republic of Iran reached a record high of 4.13505 in January of 1983 and a record low of 0.83103 in January of 2021. Trading Economics provides the current actual value, an historical data chart and related indicators for Population Growth for the Islamic Republic of Iran - last updated from the United States Federal Reserve on September of 2025.

Subscribers can find out export and import data of 23 countries by HS code or product’s name. This demo is helpful for market analysis.

New York Stock Exchange: Index: MSCI US Islamic Index data was reported at 2,709.078 NA in Apr 2025. This records a decrease from the previous number of 2,713.766 NA for Mar 2025. New York Stock Exchange: Index: MSCI US Islamic Index data is updated monthly, averaging 1,674.258 NA from Jan 2012 (Median) to Apr 2025, with 160 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 3,035.669 NA in Nov 2024 and a record low of 983.540 NA in May 2012. New York Stock Exchange: Index: MSCI US Islamic Index data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Exchange Data International Limited. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.EDI.SE: New York Stock Exchange: MSCI: Monthly.