In December 2006, Environics Research conducted a major national survey of Muslims and multiculturalism in Canada, as part of its ongoing syndicated FOCUS CANADA research program. The focus of this research is on the presence and experience of Muslims in this country, and draws direct comparisons with similar research conducted in 13 other countries by the Pew Research Center (many of the same research questions were used to provide for direct country-to-country comparisons). The Pew research included Muslim over-samples in Great Britain, France, Germany and Spain. Some of the topics covered in this research: General attitudes about immigration in Canada, personal contact with different ethnic groups (including Muslims), perceived discrimination against ethnic groups, general attitudes towards Muslims, concerns about Muslims and terrorism, Islamic identity and extremism among Muslims, integration of Muslims and other ethnic minorities into Canadian society, Canadian foreign policy and the mission in Afghanistan Muslims, experience of being Muslim in Canada, concern about the future of Muslims in Canada, self-identification within the Muslim community, the role and rights of women in ethnic communities, Islamic identity and extremism among Muslims, integration of Muslims and other ethnic minorities into Canadian society, Canadian foreign policy and the mission in Afghanistan. Please note, the cases in this dataset are comprised only of Muslim respondents.

The aim of the EURISLAM research project is to provide a systematic analysis of cross-national differences and similarities in countries’ approaches to the cultural integration of immigrants in general and Muslims in particular. The countries studied in the research project are Belgium, France, Germany, The Netherlands, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. The core research question can be formulated as follows: ‘How have different traditions of national identity, citizenship and church-state relations affected European immigration countries’ incorporation of Islam, and what are the consequences of these approaches for patterns of cultural distance and interaction between Muslim immigrants and their descendants, and the receiving society?’ In order to answer this question, policy differences are related to cross-national variation in cultural distance and interaction between Muslims and the receiving society population. Three more specific research questions have been designed which are the focus in 7 different Work packages of the EURISLAM research project. The different methodologies used in the Work packages are later combined in the research project, allowing for a triangulation of research findings and a combination of quantitative and qualitative insights.

In Work package 3 of the EURISLAM project a survey questionnaire has been developed which enabled a study of the individual characteristics of Muslim immigrants. This survey is designed to answer one of the three specific research questions used in this project: ‘To what extent do we find differences across immigration countries in cultural distance and patterns of interaction between various Muslim immigrant groups and the receiving society population?’ On the one hand, we focussed on attitudes, norms, and values, particularly those relating to democratic norms, gender relations and family values, ethnic, religious, and receiving society identification, and attitudes towards relations across ethnic and religious boundaries. On the other hand, the study looked at cultural and religious resources and practices, such as language proficiency, adherence to various religious practices (e.g., attendance of religious services or wearing of a headscarf), interethnic and interreligious partnerships and marriages, the frequency and quality of interethnic and interreligious relationships with neighbours, friends, and colleagues, and memberships in social and political organisations of the own ethnic and religious group as well as of the receiving society. Both types of questions have been asked – of course where relevant in an adapted format – with regard to members of the dominant ethnic group of the receiving society, because, obviously, cultural distance and interactions are determined by the perceptions, attitude, and practices at both ends of the relationship. All these variables were gathered by way of a survey in each of the countries of a number of selected Muslim immigrant groups, as well as a sample of receiving society ethnics. The data of this survey is now published together with a Codebook.

In the revised edition of the codebook new information is added on the religion group variables in Block 3. In retrospect ambiguity appeared in the survey questionnaire specifically in the religion questions which (may) imply missing values for respondents of the ‘Atheist/agnostic/Do not belong to any denomination’ religious faith denomination group. These missing values may lead to distortions when using variables of the religion group. More details on this issue can be found on page 16 (3.2 Information on religion variables) of the revised codebook.

Specific information on the project duration has been added on page 8 (1.3 Project Duration) of the revised codebook.

The EURISLAM Dataset Survey-data published on October 6, 2015 has not been revised.

In the last few years, a wave of Islamist-related terrorist attacks took place in Western Europe, mainly in France and Belgium but with relevant episodes also in the United Kingdom whereas so far Italy did not suffer any attack of this kind. Each of these countries hosts a large number of Muslim immigrants and communities, participated in military missions in the Middle East, and has been repeatedly threatened by ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) or other Islamist-related radical groups. What then explains the difference in the number and intensity of Islamist-related terrorist attacks in Western European countries? Using qualitative cross-case comparison case studies and relying on the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) and the Association of Religion Data Archive (ARDA), I argue that countries directly discriminating toward Islamic communities are more likely to suffer these kinds of attacks because this discrimination causes grievances against the host state within the discriminated minority. This effect is higher in the presence of religious and cultural networks where these grievances can be brought at the center of the public debate and be connected together because of the presence of large audiences, resulting in the possible development of more radicalized positions of small portions of the discriminated community. This is particularly true for highly secular states like France, where the interpretation of secularism makes accommodation for religious minorities extremely challenging, also resulting in laws that regulate religious behavior of minorities, therefore increasing outrage and frustration of the minority group.