The latest population figures produced by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) on 28 June 2018 show that an estimated 534,800 people live in Bradford District – an increase of 2,300 people (0.4%) since the previous year.

Bradford District is the fifth largest metropolitan district (in terms of population) in England, after Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield and Manchester although the District’s population growth is lower than other major cities.

The increase in the District’s population is largely due to “natural change”- there have been around 3,300 more births than deaths, although this has been balanced by a larger number of people leaving Bradford to live in other parts of the UK than coming to live here and a lower number of international migrants. In 2016/17 the net internal migration was -2,700 and the net international migration was 1,700.

A large proportion of Bradford’s population is dominated by the younger age groups. More than one-quarter (29%) of the District’s population is aged less than 20 and nearly seven in ten people are aged less than 50. Bradford has the highest percentage of the under 16 population in England after the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham, Slough Borough Council and Luton Borough Council.

The population of Bradford is ethnically diverse. The largest proportion of the district’s population (63.9%) identifies themselves as White British. The district has the largest proportion of people of Pakistani ethnic origin (20.3%) in England.

The largest religious group in Bradford is Christian (45.9% of the population). Nearly one quarter of the population (24.7%) are Muslim. Just over one fifth of the district’s population (20.7%) stated that they had no religion.

There are 216,813 households in the Bradford district. Most households own their own home (29.3% outright and 35.7% with a mortgage). The percentage of privately rented households is 18.1%. 29.6% of households were single person households.

Information from the Annual Population Survey in December 2017 found that Bradford has 228,100 people aged 16-64 in employment. At 68% this is significantly lower than the national rate (74.9%). 91,100 (around 1 in 3 people) aged 16-64, are not in work. The claimant count rate is 2.9% which is higher than the regional and national averages.

Skill levels are improving with 26.5% of 16 to 74 year olds educated to degree level. 18% of the district’s employed residents work in retail/wholesale. The percentage of people working in manufacturing has continued to decrease from 13.4% in 2009 to 11.9% in 2016. This is still higher than the average for Great Britain (8.1%).

Ethnicity pay gap estimates for 2018 across different ethnicity breakdowns using the Annual Population Survey.

This dataset represents ethnic group (19 tick-box level) by highest level qualification, for England and Wales combined. The data are also broken down by age and by sex.

The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity, or physical appearance. Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.

Total counts for some population groups may not match between published tables. This is to protect the confidentiality of individuals' data. Population counts have been rounded to the nearest 5 and any counts below 10 are suppressed, this is signified by a 'c' in the data tables.

"Asian Welsh" and "Black Welsh" ethnic groups were included on the census questionnaire in Wales only, these categories were new for 2021.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021. This dataset shows population counts for usual residents aged 16+ Some people aged 16 years old will not have completed key stage 4 yet on census day, and so did not have the opportunity to record any qualifications on the census.

These estimates are not comparable to Department of Education figures on highest level of attainment because they include qualifications obtained outside England and Wales.

For quality information in general, please read more from here.

Ethnic Group (19 tick-box level)

These are the 19 ethnic group used in this dataset:

• Asian, Asian British or Asian Welsh
  • Bangladeshi
  • Chinese
  • Indian
  • Pakistani
  • Other Asian
• Black, Black British, Black Welsh, Caribbean or African
  • African
  • Caribbean
  • Other Black
• Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
  • White and Asian
  • White and Black African
  • White and Black Caribbean
  • Other Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
• White
  • English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or British
  • Gypsy or Irish Traveller
  • Irish
  • Roma
  • Other White
• Other ethnic group
  • Arab
  • Any other ethnic group

No qualifications

No qualifications

Level 1

Level 1 and entry level qualifications: 1 to 4 GCSEs grade A* to C , Any GCSEs at other grades, O levels or CSEs (any grades), 1 AS level, NVQ level 1, Foundation GNVQ, Basic or Essential Skills

Level 2

5 or more GCSEs (A* to C or 9 to 4), O levels (passes), CSEs (grade 1), School Certification, 1 A level, 2 to 3 AS levels, VCEs, Intermediate or Higher Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Intermediate Diploma, NVQ level 2, Intermediate GNVQ, City and Guilds Craft, BTEC First or General Diploma, RSA Diploma

Apprenticeship

Apprenticeship

Level 3

2 or more A levels or VCEs, 4 or more AS levels, Higher School Certificate, Progression or Advanced Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Advance Diploma, NVQ level 3; Advanced GNVQ, City and Guilds Advanced Craft, ONC, OND, BTEC National, RSA Advanced Diploma

Level 4 +

Degree (BA, BSc), higher degree (MA, PhD, PGCE), NVQ level 4 to 5, HNC, HND, RSA Higher Diploma, BTEC Higher level, professional qualifications (for example, teaching, nursing, accountancy)

Other

Vocational or work-related qualifications, other qualifications achieved in England or Wales, qualifications achieved outside England or Wales (equivalent not stated or unknown)

This data collection consists of semi-structured interviews designed to cover processes in five domains of integration (social, cultural, structural, civic and political, identity) with sections on life before and after marriage. The data deposited consists of the transcripts of the recorded semi-structured interviews with British Pakistani Muslim and British Indian Sikh spouses, and migrant Pakistani Muslim and migrant Indian Sikh spouses. This research explored the relationships between marriage migration and integration, focusing on the two largest UK ethnic groups involved in transnational marriages with partners from their parents’ or grandparents’ countries of origin: British Pakistani Muslims and British Indian Sikhs. Spouses constitute the largest category of migrant settlement in the UK. In Britain, as elsewhere in Europe, concern is increasingly expressed over the implications of marriage-related migration for integration. In some ethnic minority groups, significant numbers of children and grandchildren of former immigrants continue to marry partners from their ancestral homelands. Such marriages are presented as particularly problematic: a 'first generation' of spouses in every generation may inhibit processes of individual and group integration, impeding socio-economic participation and cultural change. New immigration restrictions likely to impact particularly on such groups have thus been justified on the grounds of promoting integration. The evidence base to underpin this concern is, however, surprisingly limited, and characterised by differing and often partial understandings of the contested and politicised concept of integration. This project combined analysis of relevant quantitative data sets, with qualitative research with the two largest ethnic groups involved (Indian Sikhs and Pakistani Muslims), to compare transnational ‘homeland’ marriages with intra-ethnic marriages within the UK. These findings will enhance understanding of the relationships between marriage-related migration and the complex processes glossed as integration, providing much needed new grounding for both policy and academic debates. The project employed mixed methods: analysis of existing survey data, semi-structured interviews, and focus groups. Data was collected between October 2013 and March 2015. Interview participants were recruited in Bradford, the Midlands, Bristol, Leeds and London.

Abstract

The Born in Bradford study is tracking the health and wellbeing of over 13,500 children, and their parents born at Bradford Royal Infirmary between March 2007 and December 2010.

Documentation

Born in Bradford is a prospective pregnancy and birth cohort established to examine how genetic, nutritional, environmental, behavioral and social factors affect health and development during childhood, and subsequently adult life, in a deprived multi-ethnic population. It was developed in close consultation with local communities, clinicians and policy makers with commitment from the outset to undertake research that would both inform interventions to improve health in the city and generate robust science relevant to similar communities in the UK and across the world. Between 2007 and 2011 information on a wide range of characteristics were collected from 12,453 women (and 3,356 partners) who experienced 13,778 pregnancies and delivered 13,818 live births.

Source

Notes

Data Presentation: Born in Bradford Data

Born in Bradford Data Dictionary

Born in Bradford has a number of unique strengths: a) Composition. Half of all the families recruited are living in the UK’s most deprived wards, and 45% are of Pakistani origin. Half of Pakistani-origin mothers and fathers were born outside the UK and over half are related to their partner. This combination enhances the opportunity to study the interplay of deprivation, ethnicity, migration and cultural characteristics and their relationship to social, economic and health outcomes research relevant to many communities across the world.

b) Rich characterization. Detailed information has been collected from parents about demographic, economic, lifestyle, cultural, medical and health factors. Pregnancy oral glucose tolerance tests (OGTT), have been completed in 85% of the cohort and in combination with repeat fetal ultrasound data and subsequent follow-up growth and adiposity (repeat skinfolds, weight and height from birth to current age) will enable BiB uniquely to explore ethnic differences in body composition trajectories through infancy and childhood.

c) Genetic and biomarker data. Maternal, neonatal and follow-up child blood samples have provided biomarker measures of adiposity and immunity, together with stored samples, for which funding has been secured, to assess targeted NMR metabolites in maternal pregnancy fasting samples, cord-blood and infant samples taken at 12-24 months. Genome wide data is available for 9000+ mothers and 8000+ children and funding has been secured for DNA methylation of 1000 mother-child pairs. Our BiB biobank contains 200,000 stored samples.

d) System-wide coverage. The study has successfully linked primary and secondary care, radiology, laboratory and local authority data. This successful data linkage to routine health and education data will allow life-time follow up of clinical outcomes for BiB children and their parents, and educational attainment for children.

e) Community involvement. Close links with members of the public and particularly with cohort members allow the co-production of research in terms of the identification of research questions, monitoring the demands research makes on participants and discussion of the implementation of findings. The study has strong community roots and city-wide support.

Full details of the cohort and related publications can be found on the website

Patient characteristics Children born in the city of Bradford Claims years: 2007-2011 12,453 women with 13,776 pregnancies and 3,448 of their partners Cord blood samples have been obtained and stored and DNA extraction on 10,000 mother\offspring pairs. Sex: Adults: 12,453 women, 3,448 males

Application

If you are interested in working with these data, the application packet, with examples, can be found here: Born in Bradford Application Packet

This dataset represents ethnic group (19 tick-box level) by economic activity status and by occupation, for England and Wales combined. The census data are also broken down by age and by sex for each subtopic.

The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity, or physical appearance. Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.

Total counts for some population groups may not match between published tables. This is to protect the confidentiality of individuals' data. Population counts have been rounded to the nearest 5 and any counts below 10 are suppressed, this is signified by a 'c' in the data tables.

This dataset shows population counts for usual residents aged between 16 to 64 years old only. This is to focus on ethnic groups differences among the working age. Population counts in these tables may be different from other publications which use different age breakdowns.

"Asian Welsh" and "Black Welsh" ethnic groups were included on the census questionnaire in Wales only, these categories were new for 2021.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.

For quality information in general, please read more from here.

For specific quality information about labour market, please read more from here

Ocupation counts classifiy people who were in employment between 15 March and 21 March 2021, by the SOC code that represents their current occupation. (Occupation is classified using the Standard Occupation Classification 2020 version). Details of SOC code can be found here.

Ethnic Group (19 tick-box level)

These are the 19 ethnic group used in this dataset:

• Asian, Asian British or Asian Welsh
  • Bangladeshi
  • Chinese
  • Indian
  • Pakistani
  • Other Asian
• Black, Black British, Black Welsh, Caribbean or African
  • African
  • Caribbean
  • Other Black
• Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
  • White and Asian
  • White and Black African
  • White and Black Caribbean
  • Other Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
• White
  • English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or British
  • Gypsy or Irish Traveller
  • Irish
  • Roma
  • Other White
• Other ethnic group
  • Arab
  • Any other ethnic group

These data are modelled using the OMOP Common Data Model v5.3.Correlated Data SourceNG tube vocabulariesGeneration RulesThe patient’s age should be between 18 and 100 at the moment of the visit.Ethnicity data is using 2021 census data in England and Wales (Census in England and Wales 2021) .Gender is equally distributed between Male and Female (50% each).Every person in the record has a link in procedure_occurrence with the concept “Checking the position of nasogastric tube using X-ray”2% of person records have a link in procedure_occurrence with the concept of “Plain chest X-ray”60% of visit_occurrence has visit concept “Inpatient Visit”, while 40% have “Emergency Room Visit”NotesVersion 0Generated by man-made rule/story generatorStructural correct, all tables linked with the relationshipWe used national ethnicity data to generate a realistic distribution (see below)2011 Race Census figure in England and WalesEthnic Group : Population(%)Asian or Asian British: Bangladeshi - 1.1Asian or Asian British: Chinese - 0.7Asian or Asian British: Indian - 3.1Asian or Asian British: Pakistani - 2.7Asian or Asian British: any other Asian background -1.6Black or African or Caribbean or Black British: African - 2.5Black or African or Caribbean or Black British: Caribbean - 1Black or African or Caribbean or Black British: other Black or African or Caribbean background - 0.5Mixed multiple ethnic groups: White and Asian - 0.8Mixed multiple ethnic groups: White and Black African - 0.4Mixed multiple ethnic groups: White and Black Caribbean - 0.9Mixed multiple ethnic groups: any other Mixed or multiple ethnic background - 0.8White: English or Welsh or Scottish or Northern Irish or British - 74.4White: Irish - 0.9White: Gypsy or Irish Traveller - 0.1White: any other White background - 6.4Other ethnic group: any other ethnic group - 1.6Other ethnic group: Arab - 0.6

In this 2 phase study, 100 individual birth histories will be collected in order to situate infertility within the full range of fertility experiences among British Pakistanis. Secondly, in-depth interviews and life histories with 30-40 individuals who are seeking or who have recently used fertility treatment will enable detailed exploration of how people negotiate their quest for a child. Within this group careful attention will be paid to discourses of religion and science, understandings of the body, and meanings of marriage, kinship and family life. Interviews will also be conducted with community/religious leaders and health workers. In this study, ethnographic and interview-based research will be carried out into the impacts of infertility on the lives of British Pakistanis Moslems. Infertility carries particular stigma among this group; it can alter identities and affect family/social relationships. One of the main aims of the project is to understand the changing meanings of infertility in the context of changing patterns of family and kinship more generally in the UK. A key element of the study is its focus on the new reproductive technologies and the consequences that their increasing availability has for this community. The objectives of the research were as follows: (1) to understand how infertility of various kinds and degrees is situated within the full range of experiences of family formation among British Pakistanis; (2) to identify the personal and social implications of involuntary childlessness for Pakistanis living in Britain at the present time; (3) to describe the various response that members of the community have to this condition; (4) to investigate the ways in which British Pakistanis are engaging with possibilities for treatment that are offered by NRTs; (5) to explore the ethical and religious discourses that currently surround NRTs which enable and facilitate the ethical accommodation of some practices and the rejection of others; (6) to canvass the views of medical professionals performing treatments for British Pakistani Muslim couples facing fertility problems; (7) to use the data and analysis produced to inform policy and practice, and particularly as these relate to the development of culturally appropriate interventions and treatment among ethnic minority groups. Data collection methods included: (1)in-depth semi-structured life face to face interviews; (2) in-depth semi-structured telephone interviews; (3)focus group; (4) participant –observation in an IVF clinic in an NHS hospital. The sample size include: (i) 86 British Pakistani Muslim men and women living on Teesside (from a range of ages, including married, divorced, and unmarried people, those with children and those voluntarily and involuntarily childless); (ii)1 group of British Asian women attending an English class on Teesside; (iii)17 British Pakistani Muslim women or couples recruited on the basis of current previous treatment for fertility problems; (iv) 8 health or social care professionals (1 social worker, 1, GP, 2 consultants in reproductive medicine, 1 nurse, 2 embryologists, 1 infertility counsellor).

Context

Do you know that Pakistan is the second most dangerous country in the world to be a politician or to run the elections? Thirty politicians have been killed in fifty-one attacks in last 70 years, and the trend does not seem to change its trajectory. Out of those participating in these political rallies, 734 got killed and 1,752 were injured.

It all started with the assassination of the first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan on October 16, 1951. Hayat Sherpao, General Zia-ul-Haq, Siddiq Khan Kanju, Hakim Muhammad Saeed, Azam Tariq, Imran Farooq, Iqbal Masih, Shahzad Bhatti, Salman Taseer, Bashir Bilour, Abdul Raziq Bugti, Bungal Bugti, Benazir Bhutto and most recently Haroon Bilour and Siraj Raisani were added to the list of assassinated Pakistani politicians. There were a few failed attempts too, for example, Pervez Musharraf survived four while MQM’s Izhar-ul-hassan and Rashid Godil escaped one assassination attempts each. Moreover, I am not counting assassinations carried out by state-actors like for Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Akbar Bugti, Murtaza Bhutto and Shahnawaz Bhutto.
Mexico comes at first place with 133 politicians killed, Russia comes third with 33 and India comes at fourth place with 23 – Mahatma Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Partab Singh, Phoolan Devi and Pramod Mahajan are few notable ones. The list includes 1 prime minister, 2 opposition leaders, 3 home ministers and 2 chief ministers.

There is also an old recipe of using violence and killings as an apparatus for election delays, maneuvers and control. The history of elections and the violence go hand in hand – 92 people getting killed in Kenya’s election or 31 in Honduras, 80 candidates in Mexico or 11 in Assam, India, or even 74 in Pakistan’s last elections.

The deadly cycle of violence has already started for this election. Haroon Bilour of Awami National Party (ANP) got killed with 20 others and 65 wounded in a suicide bombing attack in Peshawar. 149 got killed, and 186 left injured in a deadly suicide bombing attack on BAP’s leader Siraj Raisani. Four people died, and 10 got injured after an explosion near JUI-F’s Akram Durrani rally in Bannu. And former senator and ANP leader Daud Achakzai got injured in a firing incident at Qilla Abdullah, Baluchistan. Total tally comes to 174 dead, and 262 injured so far, making it one of the deadliest elections in Pakistan. Mastung blast is the second most lethal terrorist attack in the history of Pakistan with 149 dead, 139 people died in 2007 attack on Benazir Bhutto in Karachi, and 150 killed in the APS attack in Peshawar in 2014.

Content

The dataset contains the following fields:

Serial No, Politicians Name, Day, Date, Day Type, Time, City, Province, Location, Location Type, Latitude, Longitude, Party Name, Number of people killed and Injured and Target Status (Survived or Dead).

Acknowledgements

The dataset should be referenced as “Zeeshan-ul-hassan Usmani, Shams-ul-Arfeen, Sana Rasheed, Assassination of Pakistan’s Politicians (1951-2018), Kaggle, July 16, 2018.

Inspiration

Here is the list of ideas we are working on and like you to help. Please post your kernels and analysis

1. Help us improve the dataset and list the missing incidents with details (if any). You can do so by uploading a new version of the dataset or contacting us

2. See how these incidents have influence voter’s turn out in respective and adjacent constituencies. You can link our Pakistan Elections Dataset for analysis

3. Find out if killing the politician would help opponents win the election?

4. Plot if visually on Pakistan’s map as we have provided long-lat information

5. Compare the numbers with other countries

6. Historically, find out which constituencies are dangerous with a heat map and see if we can predict the location of next violence

7. Rank the parties based on the number of attacks and killings

8. What day or time is the deadliest

9. Any other pattern you can see or visualize

10. Any other dataset suggestion we should combine with this dataset

11. Surprise Me!

This data is derived from the Maternity Indicators dataset which is provided to the Welsh Government by Digital Health and Care Wales (DHCW). The Maternity Indicators dataset was established in 2016. It combines records from a mother’s initial assessment with a child’s birth record and enabled Welsh Government to monitor its initial set of outcome indicators and performance measures (Maternity Indicators) which were established to measure the effectiveness and quality of Welsh maternity services. The Maternity Indicators dataset allows us to analyse characteristics of the mother’s pregnancy and birth process. The process for producing this data extract is complex largely because there can be multiple initial assessment data and records for both initial assessments and births are not always complete. Full details of every data item available in the Maternity Indicators dataset are available through the NHS Wales Data Dictionary: http://www.datadictionary.wales.nhs.uk/#!WordDocuments/datasetstructure20.htm The mode of birth relates to how the baby was delivered and is often different to the mode of onset of labour. There are three modes of birth recorded in the MI ds and they are defined as: caesarean section: elective and emergency caesarean section deliveries; instrumental: forceps cephalic deliveries and ventouse (vacuum) deliveries; and spontaneous vaginal: baby born by maternal effort. The data dictionary also defines how ethnic groups are classified, namely: White (any white background); Asian (Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Indian, any other Asian background); Mixed/multiple (white and Asian, white and black African, white and black Caribbean, any other mixed background); Other (any other ethnic group); Black (African, Caribbean, any other black background).

Data from the 2001 census suggest that rates of single parenthood and divorce among British Asian populations are on the rise, but the statistics do not offer insights into the underlying dynamics. This project aims to produce new empirical data on the causes, processes and consequences of marital instability and divorce among two major British Asian populations: Pakistani Muslims and Punjabi Sikhs. Whilst a large proportion of both groups marry partners from overseas, they differ in marriage patterns and religion. The project will explore whether such differences shape patterns of marital instability, or whether cross-cutting factors such as class, gender dynamics and life stage are more significant. The Principal Investigator will conduct repeated interviews with Pakistani Muslim and Punjabi Sikh couples who have experienced divorce within the last three years. Intended outputs will help inform questions concerning legal pluralism and diversity in social welfare, reorient debates about conservatism and transnational marriage in British Asian families, and engage with theory concerning the family. Ethical approval has been granted by the Central University Research Ethics Committee of Oxford University.

These statistics are derived from the National Community Child Health Database (NCCHD). This data source is provided to the Welsh Government by Digital Health and Care Wales (DHCW). The NCCHD was established in 2004 and consists of anonymised records for all children born, resident or treated in Wales and born after 1987. The database brings together data from local Community Child Health System databases which are held by local health boards (LHBs), and its main function is to provide an online record of a child’s health and care from birth to leaving school age. The statistics used in this release are based on the data recorded at birth and shortly after birth. Full details of every data item available on both the Maternity Indicators dataset and National Community Child Health Database are available through the NHS Wales Data Dictionary: http://www.datadictionary.wales.nhs.uk/#!WordDocuments/datasetstructure20.htm Live births can be recorded as singletons (one baby born), or multiples (twins, triplets or more babies born). The data dictionary also defines how ethnic groups are classified, namely: White (any white background); Asian (Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Indian, any other Asian background); Mixed/multiple (white and Asian, white and black African, white and black Caribbean, any other mixed background); Other (any other ethnic group); Black (African, Caribbean, any other black background).

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. This mixed method study uses focus groups, a national random survey, and follow-up household interviews to explore the relationships between cultural capital and a range of social position indicators relating to occupational class, gender, age, ethnicity, and location. The survey was also administered to an ethnic boost sample to allow exploration of these questions among the UK’s three largest minority ethnic groups: the Indian, Pakistani and Afro-Caribbean. In recent years there has been increasing interest in how cultural processes are related to social inequalities and associated forms of social exclusion. Significant social variations have been documented in participation in diverse cultural practices such as attending cinema, theatre, museums and art galleries, food consumption, television viewing and so forth. However, there have been no systematic attempts in Britain to provide a comprehensive account of the distribution of diverse cultural practices by socio-economic location, and to show how such practices are related to cultural knowledge and taste. This project was designed to explore the extent to which the concept of cultural capital derived from the work of Pierre Bourdieu, and as elaborated and qualified in the subsequent literature, might provide a satisfactory account of the relations between, and relative influence of, the economic, social and cultural aspects of social exclusion in contemporary Britain. This involved the pursuit of three subsidiary aims concerning (i) the nature of cultural capital, focusing on the relationship between cultural participation, cultural knowledge, and cultural taste; (ii) the relative weight of cultural capital in comparison with economic and social capital in accounting for differences in social and cultural participation; and (iii) the extent to which the concept of cultural capital provides an adequate theoretical basis for the development of cultural policies designed to offset and mitigate the effects of social exclusion. Further information about the study can be found on the ESRC Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion: A Critical Investigation award webpage and the project web page. Main Topics: A number of different cultural tastes and practices are considered such as:television viewing habits and preferencesfilm preferences and cinema goingreading tastes and practicesmusical tastesvisual art preferencessport (as both participants and spectators)eating out and culinary preferencesgeneral recreation and leisureIn addition, a lot of demographic data and information on social attitudes are collected. Multi-stage stratified random sample Follow up interviews with 29 respondents and 15 partners were conducted. Face-to-face interview Focus group

In the course of this project, we have conducted several studies that allowed us to collect a variety of unique data, which we describe in further detail below. (1) A diary study with the aim to obtain data about the frequency, intensity and location of positive and negative contact experiences and to, furthermore, investigate the effects of personality variables (e.g., RWA and SDO), perceived norms and contextual predictors on these daily positive and negative contact experiences. The 13-day diary study was conducted by an external survey company (Ipsos MORI). Respondents were N = 780 majority (White British) and N = 605 minority (British Asians) respondents, purposely sampled from ethnically mixed neighbourhoods (Lower Super Output Areas, LSOA). The core of this diary study was a daily report of the frequency of overall, positive, and negative intergroup contact, with open answers to provide information about qualitative aspects of the most memorable positive and negative contact experience for each day. As planned, we also run a pre-test and a post-test survey. Regarding the latter, we asked half of the sample 2 weeks and half of the sample 6 weeks after the diary study to recall positive and negative contact experiences. (2) The two-wave longitudinal survey is, to our knowledge, the first longitudinal dataset including positive and negative contact experiences as well as the theoretically most important moderators and mediators in this respect. The main focus of this study was to test the longitudinal effects of and interactions between positive and negative intergroup contact. The survey was conducted in line with the proposed planning by an external survey company (Ipsos MORI), which used a face-to-face random location quota approach. Respondents were sampled from diverse areas with a mix of White British and Asian British (of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi heritage) residents as well as low, medium, and high levels of deprivation. In line with our estimated number of participants, White British (n = 1520) and Asian British participants (n = 1474) from 290 neighborhoods were recruited and longitudinally followed. (3) The main aim of the school social network study was to obtain social network measures of contact between adolescents in schools, and to examine the co-development of adolescents’ social networks and outgroup attitudes over time. We have collected five waves of data over the academic year 2017-2018 in year 2 (Wave 1: 10/2017, Wave 2: 11/2017, Wave 3: 02/2018, Wave 4: 03/2018, & Wave 5: 05/2018). Respondents were N = 1328 students (aged 11-14) nested in six year-group networks in two schools in North West England. As this study focused on relations between White British and Asian British individuals, the final analytic sample included N = 1170 students (n = 341 White British & n = 829 Asian British). Students completed identical surveys at each of the five waves, which contained four social network measures (friendship, bullying, positive contact, & negative contact), and a range of self-reported measures (e.g., outgroup attitudes). Although positive intergroup contact has been shown to reduce prejudice, negative contact has the potential to worsen intergroup relations. The efficacy of intergroup contact hence has policy implications for wider debates about diversity, multiculturalism, and social conflict; but doubt has recently been cast on its potential in applied settings because whilst contact can be positive (e.g., having outgroup friends) it can also be negative (e.g., being bullied by an ethnic outgroup member). Moreover, diverse settings (e.g., schools, neighbourhoods) could potentially have unintended consequences of actually increasing prejudice because they may expose people to greater frequency of both positive and negative contact (which may undermine positive effects of contact). Yet little is known about the combined effects of positive and negative contact, and the consequences for increasingly diverse nations and communities. Using a variety of different methodological approaches, and testing participants in UK, GER and NL (where in each case majority group members interact with a different set of minority groups) we test the claim that negative contact exerts stronger effects on various outcomes than positive contact. In a series of studies involving both ethnic majority and minority participants, and using different methodological paradigms (diary, experimental, longitudinal survey, and social network studies), we seek to test three hypotheses that emerge from a critical reading of the relevant literature: buffering (i.e., positive contact weakens any negative effect of negative contact), augmentation (i.e., negative contact augments the impact of positive contact, because it contrasts the positive with the negative contact), and poisoning (i.e., negative contact reduces the impact of positive contact) effects. Finally, we use the cumulative knowledge of the project to test and seek to improve a large-scale social intervention, which is premised on promoting positive contact, but that has ignored any possible role for negative contact. This research further examines how and when positive and negative contact have their joint effects. They may have their impact, for example, via category salience (when contact is negative, categories are more salient). And the effect of positive vs negative contact on category salience may be qualified by various 'psychological' and 'social' factors. Among key psychological moderators, we will explore the order in which positive and negative contact are experienced (are outcomes worse when initial contact is negative?), and the intensity and consistency of the (positive or negative; are outcomes worst when one instance of negative contact follows another?). Among more 'social' factors, we will explore the impact of social norms. (1) Diary Study: 13-day diary study, conducted by an external survey company (Ipsos MORI), plus pre- and post test. Respondents were purposely sampled from ethnically mixed neighbourhoods. (2) Longitudinal Survey: Conducted by an external survey company (Ipsos MORI), which used a face-to-face random location quota approach. Respondents were sampled from diverse areas with a mix of White British and Asian British (of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi heritage) residents as well as low, medium, and high levels of deprivation. (3) School Network Study: We have collected five waves of data over the academic year 2017-2018 (Wave 1: 10/2017, Wave 2: 11/2017, Wave 3: 02/2018, Wave 4: 03/2018, & Wave 5: 05/2018). Respondents were nested in six year-group networks in two schools in North West England. Students completed identical surveys at each of the five waves, which contained four social network measures (friendship, bullying, positive and negative contact), and a range of self-reported measures (e.g., outgroup attitudes).