THIS DATASET WAS LAST UPDATED AT 8:10 AM EASTERN ON AUG. 23

OVERVIEW

2019 had the most mass killings since at least the 1970s, according to the Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings Database.

In all, there were 45 mass killings, defined as when four or more people are killed excluding the perpetrator. Of those, 33 were mass shootings . This summer was especially violent, with three high-profile public mass shootings occurring in the span of just four weeks, leaving 38 killed and 66 injured.

A total of 229 people died in mass killings in 2019.

The AP's analysis found that more than 50% of the incidents were family annihilations, which is similar to prior years. Although they are far less common, the 9 public mass shootings during the year were the most deadly type of mass murder, resulting in 73 people's deaths, not including the assailants.

One-third of the offenders died at the scene of the killing or soon after, half from suicides.

About this Dataset

The Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings database tracks all U.S. homicides since 2006 involving four or more people killed (not including the offender) over a short period of time (24 hours) regardless of weapon, location, victim-offender relationship or motive. The database includes information on these and other characteristics concerning the incidents, offenders, and victims.

The AP/USA TODAY/Northeastern database represents the most complete tracking of mass murders by the above definition currently available. Other efforts, such as the Gun Violence Archive or Everytown for Gun Safety may include events that do not meet our criteria, but a review of these sites and others indicates that this database contains every event that matches the definition, including some not tracked by other organizations.

This data will be updated periodically and can be used as an ongoing resource to help cover these events.

Using this Dataset

To get basic counts of incidents of mass killings and mass shootings by year nationwide, use these queries:

Mass killings by year

Mass shootings by year

To get these counts just for your state:

Filter killings by state

Definition of "mass murder"

Mass murder is defined as the intentional killing of four or more victims by any means within a 24-hour period, excluding the deaths of unborn children and the offender(s). The standard of four or more dead was initially set by the FBI.

This definition does not exclude cases based on method (e.g., shootings only), type or motivation (e.g., public only), victim-offender relationship (e.g., strangers only), or number of locations (e.g., one). The time frame of 24 hours was chosen to eliminate conflation with spree killers, who kill multiple victims in quick succession in different locations or incidents, and to satisfy the traditional requirement of occurring in a “single incident.”

Offenders who commit mass murder during a spree (before or after committing additional homicides) are included in the database, and all victims within seven days of the mass murder are included in the victim count. Negligent homicides related to driving under the influence or accidental fires are excluded due to the lack of offender intent. Only incidents occurring within the 50 states and Washington D.C. are considered.

Methodology

Project researchers first identified potential incidents using the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR). Homicide incidents in the SHR were flagged as potential mass murder cases if four or more victims were reported on the same record, and the type of death was murder or non-negligent manslaughter.

Cases were subsequently verified utilizing media accounts, court documents, academic journal articles, books, and local law enforcement records obtained through Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests. Each data point was corroborated by multiple sources, which were compiled into a single document to assess the quality of information.

In case(s) of contradiction among sources, official law enforcement or court records were used, when available, followed by the most recent media or academic source.

Case information was subsequently compared with every other known mass murder database to ensure reliability and validity. Incidents listed in the SHR that could not be independently verified were excluded from the database.

Project researchers also conducted extensive searches for incidents not reported in the SHR during the time period, utilizing internet search engines, Lexis-Nexis, and Newspapers.com. Search terms include: [number] dead, [number] killed, [number] slain, [number] murdered, [number] homicide, mass murder, mass shooting, massacre, rampage, family killing, familicide, and arson murder. Offender, victim, and location names were also directly searched when available.

This project started at USA TODAY in 2012.

Contacts

Contact AP Data Editor Justin Myers with questions, suggestions or comments about this dataset at jmyers@ap.org. The Northeastern University researcher working with AP and USA TODAY is Professor James Alan Fox, who can be reached at j.fox@northeastern.edu or 617-416-4400.

Number, percentage and rate (per 100,000 population) of persons accused of homicide, by gender (all genders; male; female; gender unknown) and Indigenous identity (total; Indigenous identity; non-Indigenous identity; unknown Indigenous identity), Canada, provinces and territories, 2014 to 2024.

Number and rate (per 100,000 population) of victims of solved homicides, by gender (all genders; male; female; gender unknown), Indigenous identity (total, homicide victims by Indigenous identity; Indigenous identity; non-Indigenous identity; unknown Indigenous identity) and type of accused-victim relationship, Canada, 2014 to 2024.

Number, percentage and rate (per 100,000 population) of homicide victims, by racialized identity group (total, by racialized identity group; racialized identity group; South Asian; Chinese; Black; Filipino; Arab; Latin American; Southeast Asian; West Asian; Korean; Japanese; other racialized identity group; multiple racialized identity; racialized identity, but racialized identity group is unknown; rest of the population; unknown racialized identity group), gender (all genders; male; female; gender unknown) and region (Canada; Atlantic region; Quebec; Ontario; Prairies region; British Columbia; territories), 2019 to 2024.

United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data was reported at 0.874 Ratio in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 0.776 Ratio for 2015. United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data is updated yearly, averaging 0.825 Ratio from Dec 2005 (Median) to 2016, with 12 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1.115 Ratio in 2007 and a record low of 0.599 Ratio in 2011. United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.World Bank: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides, female are estimates of unlawful female homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.; ; UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.; ;

Nigeria NG: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data was reported at 4.967 Ratio in 2015. Nigeria NG: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data is updated yearly, averaging 4.967 Ratio from Dec 2015 (Median) to 2015, with 1 observations. Nigeria NG: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Nigeria – Table NG.World Bank: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides, female are estimates of unlawful female homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.; ; UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.; ;

This dataset contains counts of deaths for California as a whole based on information entered on death certificates. Final counts are derived from static data and include out-of-state deaths to California residents, whereas provisional counts are derived from incomplete and dynamic data. Provisional counts are based on the records available when the data was retrieved and may not represent all deaths that occurred during the time period. Deaths involving injuries from external or environmental forces, such as accidents, homicide and suicide, often require additional investigation that tends to delay certification of the cause and manner of death. This can result in significant under-reporting of these deaths in provisional data.

The final data tables include both deaths that occurred in California regardless of the place of residence (by occurrence) and deaths to California residents (by residence), whereas the provisional data table only includes deaths that occurred in California regardless of the place of residence (by occurrence). The data are reported as totals, as well as stratified by age, gender, race-ethnicity, and death place type. Deaths due to all causes (ALL) and selected underlying cause of death categories are provided. See temporal coverage for more information on which combinations are available for which years.

The cause of death categories are based solely on the underlying cause of death as coded by the International Classification of Diseases. The underlying cause of death is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as "the disease or injury which initiated the train of events leading directly to death, or the circumstances of the accident or violence which produced the fatal injury." It is a single value assigned to each death based on the details as entered on the death certificate. When more than one cause is listed, the order in which they are listed can affect which cause is coded as the underlying cause. This means that similar events could be coded with different underlying causes of death depending on variations in how they were entered. Consequently, while underlying cause of death provides a convenient comparison between cause of death categories, it may not capture the full impact of each cause of death as it does not always take into account all conditions contributing to the death.

Number and percentage of homicide victims, by type of firearm used to commit the homicide (total firearms; handgun; rifle or shotgun; fully automatic firearm; sawed-off rifle or shotgun; firearm-like weapons; other firearms, type unknown), Canada, 1974 to 2018.

Number of homicide victims and persons accused of homicide, by age group (total all ages; 0 to 11 years; 12 to 17 years; 18 to 24 years; 25 to 29 years; 30 to 39 years; 40 to 49 years; 50 to 59 years; 60 years and over; age unknown) and sex (both sexes; male; female; sex unknown), Canada, 1974 to 2017.

Pakistan PK: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data was reported at 7.527 Ratio in 2015. Pakistan PK: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data is updated yearly, averaging 7.527 Ratio from Dec 2015 (Median) to 2015, with 1 observations. Pakistan PK: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Pakistan – Table PK.World Bank: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides, male are estimates of unlawful male homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.; ; UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.; ;

This project provides a comprehensive dataset on intentional homicides in Mexico from 1990 to 2023, disaggregated by sex and state. It includes both raw data and tools for visualization, making it a valuable resource for researchers, policymakers, and analysts studying violence trends, gender disparities, and regional patterns.ContentsHomicide Data: Total number of male and female victims per state and year.Population Data: Corresponding male and female population estimates for each state and year.Homicide Rates: Per 100,000 inhabitants, calculated for both sexes.Choropleth Map Script: A Python script that generates homicide rate maps using a GeoJSON file.GeoJSON File: A spatial dataset defining Mexico's state boundaries, used for mapping.Sample Figure: A pre-generated homicide rate map for 2023 as an example.Requirements File: A requirements.txt file listing necessary dependencies for running the script.SourcesHomicide Data: INEGI - Vital Statistics MicrodataPopulation Data: Mexican Population Projections 2020-2070This dataset enables spatial analysis and data visualization, helping users explore homicide trends across Mexico in a structured and reproducible way.

Abstract: The play Frankenstein is a theatrical and modern take on the tale of Frankenstein, or, The Modern Prometheus, primarily crafted by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley in the 19th century. The play stages the original story of Viktor Frankenstein, a young scientist who creates a humanoid monster that, for lack of empathy and instinct sublimation, murders his brother and friend. The play alternates with dialogues of a group of non-abled individuals, reflecting on gender, disability, and the relation between nature, culture, and civilization, as well as a possible orchestration of this constellation in Shelley´s original story. The othering of Frankenstein´s Creature is an allegory to the othering of non-abled people. Details: The play begins, the stage is darkened, and six disabled actors gather in a row in front of the set. Presumably, they are Viktor's family; together, they tell of a storm in which lightning struck a tree. In the next cut, the group can be seen, which consists of 11 members. They deliberate upon the message in "Frankenstein" and a possible adaptation, with the women, in particular, arguing for a feminist reading in which the play revolves around a feminist social critique. At the same time, the men assume a "boys-own" adventure. The women cite Shelley's parents, the feminist Marie Wollstonecraft and the anarchist William Godwin, as references. The piece continues. Victor and his family are introduced: his wife, Elizabeth; his father, his mother; brothers Earnest and William; housewife Justine; and his best friend, Henry. After his mother's death, Viktor moves to Ingolstadt for his studies, vowing to overcome death in memory of her. This oath, the will to defeat nature, and his studies' influence drive Viktor to create "Frankenstein's Creature" - a non-living body into which life is breathed. After the Creature escapes, he has a nervous breakdown. It cuts back to the group's discussion, which debates how life can come from nothing. It is agreed that the rest of Frankenstein's soul had lived in other people (men and women) before, but that his consciousness begins at zero. So he is strong, like a full-grown man, but cognitively inexperienced. Thereby partly findings of the psychoanalysis are used: The Creature's being is rudimentary since he lacks civilizing learning experiences such as appropriation by parents and drive suppression. It is stated that Frankenstein's Creature thereby (for that he cannot communicate and looks different) also represents an "other," i.e., is subject to marginalization processes by "normal" society. Henry visits Viktor in Ingolstadt and brings letters from his family, where he learns that his brother William was murdered (by the Creature, as is later revealed). He quickly decides to travel home to Geneva. On the way home, he meets his Creature and learns that William was killed by it. The group discusses whether William's death was Viktor's fault since he created the Creature or if it was a mistake, but one for which he should not bear responsibility. His young age and zeal come into the field, as well as his delusion to tame nature. Reunited with his family, Viktor learns that Justine, the housewife accused of William's murder, has been sentenced to death. She has no alibi, and a picture of Williams was found in her bag. Panic-stricken, Viktor tries to prove the opposite, concealing that he created the murderer. Then it comes to the confrontation between Viktor and the Creature. Viktor swears to destroy him, but the Creature asks him for a pact. Before proposing, he tells Viktor about his formation after his creation. He learned to talk and write, as well as a proto-human habitus, through observation and autodidactic. Even though he is an ultimately peaceful creature, others are repelled by his appearance. The death of William was a misunderstanding - he had strangled him by mistake. He wanted to suppress his screams. Out of fear, he conned Justine. The group compares the Creature to a tree, with feminist voices arguing for an elastic tree that can withstand storms, while the "male" side promotes a rigid tree, an oak. They also discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the pact. Finally, there is an understanding that Viktor accepts it for both sides, as it is a good solution, but also for the dangers that two Creatures are probably an even greater danger. The offer follows: The Creature demands a partner who is like it so that it is no longer excluded from the earthly happiness of the social life of humans. Together they are to live secluded from all humans and not endanger anyone. In return, the Creature promises not to curse Viktor and never to come close to other people again. Viktor agrees but soon changes his mind again: the danger of another monster causing even more deaths seems too great. The Creature is enraged when it learns of Viktor's plans. Both confront each other again in Scotland, where Viktor wants to carry out the creation. However, it curses Viktor and his marriage to Elizabeth; the wedding is imminent. As a result, Viktor wanders to Ireland, a small village that blames him for the murder of Henry, whom Viktor wants to track down. Viktor is overwhelmed by the accusation and the experience of the death of his best friend. Once again, he has a panic attack and a nervous breakdown. He suspects that the Creature is behind the murder. In the end, he is acquitted. His father brings him back to Geneva, and the wedding takes place. However, Viktor is restless - he aspires to find the Creature and end it once and for all. To do this, he follows their tracks to the Arctic, where he is found, half frozen, by a crew. The group concludes that although the play is characterized by male protagonism, it is nonetheless a feminist play because it exposes male domination and patriarchal patterns. The discussion jumps to the question of how contemporary the play is. Although it is about 200 years old, most find the messages still valid today. The core questions are whether it is reasonable to take domination of nature to the extreme like Frankenstein and overcome death; they all answer negatively because this instrumental reason leads to even greater chaos; it reifies man. Today's reference is the production of commodities and humanly-made climate change: Products of man, which he has created for himself, but now they dominate him. Nature cannot be suppressed; it must be a matter of reconciliation with it. The final scene follows: Viktor dies, and the Creature gets on the crew's boat. He discovers the corpse and finds it does not satisfy him, so there is a reconciliation between culture and nature. The Creature vows to take his own life, never to endanger another human being again. With Viktor's dead body in the middle, his family again resumes the stage, repeating the opening scene on the thunder and the tree, this time in the past tense.

Annual data on death registrations by single year of age for the UK (1974 onwards) and England and Wales (1963 onwards).

The number of deaths of homeless people in England and Wales, by sex, five-year age group and underlying cause of death, 2013 to 2021 registrations. Experimental Statistics.

Number of homicide victims, by method used to commit the homicide (total methods used; shooting; stabbing; beating; strangulation; fire (burns or suffocation); other methods used; methods used unknown), Canada, 1974 to 2024.

Findings from the analyses based on the Homicide Index recorded by the Home Office, including long-term trends, sex of the victim, apparent method of killing and relationship to victim.

Descriptive male and female homicide victim characteristics in South Africa in 2017 by external cause of death, age, province, population group, month of year, day of week and alcohol-relatedness (weighted).

The Rufiji Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS) was established in October 1998 to evaluate the impact on burden of disease of health system reforms based on locally generated data, prioritization, resource allocation and planning for essential health interventions. The Rufiji HDSS collects detailed information on health and survival and provides a framework for population-based health research of relevance to local and national health priorities. Monitoring of households and members within households is undertaken in regular 6-month cycles known as 'rounds'. Self-reported information is collected on demographic, household, socioeconomic and geographical characteristics. Verbal autopsies were done by trained Field interviewers to collect detailed data through structured and standardized INDEPTH Network verbal autopsy forms on symptoms and signs during the terminal illness, allowing assignment of cause of death following physician's review to a list of causes of death, based on the 10th Revision of the International Classification of Diseases. From 2008 to 2015 Rufiji HDSS recorded about 5500 deaths. About 90% of them were interviewed and assigned the underlying cause of death. The Ifakara Health Institute VA data portal will be periodically updated depending on the availability of new data from the field. Face-to-face interview At the initial census (October 1998-anuary 1999), all individuals who were intending to be resident in the DSA for at least 4 months were eligible for inclusion. Verbal consent to participate in the census was sought from the head of every household. Definitions of several characteristics such as household, membership, migration and head of household are set in order to correctly assign individuals or households to events or attributes. A household in Rufiji HDSS is defined as a group of individuals sharing, or who eat from, the same cooking pot. A member of the HDSS is defined as someone who has been resident in the DSA for the preceding 4 months. New members qualify to be an in-migrant if s/he moves into the Rufiji HDSS and spends at least 4 months there. Women married to men living in the Rufiji HDSS and children born to these women qualify to be members of the Rufiji HDSS. In the case of multiple wives, the husband will be registered as a permanent resident in only one household. He will be linked to other wives by his husband identification number given to his wives. After the census, the study population is visited three times a year in cycles or updated rounds over February-May, June-September and October-January to update indicators. From July 2013 onwards, Rufiji HDSS switched to two data collection rounds per year, which happen in July-December and January-June. Mapping of households and key structures such as schools, health facilities, markets, churches and mosques was done by field interviewers using handheld global positioning systems (GPS). Updating of GPS coordinates has been an ongoing exercise especially for new structures and for demolished structures. In 2012 the population size of the DSA was about 103 503 people, residing in 19 315 households. There are several ethnic groups in the DSA. The largest is the Ndengereko; other groups include the Matumbi, Nyagatwa, Ngindo, Pogoro and Makonde. The population comprises mainly Muslims with few Christians and followers of traditional religions. The main language spoken is Kiswahili. English is not commonly used in the area. Around 75% of the population aged 7-15 years have attended primary education, 14% of those in age group 15-65 years have secondary education and only 1% of the population has tertiary education. Almost 50% of the adult population aged 15-65 are self-employed in agriculture, 28% engage in other small economic activities, 16% are selfemployed in small-scale business and 6% are unemployed. Fuel wood is the main source of energy for cooking and shallow wells are the main source of water for domestic use. The household heads in Rufiji HDSS are considered as breadwinners and most (67.3%) are male. Active community engagement programmes are in place which include key informants (KIs) days, where the HDSS team convenes meetings with KIs for presentations on recent findings to feed back to community and for distribution of newsletters to households. Community sensitization events are held at the time of introducing new studies. These initiatives have cemented good relationships with the community and eventually maintained high participation. In Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS), the follow-up of individuals aged 1559years was categorized into three periods: before ART (19982003), during ART scale-up (20042007), and after widespread availability of ART (20082011). Residents were those who never migrated within and beyond HDSS, internal migrants were those who moved within the HDSS, and external migrants were those who moved into the HDSS from outside. Mortality rates were estimated from deaths and person-years of observations calculated in each time period. Hazard ratios were estimated to compare mortality between migrants and residents. AIDS deaths were identified from verbal autopsy, and the odds ratio of dying from AIDS between migrants and residents was estimated using the multivariate logistic regression model.

Kenya KE: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data was reported at 7.155 Ratio in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 7.027 Ratio for 2015. Kenya KE: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data is updated yearly, averaging 7.155 Ratio from Dec 2014 (Median) to 2016, with 3 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 7.793 Ratio in 2014 and a record low of 7.027 Ratio in 2015. Kenya KE: Intentional Homicides: Male: per 100,000 Male data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Kenya – Table KE.World Bank: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides, male are estimates of unlawful male homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.; ; UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.; ;

Rank, number of deaths, percentage of deaths, and age-specific mortality rates for the leading causes of death, by age group and sex, 2000 to most recent year.