In 2022, there were 313,017 cases filed by the NCIC where the race of the reported missing was White. In the same year, 18,928 people were missing whose race was unknown.

What is the NCIC?

The National Crime Information Center (NCIC) is a digital database that stores crime data for the United States, so criminal justice agencies can access it. As a part of the FBI, it helps criminal justice professionals find criminals, missing people, stolen property, and terrorists. The NCIC database is broken down into 21 files. Seven files belong to stolen property and items, and 14 belong to persons, including the National Sex Offender Register, Missing Person, and Identify Theft. It works alongside federal, tribal, state, and local agencies. The NCIC’s goal is to maintain a centralized information system between local branches and offices, so information is easily accessible nationwide.

Missing people in the United States

A person is considered missing when they have disappeared and their location is unknown. A person who is considered missing might have left voluntarily, but that is not always the case. The number of the NCIC unidentified person files in the United States has fluctuated since 1990, and in 2022, there were slightly more NCIC missing person files for males as compared to females. Fortunately, the number of NCIC missing person files has been mostly decreasing since 1998.

Each year people go missing inside national parks all across the United States. This dataset contains information of 264 active missing person cases that were reported inside national parks including the coordinates of the national park in order to facilitate geographical analysis.

As of June 2021, the cumulative number of cases of missing people amounted to 267 thousand. More specifically, the chart displays the total number of reports recorded by the Police between 1974 and June 2021. In 1974, a database recording the number of missing people cases was started.

Toronto’s tick surveillance program monitors the number of blacklegged ticks, their locations and the number of them that carry the bacteria that causes Lyme disease (Borrelia burgdorferi). This information helps to determine the overall risk of Lyme disease in Toronto. Toronto has been engaged in active tick surveillance since 2013. The tick surveillance program consists of ticks found by dragging. Tick dragging is a process of collecting ticks in the environment and is done in the spring and fall when adult ticks are active. Dragging locations are selected based on suitable blacklegged tick habitat or a previous confirmed finding of a blacklegged tick. Blacklegged ticks may still be present in very low numbers at a site where none were found by tick dragging efforts. Ticks are found in wooded or bushy areas with lots of leaves on the ground or where there are tall grasses. As tick populations are expanding, it is possible that blacklegged ticks could be present outside the areas identified by Toronto Public Health. In addition, ticks can travel or migrate on the bodies of animals such as birds and therefore can be present in an area for a year in very low numbers and then disappear. The ticks are sent to the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg for confirmation of species and testing of adults and nymphs for Borrelia burgdorferi.

De facto states—polities, such as Abkhazia (Georgia) or the Donetsk People’s Republic (Ukraine), that appropriate many trappings of statehood without securing the status of full states—have been a constant presence in the postwar international order. Some de facto states, such as Northern Cyprus, survive for a long period of time. Others, including Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka, are forcefully reintegrated into their parent states. Still others, such as Aceh in Indonesia, disappear as a result of peacemaking. A few, such as Eritrea, successfully transition to full statehood. What explains these very different outcomes? I argue that four factors account for much of this variation: the extent of military assistance that separatists receive from outside actors, the governance activities conducted by separatist insurgents, the fragmentation of the rebel movement, and the influence of government veto players. My analysis relies on an original dataset that includes all breakaway enclaves from 1945 to 2011. The findings enhance our understanding of separatist institutional outcomes, rebel governance, and the conditions that sustain nonstate territorial actors.