A dataset of a longitudinal study of over 3,000 Mexican-Americans aged 65 or over living in five southwestern states. The objective is to describe the physical and mental health of the study group and link them to key social variables (e.g., social support, health behavior, acculturation, migration). To the extent possible, the study was modeled after the existing EPESE studies, especially the Duke EPESE, which included a large sample if African-Americans. Unlike the other EPESE studies that were restricted to small geographic areas, the Hispanic EPESE aimed at obtaining a representative sample of community-dwelling Mexican-American elderly residing in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and California. Approximately 85% of Mexican-American elderly reside in these states and data were obtained that are generalizable to roughly 500,000 older people. The final sample of 3,050 subjects at baseline is comparable to those of the other EPESE studies. Data Availability: Waves I to IV are available through the National Archive of Computerized Data on Aging (NACDA), ICPSR. Also available through NACDA is the ����??Resource Book of the Hispanic Established Populations for the Epidemiologic Studies of the Elderly����?? which offers a thorough review of the data and its applications. All subjects aged 75 or older were interviewed for Wave V and 902 new subjects were added. Hemoglobin A1c test kits were provided to subjects who self-reported diabetes. Approximately 270 of the kits were returned for analyses. Wave V data are being validated and reviewed. A tentative timeline for the archiving of Wave V data is November 2006. Wave VI interviewing and data collection is scheduled to begin in Fall 2006. * Dates of Study: 1993-2006 * Study Features: Longitudinal, Minority oversamples, Anthropometric Measures * Sample Size: ** 1993-4: 3,050 (Wave I) ** 1995-6: 2,438 (Wave II) ** 1998-9: 1,980 (Wave III) ** 2000-1: 1,682 (Wave IV) ** 2004-5: 2,073 (Wave V) ** 2006-7: (Wave VI) Links: * ICPSR Wave 1: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/2851 * ICPSR Wave 2: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/3385 * ICPSR Wave 3: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/4102 * ICPSR Wave 4: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/4314 * ICPSR Wave 5: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/25041 * ICPSR Wave 6: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/29654

The statistic depicts the unemployment rate in Mexico from 1999 to 2023. In 2023, Mexico's unemployment rate was around 2.77 percent. Mexico's population Mexico is the third largest country in North America. Mexico’s economy has developed and improved over the years, partially due to a better relationship with the United States. Mexico’s total population was estimated to amount to around 120 million people in 2014, with the majority, i.e. more than 60 percent, having a Mestizo background. Despite a remarkably high migration flow between Mexico and the United States, with more than 11.5 million Mexican migrants living in the United States, Mexico’s population is still growing at a constant rate. In addition, life expectancy in Mexico is increasing, pointing towards an improvement of living conditions. However, the high total population numbers affect the population density. In 2012, there were more than 62 inhabitants per square kilometer registered, ten more than a decade ago. This trend is most likely to increase but not worriyngly so, since Mexico is still far from being one of the countries with the highest population density . Among the Mexican metropolises, Mexico City has the highest number of residents by far.

Analysis of ‘Missing Migrants Dataset’ provided by Analyst-2 (analyst-2.ai), based on source dataset retrieved from https://www.kaggle.com/jmataya/missingmigrants on 14 February 2022.

--- Dataset description provided by original source is as follows ---

About the Missing Migrants Data

This data is sourced from the International Organization for Migration. The data is part of a specific project called the Missing Migrants Project which tracks deaths of migrants, including refugees , who have gone missing along mixed migration routes worldwide. The research behind this project began with the October 2013 tragedies, when at least 368 individuals died in two shipwrecks near the Italian island of Lampedusa. Since then, Missing Migrants Project has developed into an important hub and advocacy source of information that media, researchers, and the general public access for the latest information.

Where is the data from?

Missing Migrants Project data are compiled from a variety of sources. Sources vary depending on the region and broadly include data from national authorities, such as Coast Guards and Medical Examiners; media reports; NGOs; and interviews with survivors of shipwrecks. In the Mediterranean region, data are relayed from relevant national authorities to IOM field missions, who then share it with the Missing Migrants Project team. Data are also obtained by IOM and other organizations that receive survivors at landing points in Italy and Greece. In other cases, media reports are used. IOM and UNHCR also regularly coordinate on such data to ensure consistency. Data on the U.S./Mexico border are compiled based on data from U.S. county medical examiners and sheriff’s offices, as well as media reports for deaths occurring on the Mexico side of the border. Estimates within Mexico and Central America are based primarily on media and year-end government reports. Data on the Bay of Bengal are drawn from reports by UNHCR and NGOs. In the Horn of Africa, data are obtained from media and NGOs. Data for other regions is drawn from a combination of sources, including media and grassroots organizations. In all regions, Missing Migrants Projectdata represents minimum estimates and are potentially lower than in actuality.

Updated data and visuals can be found here: https://missingmigrants.iom.int/

Who is included in Missing Migrants Project data?

IOM defines a migrant as any person who is moving or has moved across an international border or within a State away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of

  (1) the person’s legal status; 
  (2) whether the movement is voluntary or involuntary; 
  (3) what the causes for the movement are; or 
  (4) what the length of the stay is.[1]

Missing Migrants Project counts migrants who have died or gone missing at the external borders of states, or in the process of migration towards an international destination. The count excludes deaths that occur in immigration detention facilities, during deportation, or after forced return to a migrant’s homeland, as well as deaths more loosely connected with migrants’ irregular status, such as those resulting from labour exploitation. Migrants who die or go missing after they are established in a new home are also not included in the data, so deaths in refugee camps or housing are excluded. This approach is chosen because deaths that occur at physical borders and while en route represent a more clearly definable category, and inform what migration routes are most dangerous. Data and knowledge of the risks and vulnerabilities faced by migrants in destination countries, including death, should not be neglected, rather tracked as a distinct category.

How complete is the data on dead and missing migrants?

Data on fatalities during the migration process are challenging to collect for a number of reasons, most stemming from the irregular nature of migratory journeys on which deaths tend to occur. For one, deaths often occur in remote areas on routes chosen with the explicit aim of evading detection. Countless bodies are never found, and rarely do these deaths come to the attention of authorities or the media. Furthermore, when deaths occur at sea, frequently not all bodies are recovered - sometimes with hundreds missing from one shipwreck - and the precise number of missing is often unknown. In 2015, over 50 per cent of deaths recorded by the Missing Migrants Project refer to migrants who are presumed dead and whose bodies have not been found, mainly at sea.

Data are also challenging to collect as reporting on deaths is poor, and the data that does exist are highly scattered. Few official sources are collecting data systematically. Many counts of death rely on media as a source. Coverage can be spotty and incomplete. In addition, the involvement of criminal actors in incidents means there may be fear among survivors to report deaths and some deaths may be actively covered-up. The irregular immigration status of many migrants, and at times their families as well, also impedes reporting of missing persons or deaths.

The varying quality and comprehensiveness of data by region in attempting to estimate deaths globally may exaggerate the share of deaths that occur in some regions, while under-representing the share occurring in others.

What can be understood through this data?

The available data can give an indication of changing conditions and trends related to migration routes and the people travelling on them, which can be relevant for policy making and protection plans. Data can be useful to determine the relative risks of irregular migration routes. For example, Missing Migrants Project data show that despite the increase in migrant flows through the eastern Mediterranean in 2015, the central Mediterranean remained the more deadly route. In 2015, nearly two people died out of every 100 travellers (1.85%) crossing the Central route, as opposed to one out of every 1,000 that crossed from Turkey to Greece (0.095%). From the data, we can also get a sense of whether groups like women and children face additional vulnerabilities on migration routes.

However, it is important to note that because of the challenges in data collection for the missing and dead, basic demographic information on the deceased is rarely known. Often migrants in mixed migration flows do not carry appropriate identification. When bodies are found it may not be possible to identify them or to determine basic demographic information. In the data compiled by Missing Migrants Project, sex of the deceased is unknown in over 80% of cases. Region of origin has been determined for the majority of the deceased. Even this information is at times extrapolated based on available information – for instance if all survivors of a shipwreck are of one origin it was assumed those missing also came from the same region.

The Missing Migrants Project dataset includes coordinates for where incidents of death took place, which indicates where the risks to migrants may be highest. However, it should be noted that all coordinates are estimates.

Why collect data on missing and dead migrants?

By counting lives lost during migration, even if the result is only an informed estimate, we at least acknowledge the fact of these deaths. What before was vague and ill-defined is now a quantified tragedy that must be addressed. Politically, the availability of official data is important. The lack of political commitment at national and international levels to record and account for migrant deaths reflects and contributes to a lack of concern more broadly for the safety and well-being of migrants, including asylum-seekers. Further, it drives public apathy, ignorance, and the dehumanization of these groups.

Data are crucial to better understand the profiles of those who are most at risk and to tailor policies to better assist migrants and prevent loss of life. Ultimately, improved data should contribute to efforts to better understand the causes, both direct and indirect, of fatalities and their potential links to broader migration control policies and practices.

Counting and recording the dead can also be an initial step to encourage improved systems of identification of those who die. Identifying the dead is a moral imperative that respects and acknowledges those who have died. This process can also provide a some sense of closure for families who may otherwise be left without ever knowing the fate of missing loved ones.

Identification and tracing of the dead and missing

As mentioned above, the challenge remains to count the numbers of dead and also identify those counted. Globally, the majority of those who die during migration remain unidentified. Even in cases in which a body is found identification rates are low. Families may search for years or a lifetime to find conclusive news of their loved one. In the meantime, they may face psychological, practical, financial, and legal problems.

Ultimately Missing Migrants Project would like to see that every unidentified body, for which it is possible to recover, is adequately “managed”, analysed and tracked to ensure proper documentation, traceability and dignity. Common forensic protocols and standards should be agreed upon, and used within and between States. Furthermore, data relating to the dead and missing should be held in searchable and open databases at local, national and international levels to facilitate identification.

For more in-depth analysis and discussion of the numbers of missing and dead migrants around the world, and the challenges involved in identification and tracing, read our two reports on the issue, Fatal Journeys: Tracking Lives Lost during Migration (2014) and Fatal Journeys Volume 2, Identification and Tracing of Dead and Missing Migrants

Content

The data set records

Abstract

The MxFLS is the first longitudinal survey in Mexico that follows individuals across rounds, including those who migrate within Mexico or emigrate to the Unites States of America. This allows studying the well-being of the Mexican population, and its transitions over time, as well as the factors that determine those transitions. Given that the MxFLS provides information for individuals who emigrated to the USA, it is possible to study, for the first time, migration dynamics between Mexico and the USA.

A primary goal of the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) is to create a longitudinal and multi-thematic database. On the one hand, this allows a long term tracking of individuals regardless of change in residence, newly formed homes or home conversions; and on the other hand, these characteristics will be beneficial in their use of a single tool collecting economic, demographic and health population indicators of the Mexican population. The survey’s first round (MxFLS-1) took place during the year 2002 reaching a sample size of 35 thousand individual interviews in 150 urban and rural locations throughout the country. The second round (MxFLS-2) ended during 2006 with 90 per cent a re-contact rate at the household level. During this second operational phase of tracking and interviewing original households between 2002 and 2006, those who migrated to the United States were contacted at a rate of over 91 per cent. Within this content, MxFLS-2 provides statistical evidence on the flow of internal migration into the United States, on population and on the welfare dynamics of the Mexican people that relocate within the country and in the US. This is regardless of whether or not they remain or return to their national territory and/or community of origin.

The MxFLS provides data to analyze the well-being of the Mexican population, and its transitions over time, as well as the factors that determine those transitions.

Geographic coverage

National coverage

Analysis unit

• Household
• Individual
• Community

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

Sampling design The design of the first round, the baseline survey (MxFLS-1), was undertaken by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI, per its name in Spanish). The baseline sample is probabilistic, stratified, multi-staged, and independent at every phase of the study. The population is comprised by Mexican households in 2002. Primary sampling units were selected under criterions of national, urban-rural and regional representation on pre-established demographic and economic variables. Regional definitions are in accordance with the National Development Plan 2000-2006.

Longitudinal design The first round or baseline survey (MXFLS-1), implemented in 2002, and collected information on a sample of 35,000 individuals from 8,400 households in 150 communities throughout the country. The second (MxFLS-2) was conducted during 2005-2006. Given the longitudinal design of the survey, the MxFLS-2 aimed to relocate and re-interview the sample of the MxFLS-1-including those individuals who migrated within Mexico or emigrated to the United States of America-and to interview the individuals or households that grew out from previous samples. The MxFLS-2 relocated and re-interviewed almost 90 percent of the original sampled households.

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

The 2005 MxFLS-2 follows the content, design and structure of MxFLS-1 questionnaires. Additionally, MxFLS-2 contains innovative modules collecting data on child upbringing, individual expectations, seasonal preferences, altruistic behavior and risk taking.

This resource is a member of a series. The TIGER/Line shapefiles and related database files (.dbf) are an extract of selected geographic and cartographic information from the U.S. Census Bureau's Master Address File / Topologically Integrated Geographic Encoding and Referencing (MAF/TIGER) Database (MTDB). The MTDB represents a seamless national file with no overlaps or gaps between parts, however, each TIGER/Line shapefile is designed to stand alone as an independent data set, or they can be combined to cover the entire nation. Census tracts are small, relatively permanent statistical subdivisions of a county or equivalent entity, and were defined by local participants as part of the 2020 Census Participant Statistical Areas Program. The Census Bureau delineated the census tracts in situations where no local participant existed or where all the potential participants declined to participate. The primary purpose of census tracts is to provide a stable set of geographic units for the presentation of census data and comparison back to previous decennial censuses. Census tracts generally have a population size between 1,200 and 8,000 people, with an optimum size of 4,000 people. When first delineated, census tracts were designed to be homogeneous with respect to population characteristics, economic status, and living conditions. The spatial size of census tracts varies widely depending on the density of settlement. Physical changes in street patterns caused by highway construction, new development, and so forth, may require boundary revisions. In addition, census tracts occasionally are split due to population growth, or combined as a result of substantial population decline. Census tract boundaries generally follow visible and identifiable features. They may follow legal boundaries such as minor civil division (MCD) or incorporated place boundaries in some States and situations to allow for census tract-to-governmental unit relationships where the governmental boundaries tend to remain unchanged between censuses. State and county boundaries always are census tract boundaries in the standard census geographic hierarchy. In a few rare instances, a census tract may consist of noncontiguous areas. These noncontiguous areas may occur where the census tracts are coextensive with all or parts of legal entities that are themselves noncontiguous. For the 2010 Census, the census tract code range of 9400 through 9499 was enforced for census tracts that include a majority American Indian population according to Census 2000 data and/or their area was primarily covered by federally recognized American Indian reservations and/or off-reservation trust lands; the code range 9800 through 9899 was enforced for those census tracts that contained little or no population and represented a relatively large special land use area such as a National Park, military installation, or a business/industrial park; and the code range 9900 through 9998 was enforced for those census tracts that contained only water area, no land area.

The once-a-decade decennial census was conducted in April 2010 by the U.S. Census Bureau. This count of every resident in the United States was mandated by Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution and all households in the U.S. and individuals living in group quarters were required by law to respond to the 2010 Census questionnaire. The data collected by the decennial census determine the number of seats each state has in the U.S. House of Representatives and is also used to distribute billions in federal funds to local communities. The questionnaire consisted of a limited number of questions but allowed for the collection of information on the number of people in the household and their relationship to the householder, an individual's age, sex, race and Hispanic ethnicity, the number of housing units and whether those units are owner- or renter-occupied, or vacant. The first wave of results for sub-state geographic areas in New Mexico was released on March 15, 2011, through the Redistricting Data (PL94-171) Summary File. This batch of data covers the state, counties, places (both incorporated and unincorporated communities), tribal lands, school districts, neighborhoods (census tracts and block groups), individual census blocks, and other areas. The Redistricting products provide counts by race and Hispanic ethnicity for the total population and the population 18 years and over, and housing unit counts by occupancy status. The 2010 Census Redistricting Data Summary File can be used to redraw federal, state and local legislative districts under Public Law 94-171. This is an important purpose of the file and, indeed, state officials use the Redistricting Data to realign congressional and state legislative districts in their states, taking into account population shifts since the 2000 Census. More detailed population and housing characteristics will be released in the summer of 2011. The data in these particular RGIS Clearinghouse tables are for all Census Tracts in New Mexico. There are two data tables. One provides total counts by major race groups and by Hispanic ethnicity, while the other provides proportions of the total population for these same groups. These files, along with file-specific descriptions (in Word and text formats) are available in a single zip file.

All cities with a population > 1000 or seats of adm div (ca 80.000)Sources and ContributionsSources : GeoNames is aggregating over hundred different data sources. Ambassadors : GeoNames Ambassadors help in many countries. Wiki : A wiki allows to view the data and quickly fix error and add missing places. Donations and Sponsoring : Costs for running GeoNames are covered by donations and sponsoring.Enrichment:add country name

This United States Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA) feature layer represents monitoring site data, updated hourly concentrations and Air Quality Index (AQI) values for the latest hour received from monitoring sites that report to AirNow.Map and forecast data are collected using federal reference or equivalent monitoring techniques or techniques approved by the state, local or tribal monitoring agencies. To maintain "real-time" maps, the data are displayed after the end of each hour. Although preliminary data quality assessments are performed, the data in AirNow are not fully verified and validated through the quality assurance procedures monitoring organizations used to officially submit and certify data on the EPA Air Quality System (AQS).This data sharing, and centralization creates a one-stop source for real-time and forecast air quality data. The benefits include quality control, national reporting consistency, access to automated mapping methods, and data distribution to the public and other data systems. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Park Service, tribal, state, and local agencies developed the AirNow system to provide the public with easy access to national air quality information. State and local agencies report the Air Quality Index (AQI) for cities across the US and parts of Canada and Mexico. AirNow data are used only to report the AQI, not to formulate or support regulation, guidance or any other EPA decision or position.About the AQIThe Air Quality Index (AQI) is an index for reporting daily air quality. It tells you how clean or polluted your air is, and what associated health effects might be a concern for you. The AQI focuses on health effects you may experience within a few hours or days after breathing polluted air. EPA calculates the AQI for five major air pollutants regulated by the Clean Air Act: ground-level ozone, particle pollution (also known as particulate matter), carbon monoxide, sulfur dioxide, and nitrogen dioxide. For each of these pollutants, EPA has established national air quality standards to protect public health. Ground-level ozone and airborne particles (often referred to as "particulate matter") are the two pollutants that pose the greatest threat to human health in this country.A number of factors influence ozone formation, including emissions from cars, trucks, buses, power plants, and industries, along with weather conditions. Weather is especially favorable for ozone formation when it’s hot, dry and sunny, and winds are calm and light. Federal and state regulations, including regulations for power plants, vehicles and fuels, are helping reduce ozone pollution nationwide.Fine particle pollution (or "particulate matter") can be emitted directly from cars, trucks, buses, power plants and industries, along with wildfires and woodstoves. But it also forms from chemical reactions of other pollutants in the air. Particle pollution can be high at different times of year, depending on where you live. In some areas, for example, colder winters can lead to increased particle pollution emissions from woodstove use, and stagnant weather conditions with calm and light winds can trap PM2.5 pollution near emission sources. Federal and state rules are helping reduce fine particle pollution, including clean diesel rules for vehicles and fuels, and rules to reduce pollution from power plants, industries, locomotives, and marine vessels, among others.How Does the AQI Work?Think of the AQI as a yardstick that runs from 0 to 500. The higher the AQI value, the greater the level of air pollution and the greater the health concern. For example, an AQI value of 50 represents good air quality with little potential to affect public health, while an AQI value over 300 represents hazardous air quality.An AQI value of 100 generally corresponds to the national air quality standard for the pollutant, which is the level EPA has set to protect public health. AQI values below 100 are generally thought of as satisfactory. When AQI values are above 100, air quality is considered to be unhealthy-at first for certain sensitive groups of people, then for everyone as AQI values get higher.Understanding the AQIThe purpose of the AQI is to help you understand what local air quality means to your health. To make it easier to understand, the AQI is divided into six categories:Air Quality Index(AQI) ValuesLevels of Health ConcernColorsWhen the AQI is in this range:..air quality conditions are:...as symbolized by this color:0 to 50GoodGreen51 to 100ModerateYellow101 to 150Unhealthy for Sensitive GroupsOrange151 to 200UnhealthyRed201 to 300Very UnhealthyPurple301 to 500HazardousMaroonNote: Values above 500 are considered Beyond the AQI. Follow recommendations for the Hazardous category. Additional information on reducing exposure to extremely high levels of particle pollution is available here.Each category corresponds to a different level of health concern. The six levels of health concern and what they mean are:"Good" AQI is 0 to 50. Air quality is considered satisfactory, and air pollution poses little or no risk."Moderate" AQI is 51 to 100. Air quality is acceptable; however, for some pollutants there may be a moderate health concern for a very small number of people. For example, people who are unusually sensitive to ozone may experience respiratory symptoms."Unhealthy for Sensitive Groups" AQI is 101 to 150. Although general public is not likely to be affected at this AQI range, people with lung disease, older adults and children are at a greater risk from exposure to ozone, whereas persons with heart and lung disease, older adults and children are at greater risk from the presence of particles in the air."Unhealthy" AQI is 151 to 200. Everyone may begin to experience some adverse health effects, and members of the sensitive groups may experience more serious effects."Very Unhealthy" AQI is 201 to 300. This would trigger a health alert signifying that everyone may experience more serious health effects."Hazardous" AQI greater than 300. This would trigger a health warnings of emergency conditions. The entire population is more likely to be affected.AQI colorsEPA has assigned a specific color to each AQI category to make it easier for people to understand quickly whether air pollution is reaching unhealthy levels in their communities. For example, the color orange means that conditions are "unhealthy for sensitive groups," while red means that conditions may be "unhealthy for everyone," and so on.Air Quality Index Levels of Health ConcernNumericalValueMeaningGood0 to 50Air quality is considered satisfactory, and air pollution poses little or no risk.Moderate51 to 100Air quality is acceptable; however, for some pollutants there may be a moderate health concern for a very small number of people who are unusually sensitive to air pollution.Unhealthy for Sensitive Groups101 to 150Members of sensitive groups may experience health effects. The general public is not likely to be affected.Unhealthy151 to 200Everyone may begin to experience health effects; members of sensitive groups may experience more serious health effects.Very Unhealthy201 to 300Health alert: everyone may experience more serious health effects.Hazardous301 to 500Health warnings of emergency conditions. The entire population is more likely to be affected.Note: Values above 500 are considered Beyond the AQI. Follow recommendations for the "Hazardous category." Additional information on reducing exposure to extremely high levels of particle pollution is available here.

In 2022, approximately 4.7 percent of the Mexican population were living on less than 3.20 U.S. dollars per day, a considerable decrease in comparison to the previous year. Furthermore, unemployment rate in this Latin American country during this period was at 3.2 percent. Poverty is considerably higher in the South In 2022, the three states with the highest poverty rate in the Aztec country were Chiapas, Guerrero, and Oaxaca, all in the southern region. In contrast, the top eight federal entities with the lowest were all in the North. The clear division is further accentuated by the Northern Border Free Zone, which encompasses 43 municipalities in the Mexico-U.S. border with higher minimum wages and lower taxes. Poverty in states such as Chiapas reaches over 67 percent, which means two out of three residents are under the poverty line and almost one out of three under extreme poverty conditions.
A country troubled by inequality Poverty and inequality are no news in Mexico. In the most recent data, around 80 percent of the total wealth of the country was concentrated in the top 10 percent of the population. Moreover, the bottom 50 percent had a negative share, meaning that half of the Mexican population had more debts than assets. But inequality does not only encompass wealth distribution, but Mexico also has a problem regarding gender inequality. The government has failed to achieve many of its goals to reduce the gap between genders.

Mexico is the country with the largest number of native Spanish speakers in the world. As of 2024, 132.5 million people in Mexico spoke Spanish with a native command of the language. Colombia was the nation with the second-highest number of native Spanish speakers, at around 52.7 million. Spain came in third, with 48 million, and Argentina fourth, with 46 million. Spanish, a world language As of 2023, Spanish ranked as the fourth most spoken language in the world, only behind English, Chinese, and Hindi, with over half a billion speakers. Spanish is the official language of over 20 countries, the majority on the American continent, nonetheless, it's also one of the official languages of Equatorial Guinea in Africa. Other countries have a strong influence, like the United States, Morocco, or Brazil, countries included in the list of non-Hispanic countries with the highest number of Spanish speakers. The second most spoken language in the U.S. In the most recent data, Spanish ranked as the language, other than English, with the highest number of speakers, with 12 times more speakers as the second place. Which comes to no surprise following the long history of migrations from Latin American countries to the Northern country. Moreover, only during the fiscal year 2022. 5 out of the top 10 countries of origin of naturalized people in the U.S. came from Spanish-speaking countries.

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Resident Population in New Mexico was 2130.25600 Thous. of Persons in January of 2024, according to the United States Federal Reserve. Historically, Resident Population in New Mexico reached a record high of 2130.25600 in January of 2024 and a record low of 196.00000 in January of 1900. Trading Economics provides the current actual value, an historical data chart and related indicators for Resident Population in New Mexico - last updated from the United States Federal Reserve on June of 2025.

The once-a-decade decennial census was conducted in April 2010 by the U.S. Census Bureau. This count of every resident in the United States was mandated by Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution and all households in the U.S. and individuals living in group quarters were required by law to respond to the 2010 Census questionnaire. The data collected by the decennial census determine the number of seats each state has in the U.S. House of Representatives and is also used to distribute billions in federal funds to local communities. The questionnaire consisted of a limited number of questions but allowed for the collection of information on the number of people in the household and their relationship to the householder, an individual's age, sex, race and Hispanic ethnicity, the number of housing units and whether those units are owner- or renter-occupied, or vacant. The first wave of results for sub-state geographic areas in New Mexico was released on March 15, 2011, through the Redistricting Data (PL94-171) Summary File. This batch of data covers the state, counties, places (both incorporated and unincorporated communities), tribal lands, school districts, neighborhoods (census tracts and block groups), individual census blocks, and other areas. The Redistricting products provide counts by race and Hispanic ethnicity for the total population and the population 18 years and over, and housing unit counts by occupancy status. The 2010 Census Redistricting Data Summary File can be used to redraw federal, state and local legislative districts under Public Law 94-171. This is an important purpose of the file and, indeed, state officials use the Redistricting Data to realign congressional and state legislative districts in their states, taking into account population shifts since the 2000 Census. More detailed population and housing characteristics were released in the summer of 2011. The data in these particular RGIS Clearinghouse tables are for all census tracts in New Mexico. This table provides total counts of population. This file, along with file-specific descriptions (in Word and text formats) are available in a single zip file.

In the past four centuries, the population of the United States has grown from a recorded 350 people around the Jamestown colony of Virginia in 1610, to an estimated 331 million people in 2020. The pre-colonization populations of the indigenous peoples of the Americas have proven difficult for historians to estimate, as their numbers decreased rapidly following the introduction of European diseases (namely smallpox, plague and influenza). Native Americans were also omitted from most censuses conducted before the twentieth century, therefore the actual population of what we now know as the United States would have been much higher than the official census data from before 1800, but it is unclear by how much. Population growth in the colonies throughout the eighteenth century has primarily been attributed to migration from the British Isles and the Transatlantic slave trade; however it is also difficult to assert the ethnic-makeup of the population in these years as accurate migration records were not kept until after the 1820s, at which point the importation of slaves had also been illegalized. Nineteenth century In the year 1800, it is estimated that the population across the present-day United States was around six million people, with the population in the 16 admitted states numbering at 5.3 million. Migration to the United States began to happen on a large scale in the mid-nineteenth century, with the first major waves coming from Ireland, Britain and Germany. In some aspects, this wave of mass migration balanced out the demographic impacts of the American Civil War, which was the deadliest war in U.S. history with approximately 620 thousand fatalities between 1861 and 1865. The civil war also resulted in the emancipation of around four million slaves across the south; many of whose ancestors would take part in the Great Northern Migration in the early 1900s, which saw around six million black Americans migrate away from the south in one of the largest demographic shifts in U.S. history. By the end of the nineteenth century, improvements in transport technology and increasing economic opportunities saw migration to the United States increase further, particularly from southern and Eastern Europe, and in the first decade of the 1900s the number of migrants to the U.S. exceeded one million people in some years. Twentieth and twenty-first century The U.S. population has grown steadily throughout the past 120 years, reaching one hundred million in the 1910s, two hundred million in the 1960s, and three hundred million in 2007. In the past century, the U.S. established itself as a global superpower, with the world's largest economy (by nominal GDP) and most powerful military. Involvement in foreign wars has resulted in over 620,000 further U.S. fatalities since the Civil War, and migration fell drastically during the World Wars and Great Depression; however the population continuously grew in these years as the total fertility rate remained above two births per woman, and life expectancy increased (except during the Spanish Flu pandemic of 1918).

Since the Second World War, Latin America has replaced Europe as the most common point of origin for migrants, with Hispanic populations growing rapidly across the south and border states. Because of this, the proportion of non-Hispanic whites, which has been the most dominant ethnicity in the U.S. since records began, has dropped more rapidly in recent decades. Ethnic minorities also have a much higher birth rate than non-Hispanic whites, further contributing to this decline, and the share of non-Hispanic whites is expected to fall below fifty percent of the U.S. population by the mid-2000s. In 2020, the United States has the third-largest population in the world (after China and India), and the population is expected to reach four hundred million in the 2050s.

A dataset listing New Mexico cities by population for 2024.

As of March 2025, there were a reported 5,426 data centers in the United States, the most of any country worldwide. A further 529 were located in Germany, while 523 were located in the United Kingdom. What is a data center? A data center is a network of computing and storage resources that enables the delivery of shared software applications and data. These facilities can house large amounts of critical and important data, and therefore are vital to the daily functions of companies and consumers alike. As a result, whether it is a cloud, colocation, or managed service, data center real estate will have increasing importance worldwide. Hyperscale data centers In the past, data centers were highly controlled physical infrastructures, but the cloud has since changed that model. A cloud data service is a remote version of a data center – located somewhere away from a company's physical premises. Cloud IT infrastructure spending has grown and is forecast to rise further in the coming years. The evolution of technology, along with the rapid growth in demand for data across the globe, is largely driven by the leading hyperscale data center providers.

The current healthcare spending in Mexico was forecast to continuously increase between 2024 and 2029 by in total 29.1 billion U.S. dollars (+25.33 percent). After the fourth consecutive increasing year, the spending is estimated to reach 143.8 billion U.S. dollars and therefore a new peak in 2029. According to Worldbank health spending includes expenditures with regards to healthcare services and goods. The spending refers to current spending of both governments and consumers.The shown data are an excerpt of Statista's Key Market Indicators (KMI). The KMI are a collection of primary and secondary indicators on the macro-economic, demographic and technological environment in up to 150 countries and regions worldwide. All indicators are sourced from international and national statistical offices, trade associations and the trade press and they are processed to generate comparable data sets (see supplementary notes under details for more information).Find more key insights for the current healthcare spending in countries like United States and Canada.

Following the arrival of Spanish colonizers in 1519, namely Hernando Cortes and his 600 conquistadors, the indigenous population of the Mexican valley saw a dramatic decline. In the first two years of conquest, thousands of indigenous Americans perished while fighting the European invaders, including an estimated 100,000 who died of violence or starvation during Cortes' siege of the Aztec capital city, Tenochtitlan (present-day Mexico City), in 1520. However, the impact of European violence on population decline pales in comparison to the impact of Old World diseases, which saw the indigenous population of the region drop from roughly 22 million to less than two million within eight decades.. Virgin soil pandemics Almost immediately after the Spanish arrival, a wave of smallpox swept across the indigenous populations, with some estimates suggesting that five to eight million natives died in the subsequent pandemic between 1519 and 1520. This outbreak was not an isolated incident, with the entire indigenous population of the Americas dropping by roughly ninety percent in the next two centuries. The Mexican valley specifically, which was the most populous region of the pre-Columbian Americas, suffered greatly due to virgin soil pandemics (where new diseases are introduced to biologically defenseless populations). In the Middle Ages, the majority of Europeans contracted smallpox as children, which generally granted lifelong immunity. In contrast, indigenous Americans had never been exposed to these diseases, and their populations (of all ages) declined rapidly. Cocoliztli Roughly three decades after the smallpox pandemic, another pandemic swept across the valley, to a more devastating effect. This was an outbreak of cocoliztli, which almost wiped out the entire population, and was followed by a second pandemic three decades later. Until recently, historians were still unsure of the exact causes of cocoliztli, with most hypothesizing that it was a rodent-borne disease similar to plague or an extreme form of a haemorrhagic fever. In 2018, however, scientists in Jena, Germany, studied 29 sets of teeth from 16th century skeletons found in the Oaxaca region of Mexico (from a cemetery with known links to the 1545 pandemic); these tests concluded that cocoliztli was most likely an extreme and rare form of the salmonella bacterium, which caused paratyphoid fever. These pandemics coincided with some of the most extreme droughts ever recorded in North America, which exacerbates the spread and symptoms of this disease, and the symptoms described in historical texts give further credence to the claim that cocoliztli was caused by salmonella.

The current healthcare spending per capita in Mexico was forecast to continuously increase between 2024 and 2029 by in total 188.6 U.S. dollars (+21.26 percent). After the fourth consecutive increasing year, the spending is estimated to reach 1,075.58 U.S. dollars and therefore a new peak in 2029. Depicted here is the average per capita spending, in a given country or region, with regards to healthcare. The spending refers to the average current spending of both governments and consumers per inhabitant.The shown data are an excerpt of Statista's Key Market Indicators (KMI). The KMI are a collection of primary and secondary indicators on the macro-economic, demographic and technological environment in up to 150 countries and regions worldwide. All indicators are sourced from international and national statistical offices, trade associations and the trade press and they are processed to generate comparable data sets (see supplementary notes under details for more information).Find more key insights for the current healthcare spending per capita in countries like Canada and United States.