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ABSTRACT
Statements about building walls, deportation and denying services to undocumented immigrants made by the US president may induce fear in Latino populations and create barriers to their health care access. To assess the impact of these statements on undocumented Latino immigrants' (UDLI) and Latino legal residents/citizens' (LLRC) perceptions of safety and their presentations for emergency care, we conducted surveys of adult patients at three county emergency departments (EDs) in California from June 2017 to December 2018. Of 1,684 patients approached, 1,337 (79.4%) agreed to participate: 34.3% UDLI, 36.9% LLRC, and 29.8% non-Latino legal residents/citizens (NLRC). The vast majority of UDLI (95%), LLRC (94%), and NLRC (85%) had heard statements about immigrants by President Trump. Most UDLI (89%), LLRC (88%), and NLRC (87%) either thought that these measures were being enacted now or will be enacted in the future. Most UDLI and LLRC reported that these statements made them feel unsafe living in the US, 75% (95% CI 70 to 80%) and 51% (95% CI 47 to 56%), respectively. More UDLI reported that these statements made them afraid to come to the ED (24% 95% CI 20 to 28%) vs LLRC (4.4% [95% CI 3 to 7%]) and NLRC (3.5% [95% CI 2 to 6%]); 55% of UDLI with this fear stated it caused them to delay coming to the ED (median delay 2-3 days). The vast majority of patients in our California EDs have heard statements about immigrants by the US president, which have induced worry and safety concerns in both UDLI and LLRC patients. These statements may also act as a barrier to some UDLI's access of emergency care. Given California's sanctuary state status, these safety concerns and ED access fears may be greater in a nationwide population of Latinos.
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The following table is imported from the 2019 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics under the Department of Homeland Security:
The 2019 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics is a compendium of tables that provide data on foreign nationals who are granted lawful permanent residence (i.e., immigrants who receive a “green card”), admitted as temporary nonimmigrants, granted asylum or refugee status, or are naturalized. The Yearbook also presents data on immigration enforcement actions, including apprehensions and arrests, removals, and returns.
Table 39. Aliens Removed or Returned: Fiscal Years 1892 to 2019 (https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2019/table39)
The data was collected to observe trends in history reflecting the number of immigrants deported - more specifically removed or returned.
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Users can download data and reports regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Users can also interact with maps to view population trends over time. Background The Pew Hispanic Center website contains reports and datasets regarding the experience of Latinos in the United States. Topics include, but are not limited to: homeownership, elections, criminal justice system, and education. User Functionality Users can view and download reports. Users can also interact with maps to obtain demographic information and view population trends from 1980 to 2010. Datasets are also available to download directly into SPSS stat istical software. Surveys administered by the Pew Hispanic Center include: Hispanic Health Care Survey, National Survey of Latinos, Hispanic Religion Survey, Survey of Mexicans Living in the U.S. on Absentee Voting in Mexican Elections, Survey o f Mexican Migrants, and the Survey of Latinos on the News Media. Demographic information is available by race/ethnicity. Data Notes Report information is available on a national and county level and is indicated with the report or dataset. Demographic trends in population growth and dispersion are available for 1980 through 2010. Each report and dataset indicate years in which the data were collected and the geographic unit.
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Unauthorized population estimates for 1990, 2000, and 2014.
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This research adds to the expanding field of data-driven analysis, scientific modeling, and forecasting on the impact of having access to the Internet and IoT on the general US population regarding immigrants and immigration policies. More specifically, this research focuses on the public opinion of undocumented immigrants in the United States and having access to the Internet in their local settings. The term Undocumented Immigrants refers to those who live in the United States without legal papers, documents, or visas. Undocumented immigrants may have come into the country unlawfully or with valid documentation, but their legal status has expired. Using the 2020 American National Election Studies (ANES) time series dataset, I investigated the relationship between internet access (A2I) and public perception of undocumented immigrants. According to my research and analysis, increasing internet access among non-Hispanic whites with at least a bachelors degree with an annual household income of less than 99K is more likely to oppose the deportation of undocumented immigrants and separating unaccompanied children from their families in borderland areas. The individuals with substantial Republican political ideology exhibit significantly lower opposing effects in deporting undocumented immigrants or separating unaccompanied children from their families. The evidence from multiple statistical models is resilient to a variety of factors. The findings show that increased internet access may improve undocumented immigrants social integration and acceptability. During health emergencies, it may be especially beneficial to make them feel safe, included, and supported in their local settings.
These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed. The main aim of this research is to study the criminal mobility of ethnic-based organized crime groups. The project examines whether organized crime groups are able to move abroad easily and to reproduce their territorial control in a foreign country, or whether these groups, and/or individual members, start a life of crime only after their arrival in the new territories, potentially as a result of social exclusion, economic strain, culture conflict and labeling. More specifically, the aim is to examine the criminal mobility of ethnic Albanian organized crime groups involved in a range of criminal markets and operating in and around New York City, area and to study the relevance of the importation/alien conspiracy model versus the deprivation model of organized crime in relation to Albanian organized crime. There are several analytical dimensions in this study: (1) reasons for going abroad; (2) the nature of the presence abroad; (3) level of support from ethnic constituencies in the new territories; (4) importance of cultural codes; (5) organizational structure; (6) selection of criminal activities; (7) economic incentives and political infiltration. This study utilizes a mixed-methods approach with a sequential exploratory design, in which qualitative data and documents are collected and analyzed first, followed by quantitative data. Demographic variables in this collection include age, gender, birth place, immigration status, nationality, ethnicity, education, religion, and employment status. Two main data sources were employed: (1) court documents, including indictments and court transcripts related to select organized crime cases (84 court documents on 29 groups, 254 offenders); (2) in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 9 ethnic Albanian offenders currently serving prison sentences in U.S. Federal Prisons for organized crime related activities, and with 79 adult ethnic Albanian immigrants in New York, including common people, undocumented migrants, offenders, and people with good knowledge of Albanian organized crime modus operandi. Sampling for these data were conducted in five phases, the first of which involved researchers examining court documents and identifying members of 29 major ethnic Albanian organized crime groups operating in the New York area between 1975 and 2013 who were or had served sentences in the U.S. Federal Prisons for organized crime related activities. In phase two researchers conducted eight in-depth interviews with law enforcement experts working in New York or New Jersey. Phase three involved interviews with members of the Albanian diaspora and filed observations from an ethnographic study. Researchers utilized snowball and respondent driven (RDS) recruitment methods to create the sample for the diaspora dataset. The self-reported criteria for recruitment to participate in the diaspora interviews were: (1) age 18 or over; (2) of ethnic Albanian origin (foreign-born or 1st/2nd generation); and (3) living in NYC area for at least 1 year. They also visited neighborhoods identified as high concentrations of ethnic Albanian individuals and conducted an ethnographic study to locate the target population. In phase four, data for the cultural advisors able to help with the project data was collected. In the fifth and final phase, researchers gathered data for the second wave of the diaspora data, and conducted interviews with offenders with ethnic Albanian immigrants with knowledge of the organized crime situation in New York City area. Researchers also approached about twenty organized crime figures currently serving a prison sentence, and were able to conduct 9 in-depth interviews.
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Descriptive statistics of undocumented immigrant adults stratified by use of smugglers to cross the US-Mexico border: Mexican Migration Project 2007–19.
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Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
ABSTRACT
Statements about building walls, deportation and denying services to undocumented immigrants made by the US president may induce fear in Latino populations and create barriers to their health care access. To assess the impact of these statements on undocumented Latino immigrants' (UDLI) and Latino legal residents/citizens' (LLRC) perceptions of safety and their presentations for emergency care, we conducted surveys of adult patients at three county emergency departments (EDs) in California from June 2017 to December 2018. Of 1,684 patients approached, 1,337 (79.4%) agreed to participate: 34.3% UDLI, 36.9% LLRC, and 29.8% non-Latino legal residents/citizens (NLRC). The vast majority of UDLI (95%), LLRC (94%), and NLRC (85%) had heard statements about immigrants by President Trump. Most UDLI (89%), LLRC (88%), and NLRC (87%) either thought that these measures were being enacted now or will be enacted in the future. Most UDLI and LLRC reported that these statements made them feel unsafe living in the US, 75% (95% CI 70 to 80%) and 51% (95% CI 47 to 56%), respectively. More UDLI reported that these statements made them afraid to come to the ED (24% 95% CI 20 to 28%) vs LLRC (4.4% [95% CI 3 to 7%]) and NLRC (3.5% [95% CI 2 to 6%]); 55% of UDLI with this fear stated it caused them to delay coming to the ED (median delay 2-3 days). The vast majority of patients in our California EDs have heard statements about immigrants by the US president, which have induced worry and safety concerns in both UDLI and LLRC patients. These statements may also act as a barrier to some UDLI's access of emergency care. Given California's sanctuary state status, these safety concerns and ED access fears may be greater in a nationwide population of Latinos.