Population and household characteristics by built-up area (BUA) size classification and individual BUAs, England (excluding London) and Wales, Census 2021. Data are available at a country, BUA size classification and individual BUA level.

How would you define the boundaries of a town or city in England and Wales in 2016? Maybe your definition would be based on its population size, geographic extent or where the industry and services are located. This was a question the ONS had to consider when creating a new statistical geography called Towns and Cities. In reality, the ability to delimit the boundaries of a city or town is difficult! Major Towns and Cities The new statistical geography, Towns and Cities has been created based on population size and the extent of the built environment. It contains 112 towns and cities in England and Wales, where the residential and/or workday population > 75,000 people at the 2011 Census. It has been constructed using the existing Built-Up Area boundary set produced by Ordnance Survey in 2011. This swipe map shows where the towns and cities and built-up areas are different. Just swipe the bar from left to right. The blue polygons are the towns and cities and the purple polygons are the built-up areas.

This is the Index of Place Names (IPN) in Great Britain as at December 2022 (published March 2023). The IPN was first produced after the 1831 Census; this new version has been greatly expanded in content and extent. Featuring over 100,000 entries, it lists the names of localities and geography areas throughout England, Scotland and Wales. The IPN is published annually and with an updated and informative user guide giving a full rundown and explanation of the contents (File Size - 7 MB).(Note: Updated version 1.1 (published May 2023) reflects the change in registration districts from Northamptonshire to North Northamptonshire and West Northamptonshire.)

This data collection uses Census returns to construct a consistent time series of population for urban centres in England and Wales 1801-1911. This allows the urban development and structure of England and Wales to be analysed, and provides a resource to other researchers seeking to make ready comparisons of other information with urban development across the nineteenth century. It has been derived from the work of three previous researchers: (1) Chris Law (1967) originally prepared it; (2) Brian Robson (1973) developed the data further and transcribed Law’s data and preserved it, and also added information on some smaller settlements for years before they became ‘urban’ under Law’s criteria; (3) Jack Langton (2000) undertook a different study for the 17th century to 1841 using the same basic methods and definitions as Law-Robson for 1801 and 1841 and corrected various errors and omissions in the Law-Robson material; he also disaggregated the Law-Robson data for the period to 1841 to reflect the fact that many places had not coalesced into large towns by this date. The database here combines these three sources. It was prepared by Bob Bennett (2011) for a study of local economies and chamber of commerce business representation.

Towns in England and Wales: towns list, cities list, classification and population data.

The project aimed to thoroughly examine the rural geographies of gentrification in France, the UK, and the USA through a comparative study of its theory, forms, and dynamics. It sought to determine whether rural gentrification could be used as a concept to explain changes in rural areas in these countries. he project began by using the concept of "sociologies of translation" to understand how the term "rural gentrification" was used in academic, policy, and popular discourses in the past and present in these countries. To identify the presence and use of social assets within rural gentrification, an asset-based theory was developed. National datasets were mapped using empirical indicators and comparable measures of rural, urban, and peri-urban spaces to analyse the geographies of gentrification in these countries and develop a typology of rural gentrification. The archive consists of the UK element of the International Rural Gentrification (iRGENT) project The dataset contains material from a questionnaire survey conducted in 9 villages, located in 6 local authority Districts in England

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The main aim of the study was to undertake a new empirical study of voluntary activists in Britain. More specifically, the objectives were to undertake a qualitative study to (1) generate a deeper understanding of the processes by which people become activists, (2) describe citizens’ experiences of activism and (3) understand their evaluations of participation and democracy. A further aim of the study was to evaluate existing rival theories of civic voluntarism from the US, Europe and the UK and to contribute to theoretical explanations of why some citizens participate while others do not. The work of Robert Putnam and his concept of social capital was the particular focus of attention given its prominence in government and policy-making circles. A third aim of the study was to work with colleagues – Professors Seyd and Pattie at the University of Sheffield – by generating a subsample of activists from a Citizens’ Audit comprising a postal survey of nearly 10,000 respondents. In this way, the quantitative and qualitative studies would be linked as they will be in subsequent analysis and publications. However, Study Number 5017 is made up of the qualitative interview transcripts only. A fourth aim was to contribute to current political debates on disillusionment and disengagement by highlighting the opportunities and constraints on participation and examine satisfactions and dissatisfactions with democracy in Britain. It is anticipated that an in-depth knowledge of activism could contribute to policy development seeking to enhance activism in Britain. The final aim of the study was to locate the project alongside European research on citizenship, involvements and democracy and thereby add a comparative dimension to our understanding of the changing relationship between citizens and government. This is feasible at a time when European and American governments are tackling the same issues around disillusionment and disengagement. Main Topics: The dataset is composed of 98 interview transcripts with voluntary activists selected from the Citizens' Audit (CA) (a postal questionnaire) conducted by Professors Seyd and Pattie at the University of Sheffield. The interviewees were randomly selected from 713 respondents in the CA who indicated that they had spent more than 20 hours engaged in activities, in clubs, associations, groups, networks or in supporting other people during the last month. The dataset comprises both men and women resident in cities, towns and villages in England, Wales and Scotland. The interviews lasted for one and a half hours on average. The semi-structured interviews were conducted with the use of an interview schedule comprising a number of topics to ensure some similarity across the sample. First, under the topic about yourself’, the interviewees were asked some biographical questions such as marital status, family, education and job. Second, under the topicwhere you live’, the interviewees were asked about their localities and the extent to which they trusted people around them. Simple random sample Face-to-face interview

Data on the educational attainment of young people who sat their GCSEs in English state schools in the 2012 to 2013 school year, from age 11 to age 22, compiled using the Longitudinal Educational Outcomes database from the Department for Education (DfE). Data are linked to the area a student lived in when they sat their GCSEs, including characteristics such as town size and income deprivation levels.

🇬🇧 영국 English How would you define the boundaries of a town or city in England and Wales in 2016? Maybe your definition would be based on its population size, geographic extent or where the industry and services are located. This was a question the ONS had to consider when creating a new statistical geography called Towns and Cities. In reality, the ability to delimit the boundaries of a city or town is difficult! Major Towns and Cities The new statistical geography, Towns and Cities has been created based on population size and the extent of the built environment. It contains 112 towns and cities in England and Wales, where the residential and/or workday population > 75,000 people at the 2011 Census. It has been constructed using the existing Built-Up Area boundary set produced by Ordnance Survey in 2011. This swipe map shows where the towns and cities and built-up areas are different. Just swipe the bar from left to right. The blue polygons are the towns and cities and the purple polygons are the built-up areas.

This file provides a rural-urban view of 2001 Lower Layer Super Output Areas (LSOA) in England and Wales. The ZIP file contains the Rural Urban Classification in XLSX and CSV format and includes a user guide. The files were originally from the NeSS website. Click on the Download button to download the ZIP file.The classification of rural and urban areas is the outcome of a project co-sponsored by:Office for National Statistics (ONS);Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra);Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (now Communities and Local Government);Countryside Agency (CA); andNational Assembly for Wales (NAW).The classification was developed in 2004 by a consortium co-ordinated by Prof. John Shepherd from Birkbeck College. The technical work was lead by Peter Bibby of University of Sheffield and the project also involved the University of Glamorgan and Geowise. The rural and urban classification of Output Areas, Super Output Areas (this dataset) and Wards has been provided to enable datasets to be analysed according to the classification. This provides a powerful tool for the development and monitoring of rural and urban policies.Please Note: Super Output Areas do not have all the same codes as the OA level Dataset. For SOAs and Wards the classifications for ‘Villages, Hamlets and Isolated Dwellings’ have been combined.Similar procedures to those used to classify Output Areas apply to the classification for the 34,378 Lower Layer Super Output Areas in the dataset. However the morphological classification differs in the number of categories as very few LSOAs can be classified as predominantly dispersed settlements. LSOAs are categorised into just three domains: urban 10k, town and fringe and villages, hamlets and isolated dwellings, using the key below:2005 Rural and Urban morphology indicator1 - denotes predominantly urban >10k2 - denotes predominantly town and fringe3 - denotes other rural (including village, hamlet and isolated dwellings)2005 Rural and Urban context indicator0 - denotes less sparsely populated areas1 - denotes sparsely populated areas

The data is anonymised transcripts of six focus groups. The study aimed to understand how new cycling and walking infrastructure and community activation projects might support modal shift to active travel amongst commuters and older adults making within-town journeys in market towns.

This data collection contains data primarily from both the 1841 and 1851 Census of Ireland used in Fernihough and Ó Gráda (2022). Also contained, where available, are population counts from the 1821 and 1831 censuses. The data collection also includes an amended version of the Civil Parish Shapefile from townlands.ie (OpenStreetMap Ireland, 2020). Both data sources were adjusted to ensure concordance. The towlands.ie data is open data is open data, licensed under the Open Data Commons Open Database License (ODbL). Please contact Alan Fernihough for further details or queries. The “shapefile” files are the GIS files one needs to load the spatial boundaries. The census data is included in the “data.csv” file and one must merge this to the shapefiles to work with these data. However, this is a simple process. The file “load and join.R” is an example of how this could be performed using the R statistical software package.Was early 19th century Ireland overpopulated and fertility at an unsustainable level, or did other factors cause the Great Irish Famine? Did the famine-induced migration to Britain spread infectious diseases and have a substantial impact on British mortality rates? Similarly, what impact did the famine have on the British labour force and economy generally? This research project will answer these questions. The Great Famine was a watershed in global history. It was the last major famine to occur in a Western economy, and had long-run impacts. The enduring legacy of the famine has sparked the interest of numerous novelists and playwrights. Earlier this year, news that media group Channel 4 was considering commissioning a Great Famine-based sitcom stoked an intense public debate. Many felt that this would trivialise the tragedy. The length and breadth of this debate underlined the immense interest that still surrounds the famine. However, the spectrum of opinions as to the causes and consequences of the famine also highlighted the need for further historical research. Let the Data Speak Joel Mokyr's influential 1983 book Why Ireland Starved redefined famine research. Before, famine-related research was largely based on qualitative assessments that left ample room for both conjecture and, rhetoric, and errors. Unlike previous researchers, Mokyr, wanted to let the data decide whether or not it was Ireland's overpopulation that caused the famine. To do this he gathered data on the population density of Irish regions and found that it was Ireland's least densely populated regions that were the ones that suffered worse during the famine. Mokyr's test did not support the overpopulation theory (captured by what is known as the Malthusian model). I hasten to add that the Malthusian model cannot be considered to have been refuted by this finding. For one thing, the possibility that more sophisticated econometric techniques and improved data will reverse the finding cannot be ruled out. (Mokyr, 1983). Whilst striking, Mokyr's analysis was based on variation between relatively few data points (Ireland's 32 counties), as the quote above testifies. This study is motivated by the above quote. Better data (from over 3,000 civil parishes) and more sophisticated econometric techniques exist, and therefore Mokyr's findings can at last be re-evaluated, something this project will do. Mokyr's philosophy of letting the data speak, can also be applied to help uncover some of the Great Famine's consequences. Specifically, this project will quantify the impact that famine-induced migration had on Britain. The famine caused a mass movement of the Irish population to Britain. Before the famine, there were around 430,000 Irish born in Britain. By 1851, the Irish-born population had grown to 730,000. This crisis-driven mass-migration echoes Europe's migration crisis today, as people flea from war-torn and economically desolate nations in Africa and Asia. In this sense, the Great Irish Famine provides a form of historical natural experiment from which we can learn from and gain a greater understanding of the consequences of mass migrations. What effect did the Irish famine have on Britain? This research will use newly available census data (released as part of the ESRC-funded ICeM project) to uncover how the Irish famine influenced the British economy and labour force. For example, did the influx of Irish in certain cities such as Liverpool and Manchester boost demand and help to speed up economic growth, or did this migration depress the wages of locals and therefore stifle economic advancement? In addition, this project will also use newly available records of regional mortality to calculate what impact, if any, the Great Famine had on mortality in England and Wales. If the Irish famine caused elevated levels of mortality, this implies that the ultimate death toll of the Irish famine is underestimated. Parish-level data transcribed from published sources, the official census returns for 1841 and 1851. In addition, to 1821 and 1831 were partially transcribed where they could be satisfactorily matched. Spatial data (shapefiles) were downloaded from townlands.ie. Both the transcribed census returns and the townlands.ie shapefile were amended to ensure concordance between all of the sources. For example, in instances where a civil parish straddled two or more baronies the individual returns for the parish were aggregated to a single data observation, which was then matched to the corresponding townlands.ie spatial polygon. Variables from the 1841 and 1851 censuses are split according to total and rural portions of each parish. The census reports reported the non-rural (towns, villages, etc.) share of each parish separately. In parishes with no non-rural portions (villages, small towns, etc.) the totals for the complete and rural variables will be equal. 58 per cent of parishes fit this criteria.

Village Greens and Registered Common Lands in York *Please note that the data published within this dataset is a live API link to CYC's GIS server. Any changes made to the master copy of the data will be immediately reflected in the resources of this dataset.The date shown in the "Last Updated" field of each GIS resource reflects when the data was first published.

This dataset comprises polygon data showing the extent & location of all Common Land & Village Greens within West Berkshire Council. Commons are typically unfenced land in private ownership with development / land use protected by legislation, although commoners may be granted specific rights. Village Greens are generally areas where local residents go for exercise, lawful sports & pastimes. Some Village Greens also have rights of common over them but enjoy separate statutory protection. 38 registered parcels of land

A story map on how and why the boundaries were made, and a guide to their use for statistics

This dataset comprises polygon data showing the extent & location of all Common Land & Village Greens within Bristol.Commons are typically unfenced land in private ownership with development // land use protected by legislation, although commoners may be granted specific rights. Village Greens are generally areas where local residents go for exercise, lawful sports & pastimes. Some Village Greens also have rights of common over them but enjoy separate statutory protection.

A Town or Village Green is land over which a significant number of inhabitants of any locality have indulged as of right in lawful sports and pastimes on the land for a period of at least 20 years. Commons are areas of land, usually in private ownership, which are subject to rights held by other individuals, for example the right for others to graze animals, collect firewood etc., over that land. These “rights of common” usually originate from local custom. To view and download this data, please visit our Open Data Hub. https://wiltshire-council-open-data-hub-wiltscouncil.hub.arcgis.com/

The neighbourhood profiles are 22 data profiles that, collectively, cover the whole borough of Camden. The profiles contain comprehensive, verifiable and up-to-date statistics from a variety of sources about the community characteristics, assets and strengths, challenges and needs in each neighbourhood. They are designed to help the Council, other statutory partners and the VCS understand what is being delivered in small areas and the resources that already exist in each area, and identify any gaps. The neighbourhoods are composites of lower super output areas (LSOAs), which are smaller than wards. The neighbourhoods do not conform to administrative boundaries or electoral wards. Their borders are instead based on the actual way that residents identify with particular areas and how they really move about within certain localities.

A conservation area is an area of special architectural or historic interest, with character or appearance that is desirable to preserve or enhance. The first conservation areas were designated in 1967 under the Civic Amenities Act, and there are now nearly 10,000 in England. There are currently 60 conservation areas in Cherwell, reflecting the high quality environment of the district. Conservation areas are designated for many of the villages as well as for the market towns of Banbury and Bicester. Conservation area designation has also been afforded to the Oxford Canal as it runs through the district and two former military airbases RAF Upper Heyford and RAF Bicester. Conservation area appraisals are prepared for each conservation area. These document the character and importance of the area and include a management plan to help preserve or enhance the area. All appraisals undergo public consultation so we can incorporate the views of people living and working in these areas. The appraisals form an important part of the planning process.

Calderdale district has 27 medium layer super output areas (MSOAs). MSOAs are geospatial statistical terms developed by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) for the reporting of statistics of similar population sizes. The ONS has assigned each MSOA with a code (eg E0200224) and a label (eg Calderdale 001). The House of Commons Library MSOA names project has given each MSOA a recognisable name that reflects any towns, villages and neighbourhoods in the area represented. This data set includes demographic profiles for each MSOA in Calderdale using the LG Inform plus app.