In most countries, reliable national statistics on femicide, intimate partner femicide (IPF), and non-intimate partner femicide (NIPF) are not available. Surveys are required to collect robust data on this most extreme consequence of intimate partner violence (IPV). We analysed 3 national surveys to compare femicide, IPF, and NIPF from 1999 to 2017 using age-standardised rates (ASRs) and incidence rate ratios (IRRs).We conducted 3 national mortuary-based retrospective surveys using weighted cluster designs from proportionate random samples of medicolegal laboratories. We included females 14 years and older who were identified as having been murdered in South Africa in 1999 (n = 3,793), 2009 (n = 2,363), and 2017 (n = 2,407). Further information on the murdered cases were collected from crime dockets during interviews with police investigating officers. Our findings show that South Africa had an IPF rate of 4.9/100,000 female population in 2017. All forms of femicide among women 14 years and older declined from 1999 to 2017. For IPF, the ASR was 9.5/100,000 in 1999. Between 1999 and 2009, the decline for NIPF was greater than for IPF (IRR for NIPF 0.47 (95% confidence interval (CI) 0.42 to 0.53) compared to IRR for IPF 0.69 (95% CI 0.63 to 0.77). Rates declined from 2009 to 2017 and did not differ by femicide type. The decline in IPF was initially larger for women aged 14 to 29, and after 2009, it was more pronounced for those aged 30 to 44 years. Study limitations include missing data from the police and having to use imputation to account for missing perpetrator data.In this study, we observed a reduction in femicide overall and different patterns of change in IPF compared to NIPF. The explanation for the reductions may be due to social and policy interventions aimed at reducing IPV overall, coupled with increased social and economic stability. Our study shows that gender-based violence is preventable even in high-prevalence settings, and evidence-based prevention efforts must be intensified globally. We also show the value of dedicated surveys in the absence of functional information systems

Number of victims of spousal homicide, Canada and regions, 1997 to 2024.

United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data was reported at 0.874 Ratio in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 0.776 Ratio for 2015. United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data is updated yearly, averaging 0.825 Ratio from Dec 2005 (Median) to 2016, with 12 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1.115 Ratio in 2007 and a record low of 0.599 Ratio in 2011. United Kingdom UK: Intentional Homicides: Female: per 100,000 Female data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.World Bank: Health Statistics. Intentional homicides, female are estimates of unlawful female homicides purposely inflicted as a result of domestic disputes, interpersonal violence, violent conflicts over land resources, intergang violence over turf or control, and predatory violence and killing by armed groups. Intentional homicide does not include all intentional killing; the difference is usually in the organization of the killing. Individuals or small groups usually commit homicide, whereas killing in armed conflict is usually committed by fairly cohesive groups of up to several hundred members and is thus usually excluded.; ; UN Office on Drugs and Crime's International Homicide Statistics database.; ;

Domestic abuse numbers, prevalence, types and victim characteristics, based upon findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales and police recorded crime.

A joint venture involving the National Atlas programs in Canada (Natural Resources Canada), Mexico (Instituto Nacional de Estadstica Geografa e Informtica), and the United States (U.S. Geological Survey), as well as the North American Commission for Environmental Co-operation, has led to the release (June 2004) of several new products: an updated paper map of North America, and its associated geospatial data sets and their metadata. These data sets are available online from each of the partner countries both for download. This data has been revised and re-released in 2006. The North American Atlas data are standardized geospatial data sets at 1:10,000,000 scale. A variety of basic data layers (e.g. roads, railroads, populated places, political boundaries, hydrography, bathymetry, sea ice and glaciers) have been integrated so that their relative positions are correct. This collection of data sets forms a base with which other North American thematic data may be integrated. Any data outside of Canada, Mexico, and the United States of America included in the North American Atlas data sets is strictly to complete the context of the data. The North American Atlas - Political Boundaries data set shows political entities in North America as polygons representing jurisdictional areas, and as lines representing political boundaries, including International boundaries, Provincial boundaries, State or territory boundaries, and the International Date Line.

Abstract: The play Frankenstein is a theatrical and modern take on the tale of Frankenstein, or, The Modern Prometheus, primarily crafted by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley in the 19th century. The play stages the original story of Viktor Frankenstein, a young scientist who creates a humanoid monster that, for lack of empathy and instinct sublimation, murders his brother and friend. The play alternates with dialogues of a group of non-abled individuals, reflecting on gender, disability, and the relation between nature, culture, and civilization, as well as a possible orchestration of this constellation in Shelley´s original story. The othering of Frankenstein´s Creature is an allegory to the othering of non-abled people. Details: The play begins, the stage is darkened, and six disabled actors gather in a row in front of the set. Presumably, they are Viktor's family; together, they tell of a storm in which lightning struck a tree. In the next cut, the group can be seen, which consists of 11 members. They deliberate upon the message in "Frankenstein" and a possible adaptation, with the women, in particular, arguing for a feminist reading in which the play revolves around a feminist social critique. At the same time, the men assume a "boys-own" adventure. The women cite Shelley's parents, the feminist Marie Wollstonecraft and the anarchist William Godwin, as references. The piece continues. Victor and his family are introduced: his wife, Elizabeth; his father, his mother; brothers Earnest and William; housewife Justine; and his best friend, Henry. After his mother's death, Viktor moves to Ingolstadt for his studies, vowing to overcome death in memory of her. This oath, the will to defeat nature, and his studies' influence drive Viktor to create "Frankenstein's Creature" - a non-living body into which life is breathed. After the Creature escapes, he has a nervous breakdown. It cuts back to the group's discussion, which debates how life can come from nothing. It is agreed that the rest of Frankenstein's soul had lived in other people (men and women) before, but that his consciousness begins at zero. So he is strong, like a full-grown man, but cognitively inexperienced. Thereby partly findings of the psychoanalysis are used: The Creature's being is rudimentary since he lacks civilizing learning experiences such as appropriation by parents and drive suppression. It is stated that Frankenstein's Creature thereby (for that he cannot communicate and looks different) also represents an "other," i.e., is subject to marginalization processes by "normal" society. Henry visits Viktor in Ingolstadt and brings letters from his family, where he learns that his brother William was murdered (by the Creature, as is later revealed). He quickly decides to travel home to Geneva. On the way home, he meets his Creature and learns that William was killed by it. The group discusses whether William's death was Viktor's fault since he created the Creature or if it was a mistake, but one for which he should not bear responsibility. His young age and zeal come into the field, as well as his delusion to tame nature. Reunited with his family, Viktor learns that Justine, the housewife accused of William's murder, has been sentenced to death. She has no alibi, and a picture of Williams was found in her bag. Panic-stricken, Viktor tries to prove the opposite, concealing that he created the murderer. Then it comes to the confrontation between Viktor and the Creature. Viktor swears to destroy him, but the Creature asks him for a pact. Before proposing, he tells Viktor about his formation after his creation. He learned to talk and write, as well as a proto-human habitus, through observation and autodidactic. Even though he is an ultimately peaceful creature, others are repelled by his appearance. The death of William was a misunderstanding - he had strangled him by mistake. He wanted to suppress his screams. Out of fear, he conned Justine. The group compares the Creature to a tree, with feminist voices arguing for an elastic tree that can withstand storms, while the "male" side promotes a rigid tree, an oak. They also discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the pact. Finally, there is an understanding that Viktor accepts it for both sides, as it is a good solution, but also for the dangers that two Creatures are probably an even greater danger. The offer follows: The Creature demands a partner who is like it so that it is no longer excluded from the earthly happiness of the social life of humans. Together they are to live secluded from all humans and not endanger anyone. In return, the Creature promises not to curse Viktor and never to come close to other people again. Viktor agrees but soon changes his mind again: the danger of another monster causing even more deaths seems too great. The Creature is enraged when it learns of Viktor's plans. Both confront each other again in Scotland, where Viktor wants to carry out the creation. However, it curses Viktor and his marriage to Elizabeth; the wedding is imminent. As a result, Viktor wanders to Ireland, a small village that blames him for the murder of Henry, whom Viktor wants to track down. Viktor is overwhelmed by the accusation and the experience of the death of his best friend. Once again, he has a panic attack and a nervous breakdown. He suspects that the Creature is behind the murder. In the end, he is acquitted. His father brings him back to Geneva, and the wedding takes place. However, Viktor is restless - he aspires to find the Creature and end it once and for all. To do this, he follows their tracks to the Arctic, where he is found, half frozen, by a crew. The group concludes that although the play is characterized by male protagonism, it is nonetheless a feminist play because it exposes male domination and patriarchal patterns. The discussion jumps to the question of how contemporary the play is. Although it is about 200 years old, most find the messages still valid today. The core questions are whether it is reasonable to take domination of nature to the extreme like Frankenstein and overcome death; they all answer negatively because this instrumental reason leads to even greater chaos; it reifies man. Today's reference is the production of commodities and humanly-made climate change: Products of man, which he has created for himself, but now they dominate him. Nature cannot be suppressed; it must be a matter of reconciliation with it. The final scene follows: Viktor dies, and the Creature gets on the crew's boat. He discovers the corpse and finds it does not satisfy him, so there is a reconciliation between culture and nature. The Creature vows to take his own life, never to endanger another human being again. With Viktor's dead body in the middle, his family again resumes the stage, repeating the opening scene on the thunder and the tree, this time in the past tense.

Aspects of the murder and the case legal outcome over the 3 studies for IPF and NIPF: weighted and imputed data.

The NC Center for Geographic Information and Analysis developed the GIS data set, Public Municipal Stormwater Systems, as mapped by contractors to the NC Rural Center (engineering firms McGill & Associates and Hobbs, Upchurch & Associates) during 2004, 2005, and 2006 to facilitate planning, siting and impact analysis in the 100 individual counties of North Carolina. This file enables the user to make various county-level determinations when used in conjunction with other data layers. The purpose of this data set is to inform users of key information about Public Municipal Stormwater Systems in North Carolina, with particular focus on system size and growth, regulatory compliance, and capital improvement needs of the systems.

The data comprises of interview transcripts with young people, wider community members, and national experts on gangs, murder, gender based violence, security and drug trafficking in Port of Spain, Trinidad. The overarching research questions/objectives were: (1) To identify how transnational organized crime and drug-trafficking interfaces with vulnerable communities; how, through whom, when, and why? (2) To better understand the relationship between this upturn in violence and local masculine identities and men’s violence, including male-on-male murder, such as gang violence, and male-on-female/child SGBV. These aimed to explore the impact of transnational organised crime and drug-trafficking (TNOC) on poor urban communities in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, which has seen crime and violence soar since the mid-1990s as the city became transhipment point in the illegal drugs trade. The research project studies the impact of transnational organised crime and drug-trafficking (TNOC) on poor urban communities in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, which has seen crime and violence soar since the mid-1990s as the city became transhipment point in the illegal drugs trade. We address the impact of TNOC on vulnerable populations, culture and security by considering the 'transnational-to-community' impact of drug-trafficking. In particular we consider how TNOC contributes to a number of male residents becoming increasingly violent at a micro level as 92% of homicide victims are men: how do relatively benign 'corner kids' turn into violent gang members? In turn we ask, how can these communities work with young men to insulate themselves from the negative impact and violence generation of TNOC? This research uses masculinities as an interpretive lens and draws upon scholars across the disciplines of Peace Studies, Cultural Anthropology, and International Relations. The methodology is rooted in Trinidadian 'Spoken Word' traditions, and art and music, to grasp how male identity, culture, community violence and TNOC intersect. Before high levels of TNOC emerged, the region had relatively low levels of violent crime. However, this changed rapidly with the onset of cocaine trafficking in early 1990s across the Caribbean which dovetailed with the multiple clefts of colonial legacies, exclusion and poverty, worsened by the collapse of traditional agricultural exports, racial divisions and widespread institutional weaknesses. Violent death rates in cities in the region have grown to outstrip many warzones, whilst some of the highest rates of sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) in the world are found in the Caribbean. The answers to understanding violence must be sought at the interface between cocaine-driven TNOC and vulnerable communities, as poor residents have become disproportionately affected by violence. TNOC has weakened the rule of law, posing stiff challenges to already struggling institutions, whilst transforming local communities, hence the rather topical title of this research proposal 'Breaking Bad'. However, we still understand relatively little about the transformative processes between TNOC and community level violence. Furthermore, we understand little about how masculinities become violent in communities traversed by TNOC. It is at the intersection between TNOC, community, and masculinities, that the new violence of Port-of-Spain can be most productively understood. Certainly it is an area where we must strengthen policy and programming. Whilst there is no silver-bullet solution to violence in these cities, masculinities are clearly an important part of the solution and are almost completely overlooked. This research project strives to create pragmatic, evidence based recommendations to lead to concrete impact by promoting innovative, community-led and gender-based solutions for the populations that most suffer from violence, whilst serving to interrupt the negative impact that TNOC has on poor neighbourhoods. Qualitative methods were used based on semi-structured interviews; and the use of innovative Spoken Word workshops to discuss issues on gender, violence, gangs and drugs with young people. Spoken Word Workshops: These used culturally attuned spoken word (slam-poetry) techniques, as well as drawing and arts, and field trips, to encourage young people to engage creatively with the research questions on gender, violence, culture, and the roll of drugs, gangs, weapons and transnational organised crime, on poor neighbourhoods in the Port of Spain. Our researchers gleaned information from the informal discussions that took place during these sessions. During the workshops our researchers built rapport with the youth participants, five of whom were also interviewed one-on-one about these topics. A curriculum from the workshops was piloted and developed into an impact tool to be rolled out by out local partner. Interviews: One-on-one interviews deposited here include those with five young people (18-25) who come from poor, gang afflicted communities in the Port of Spain who took part in the Spoken Word workshops run during the project; twelve experts across multilateral organisations, NGOs, Community Organisations, Government Ministries, and national Military and Police Forces. These used a semi-structured approach (see Breaking Bad Topic and question guide for interviews). Focus Groups: These were held across different populations; two groups of five adult men and women within poor communities afflicted by gang violence; one with five youths from poor communities afflicted by gang violence; one with four security experts; and one with four members of the national security forces, both police and military.

The NC Center for Geographic Information and Analysis developed the GIS data set, Type A Current Public Water Systems, as mapped by contractors to the NC Rural Center (engineering firms McGill & Associates and Hobbs, Upchurch & Associates) during 2004, 2005, and 2006 to facilitate planning, siting and impact analysis in the 100 individual counties of North Carolina. This file enables the user to make various county-level determinations when used in conjunction with other data layers. The purpose of this data set is to inform users of key information about public water systems in North Carolina, with particular focus on system size and growth, water usage, water treatment, and capital improvement needs of the systems.

The NC Center for Geographic Information and Analysis developed the GIS data set, Type A Future Public Sewer Systems, as mapped by contractors to the NC Rural Center (engineering firms McGill & Associates and Hobbs, Upchurch & Associates) during 2004, 2005, and 2006 to facilitate planning, siting and impact analysis in the 100 individual counties of North Carolina. This file enables the user to make various county-level determinations when used in conjunction with other data layers. The purpose of this data set is to inform users of key information about public sewer systems in North Carolina, with particular focus on system size and growth, sewage discharge annd treatment, and capital improvement needs of the systems.