This dataset contains the details of the share of women judges in High Courts of the states and the Supreme Court of India

This is the replication data set for "Breaking the Judicial Glass Ceiling." These files may be used to replicate Table 2 and the robustness checks. It includes (1) a Codebook, (2) a Stata data set, and (3) a Stata do file.

While existing literature has established that women leaders are stereotyped as more likely to uphold the norms of democracy, the power of this effect in the non-democratic context is not established. We address this gap and argue that the context of regime transition cultivates a unique dynamic in which the stereotypes associated with women justices become especially valuable to both citizens and the state. However, we argue that this perception of women contributing to the health of democracy is not constant across all citizens equally; instead, those people with high levels of hostile bias against women are more likely to view women as the potential saviors of the democracy. To test our theories, we offer original survey data from Thailand and Poland, two countries in the midst of regime transition. We find evidence that suggests that the impact of women justices on assessments of democratic health is indeed dependent on hostile bias in Thailand, but that the relationship is not found in Poland. Our results suggest that bias can sometimes operate in unexpected ways, and that scholars should consider multiple measures of different types of bias when investigating its effects on behavior.

Abortions in the Soviet Union became much more accessible under the Khrushchev administration in 1953, and the USSR's abortion rate subsequently developed into the highest in the world. The Soviet government did not begin releasing official statistical data until the 1970s, however it is believed that around six or seven million abortions were carried out each year in the 1950s and 1960s; a figure that remained fairly consistent until the late 1980s**. This high rate was, in-part, due to rapid urbanization and a desire for smaller families, as well as the lack of quality contraceptives produced by the Soviet government, and the widespread belief that abortion was safer than the side-effects of hormonal regulation via the pill. Relative to population size, there were between 97 and 106 abortions carried out per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 49 in the given years, which is roughly equal to one in ten women of childbearing age having an abortion each year (estimates for Russia alone suggest that this number was one in six in the 1960s). There were however regional disparities across the Soviet Union, as abortions were much more accessible and common in the European part of the country, and less available or socially acceptable in the Muslim-majority and rural regions of Asia. Abortion in the U.S. In the U.S. during this time, the abortion rate was much lower due to previous legal restrictions and lack of access, societal attitudes, and better access to contraceptives. Prior to 1973, abortions were either banned outright or only available under specific circumstances in all-but-four states. The Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade then saw the removal of most federal restrictions relating to abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy. This granted women across the country greater access to legal abortions; in 1975 there were over one million legal abortions performed in the U.S., and between 1.5 and 1.6 million in the 1980s. Proportional to population size, this equated to 29 abortions per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 45 in 1980, which is roughly equal to one in 34 women of childbearing age having an abortion in this year. Legacy During the decline and dissolution of the Soviet Union, the government began to promote the use of contraceptives, however the poor quality and supply of these reinforced former perceptions that they were more harmful than abortions. Additionally, medical institutions received much higher sums from the government when abortions were performed (relative to income from contraceptives), and these incentives delayed the drop in Russian and other post-Soviet states' abortion rates. While it is now generally accepted that contraception is safer than abortion, and awareness of the risks of infertility and maternal death has become more widespread, today, Soviet successor states have some of the highest abortion rates in the world by a considerable margin.

In the U.S., following the peak of almost 30 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 in the 1980s, the abortion rate has gradually fallen with each decade, even dropping below the 1973 level in 2017. Although this is a side effect of improvements in contraception and education, a large part of this decline can be attributed to restricted access to abortion, particularly in rural and southern regions. While the majority of U.S. adults support Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court overturned the ruling in June 2022, granting states the right to determine their own abortion laws.

Dataset summarizes the participation of women and men in key decision making through selected positions of leadership. The proportion of women Diplomatic Corps reduced from 27.6 per cent in 2017 to 23.2 per cent in 2018 while those appointed as County Commissioners and Deputy County Commissioners reduced from 36.1 per cent and 14.9 per cent in 2017 to 29.8 per cent and 11.5 per cent in 2018 respectively. In the legislature,the proportion of women in both houses of Parliament remained below a third while that of Members of County Assemblies increased marginally to 33.9 per cent in 2018. The proportion of women judges at the Court of Appeal increased from 31.8 per cent in 2017 to 36.8 per cent in 2018. During the same period, the proportion of women judges at the High Court marginally increased by 1.4 percentage points.

The project used secondary data to assess the role of women as policymakers in Brazil by analysing mayoral elections. The project focuses on two municipal administration mandates in municipalities below 200,000 voters: 2001–2004 and 2005–2008. Electoral data comes from 'Tribunal Superior Eleitoral' (Superior Electoral Court), which is the highest judicial body of the Brazilian Electoral Justice. Data on mayoral characteristics, including gender, education, political affiliation, and political experience also come from Tribunal Superior Electoral. For our analyses, we focus on races with two candidates where one candidate is a woman and the other is a man, which gives us a sample of 723 races. The project further assesses corruption differentials between male and female candidates in elections. Data on corruption come from random audits of municipal governments since 2003. For each municipality, the auditors collect documents and information starting in 2001 and prepare an audit report. Over 2,000 municipalities were audited at the time of this project. Corruption data are available for 161 races in the sample. The dataset also includes: (1) data on the number of public employees in municipalities obtained from National statistics office, (2) data on electoral campaign contributions from the electoral tribunal, and (3)data on public expenditure in the municipalities.