In 2023, Texas had the highest number of forcible rape cases in the United States, with 15,097 reported rapes. Delaware had the lowest number of reported forcible rape cases at 194. Number vs. rate It is perhaps unsurprising that Texas and California reported the highest number of rapes, as these states have the highest population of states in the U.S. When looking at the rape rate, or the number of rapes per 100,000 of the population, a very different picture is painted: Alaska was the state with the highest rape rate in the country in 2023, with California ranking as 30th in the nation. The prevalence of rape Rape and sexual assault are notorious for being underreported crimes, which means that the prevalence of sex crimes is likely much higher than what is reported. Additionally, more than a third of women worry about being sexually assaulted, and most sexual assaults are perpetrated by someone the victim knew.

This study had four key goals. The first goal was to identify how many women in the United States and in college settings have ever been raped or sexually assaulted during their lifetime and within the past year. The next goal was to identify key case characteristics of drug-facilitated and forcible rapes. The third goal was to examine factors that affect the willingness of women to report rape to law enforcement or seek help from their support network. The last goal was to make comparisons between the different types of rape. Part 1 (General Population) data consisted of a national telephone household sample of 3,001 United States women, whereas Part 2 (College Population) data consisted of 2,000 college women selected from a reasonably representative national list of women attending four year colleges and universities. Both data parts contain the same 399 variables. Interviews were completed between January 23 and June 26, 2006. Respondents were asked questions regarding risk perception, fear of violence, and accommodation behavior. The women were also asked their opinions and attitudes about reporting rape to the authorities and disclosing rape to family members, peers, or other individuals. This includes questions about barriers to reporting and experiences that women have had being the recipient of a disclosure from a friend, relative, or other individual. The respondents were asked a series of questions about rape, including different types of forcible, drug- or alcohol-facilitated, and incapacitated rape. For women who endorsed one or more rape experiences, a wide range of rape characteristics were assessed including characteristics around the nature of the event, perpetrator-victim relationship, occurrence of injury, involvement of drugs or alcohol, receipt of medical care, and whether the rape was reported to the authorities. The respondents were also asked a series of questions regarding substance use, including prescription and illegal drugs and alcohol. Additionally, a series of questions related to post-traumatic stress disorder and depression were asked. Finally, the women were asked to provide basic demographic information such as age, race, ethnicity, and income.

The purpose of this study was to provide an in-depth look at rapes and attempted rapes in the United States. Part 1 of the collection offers data on rape victims and contains variables regarding the characteristics of the crime, such as the setting, the relationship between the victim and offender, the likelihood of injury, and the reasons why rape is not reported to police. Part 2 contains data on a control group of females who were victims of no crime or of crimes other than rape. The information contained is similar to that found in Part 1.

Exploration of the possible discrepancy between the fear of and the occurrence of sexual violence against women. Unsafe places in neighbourhood and municipality / agreement with notions such as: women who are raped usually have provoked it/ many women have an unconscious wish to be raped/ all men are potential rapists/ a lot of men think that a woman means yes if she says no, etc. / physically faster or weaker than average man or woman / educated with idea that no man can be trusted / mother sometimes afraid for men regarding rape / in general less afraid or more difficult getting angry than average man or woman / general moods and feelings. Determination of different types of sexual violence by examples of unwanted initiatives, psychological sexual violence, physical sexual violence and abuse of power with regard to strange men, acquainted men, authorities, partners and family / actual occurrence and emotional experience of sexual violence / estimation of occurrence and means to avoid sexual violence in different situations. Background variables: basic characteristics/ housing situation/ household characteristics/ occupation/employment/ education

This dataset reflects reported incidents of crime (with the exception of murders where data exists for each victim) that occurred in the City of Chicago from 2001 to present, minus the most recent seven days. Data is extracted from the Chicago Police Department's CLEAR (Citizen Law Enforcement Analysis and Reporting) system. In order to protect the privacy of crime victims, addresses are shown at the block level only and specific locations are not identified. Should you have questions about this dataset, you may contact the Research & Development Division of the Chicago Police Department at 312.745.6071 or RandD@chicagopolice.org. Disclaimer: These crimes may be based upon preliminary information supplied to the Police Department by the reporting parties that have not been verified. The preliminary crime classifications may be changed at a later date based upon additional investigation and there is always the possibility of mechanical or human error. Therefore, the Chicago Police Department does not guarantee (either expressed or implied) the accuracy, completeness, timeliness, or correct sequencing of the information and the information should not be used for comparison purposes over time. The Chicago Police Department will not be responsible for any error or omission, or for the use of, or the results obtained from the use of this information. All data visualizations on maps should be considered approximate and attempts to derive specific addresses are strictly prohibited. The Chicago Police Department is not responsible for the content of any off-site pages that are referenced by or that reference this web page other than an official City of Chicago or Chicago Police Department web page. The user specifically acknowledges that the Chicago Police Department is not responsible for any defamatory, offensive, misleading, or illegal conduct of other users, links, or third parties and that the risk of injury from the foregoing rests entirely with the user. The unauthorized use of the words "Chicago Police Department," "Chicago Police," or any colorable imitation of these words or the unauthorized use of the Chicago Police Department logo is unlawful. This web page does not, in any way, authorize such use. Data is updated daily Tuesday through Sunday. The dataset contains more than 65,000 records/rows of data and cannot be viewed in full in Microsoft Excel. Therefore, when downloading the file, select CSV from the Export menu. Open the file in an ASCII text editor, such as Wordpad, to view and search. To access a list of Chicago Police Department - Illinois Uniform Crime Reporting (IUCR) codes, go to http://data.cityofchicago.org/Public-Safety/Chicago-Police-Department-Illinois-Uniform-Crime-R/c7ck-438e

This survey was conducted by the Center for Urban Affairs and Policy Research at Northwestern University to gather information for two projects that analyzed the impact of crime on the lives of city dwellers. These projects were the Reactions to Crime (RTC) Project, which was supported by the United States Department of Justice's National Institute of Justice as part of its Research Agreements Program, and the Rape Project, supported by the National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape, a subdivision of the National Institute of Mental Health. Both investigations were concerned with individual behavior and collective reactions to crime. The Rape Project was specifically concerned with sexual assault and its consequences for the lives of women. The three cities selected for study were Chicago, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. A total of ten neighborhoods were chosen from these cities along a number of dimensions -- ethnicity, class, crime, and levels of organizational activity. In addition, a small city-wide sample was drawn from each city. Reactions to crime topics covered how individuals band together to deal with crime problems, individual responses to crime such as property marking or the installation of locks and bars, and the impact of fear of crime on day-to-day behavior -- for example, shopping and recreational patterns. Respondents were asked several questions that called for self-reports of behavior, including events and conditions in their home areas, their relationship to their neighbors, who they knew and visited around their homes, and what they watched on TV and read in the newspapers. Also included were a number of questions measuring respondents' perceptions of the extent of crime in their communities, whether they knew someone who had been a victim, and what they had done to reduce their own chances of being victimized. Questions on sexual assault/rape included whether the respondent thought this was a neighborhood problem, if the number of rapes in the neighborhood were increasing or decreasing, how many women they thought had been sexually assaulted or raped in the neighborhood in the previous year, and how they felt about various rape prevention measures, such as increasing home security, women not going out alone at night, women dressing more modestly, learning self-defense techniques, carrying weapons, increasing men's respect of women, and newspapers publishing the names of known rapists. Female respondents were asked whether they thought it likely that they would be sexually assaulted in the next year, how much they feared sexual assault when going out alone after dark in the neighborhood, whether they knew a sexual assault victim, whether they had reported any sexual assaults to police, and where and when sexual assaults took place that they were aware of. Demographic information collected on respondents includes age, race, ethnicity, education, occupation, income, and whether the respondent owned or rented their home.

ABSTRACT CONTEXT AND OBJECTIVE: Sexual violence is increasingly frequent worldwide. The aim here was to evaluate the sociodemographic and psychological characteristics of women who requested legal abortion, at a public healthcare service, after sufering sexual violence. DESIGN AND SETTING: Retrospective descriptive study on 131 women who underwent legal abortion at the University of Campinas between 1994 and 2014, consequent to sexual violence. METHODS: The sociodemographic and psychological characteristics of women who were victims of sexual violence were evaluated from their medical records. The tests used to evaluate possible associations were the chi-square and/or Fisher’s exact test. RESULTS: The women’s mean age was 23 ± 9.2 years; 77.9% were white and 71.8% were single; 32.8% were students and 58.6% had employment outside of their homes. The majority reported that they did not know the aggressor (62.3%), but among the adolescents, 58% of the aggressors were known. The majority asked for abortion up to the 12th weeks of gestation (63.4%). Only 2.3% presented curettage complications. The psychological situation most frequently encountered was determined, in 34.4% of the cases before the abortion; and good in 32.8% after the abortion. CONCLUSIONS: There was greater occurrence of sexual violence among students and women who worked outside. Among the students, most of these were adolescents and had no previous sexual life. The teenagers were raped by a known aggressor.

This article highlights the patriarchal nature of the Indian state and discusses this in relation to the state’s response to several rape and molestation cases. It emphasises a number of responses made by political, community and well-known fundamentalist leaders, which have focussed on controlling women’s sexuality and mobility. Such statements are framed within patriarchal notions of female morality, honour and shame through which mores are created for eve-teasing (sexual harassment). The article also discusses public remarks highlighted within the media in relation to the internationally reported Delhi gang rape case, which focussed on the movements and morality of the victim. I argue that such patriarchal responses support a rape culture in India, which has led to increased violence against women and breaches of Indian women’s human rights.