This paper documents a set of facts about the dramatic decline in birth rates in the United States between 2007 and 2020 and explores possible explanations for it. The overall reduction in the birth rate reflects both very large declines within certain groups of women, including teens and Hispanic women – and smaller declines among demographic groups that comprise a large population share, including college-educated white women. We explore potential economic, policy, and social factors that might be responsible for the overall decline. We conclude from our empirical examination of possible factors that there is not a readily identifiable economic or policy factor or set of factors this is likely responsible for a substantial share of the decline. Instead, the patterns observed suggest that widespread, hard to quantify changes in preferences for having children, aspirations for life, and the nature of parenting are more likely behind the recent decline in US births. We conclude with a brief discussion about the societal consequences for a declining birth rate and what the United States might do about it.

The total fertility rate of the world has dropped from around 5 children per woman in 1950, to 2.2 children per woman in 2025, which means that women today are having fewer than half the number of children that women did 75 years ago. Replacement level fertility This change has come as a result of the global demographic transition, and is influenced by factors such as the significant reduction in infant and child mortality, reduced number of child marriages, increased educational and vocational opportunities for women, and the increased efficacy and availability of contraception. While this change has become synonymous with societal progress, it does have wide-reaching demographic impact - if the global average falls below replacement level (roughly 2.1 children per woman), as is expected to happen in the 2050s, then this will lead to long-term population decline on a global scale. Regional variations When broken down by continent, Africa is the only region with a fertility rate above the global average, and, alongside Oceania, it is the only region with a fertility rate above replacement level. Until the 1980s, the average woman in Africa could expect to have 6-7 children over the course of their lifetime, and there are still several countries in Africa where women can still expect to have 5 or more children in 2025. Historically, Europe has had the lowest fertility rates in the world over the past century, falling below replacement level in 1975. Europe's population has grown through a combination of migration and increasing life expectancy, however even high immigration rates could not prevent its population from going into decline in 2021.

Over the past 30 years, the birth rate in the United States has been steadily declining, and in 2023, there were 10.7 births per 1,000 of the population. In 1990, this figure stood at 16.7 births per 1,000 of the population. Demographics have an impact The average birth rate in the U.S. may be falling, but when broken down along ethnic and economic lines, a different picture is painted: Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander women saw the highest birth rate in 2022 among all ethnicities, and Asian women and white women both saw the lowest birth rate. Additionally, the higher the family income, the lower the birth rate; families making between 15,000 and 24,999 U.S. dollars annually had the highest birth rate of any income bracket in the States. Life expectancy at birth In addition to the declining birth rate in the U.S., the total life expectancy at birth has also reached its lowest value recently. Studies have shown that the life expectancy of both men and women in the United States has been declining over the last few years. Declines in life expectancy, like declines in birth rates, may indicate that there are social and economic factors negatively influencing the overall population health and well-being of the country.

Over the past 30 years, the birth rate in the United States has been steadily declining, and in 2022, there were 11 births per 1,000 of the population. In 1990, this figure stood at 16.7 births per 1,000 of the population. Demographics have an impact The average birth rate in the U.S. may be falling, but when broken down along ethnic and economic lines, a different picture is painted: Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander women saw the highest birth rate in 2022 among all ethnicities, and Asian women and white women both saw the lowest birth rate. Additionally, the higher the family income, the lower the birth rate; families making between 15,000 and 24,999 U.S. dollars annually had the highest birth rate of any income bracket in the States. Life expectancy at birth In addition to the declining birth rate in the U.S., the total life expectancy at birth has also reached its lowest value in recent years. Studies have shown that the life expectancy of both men and women in the United States has declined as of 2021. Declines in life expectancy, like declines in birth rates, may indicate that there are social and economic factors negatively influencing the overall population health and well-being of the country.

In 2024, the average number of children born per 1,000 people in China ranged at ****. The birth rate has dropped considerably since 2016, and the number of births fell below the number of deaths in 2022 for the first time in decades, leading to a negative population growth rate. Recent development of the birth rate Similar to most East-Asian countries and territories, demographics in China today are characterized by a very low fertility rate. As low fertility in the long-term limits economic growth and leads to heavy strains on the pension and health systems, the Chinese government decided to support childbirth by gradually relaxing strict birth control measures, that had been in place for three decades. However, the effect of this policy change was considerably smaller than expected. The birth rate increased from **** births per 1,000 inhabitants in 2010 to ***** births in 2012 and remained on a higher level for a couple of years, but then dropped again to a new low in 2018. This illustrates that other factors constrain the number of births today. These factors are most probably similar to those experienced in other developed countries as well: women preferring career opportunities over maternity, high costs for bringing up children, and changed social norms, to name only the most important ones. Future demographic prospects Between 2020 and 2023, the birth rate in China dropped to formerly unknown lows, most probably influenced by the coronavirus pandemic. As all COVID-19 restrictions were lifted by the end of 2022, births figures showed a catch-up effect in 2024. However, the scope of the rebound might be limited. A population breakdown by five-year age groups indicates that the drop in the number of births is also related to a shrinking number of people with child-bearing age. The age groups between 15 and 29 years today are considerably smaller than those between 30 and 44, leaving less space for the birth rate to increase. This effect is exacerbated by a considerable gender gap within younger age groups in China, with the number of females being much lower than that of males.

The average for 2022 based on 195 countries was 18.38 births per 1000 people. The highest value was in Niger: 45.03 births per 1000 people and the lowest value was in Hong Kong: 4.4 births per 1000 people. The indicator is available from 1960 to 2022. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 in early 2020 and the recurring epidemic in later years have disturbed China’s economy. Moreover, China’s demographic dividend has been disappearing due to its fastest aging population and declining birth rate. The birth rates in eastern provinces of China are much lower than those of the western provinces. Considering the impacts of the COVID-19 and aging population, this paper focused on the relationship between birth rate and the disposable income and tried to find effective measures to raise China’s birth rate. We discovered through regression analysis that the link between per capita disposable income and birth rate is initially "reverse J" and later "inverted J", indicating that per capita disposable income will influence the birth rate. Women’s employment rate and educational level are negatively correlated with the birth rate. To raise the fertility rate in China, it is necessary to increase the marriage rate and the willingness to have children by raising the per capita disposable income and introducing effective tax relief policies.

Economic growth and modernization of society are generally associated with fertility rate decreases but which forces trigger this is unclear. In this paper we assess how fertility changes with increased labor market participation of women in rural Senegal. Evidence from high-income countries suggests that higher female employment rates lead to reduced fertility rates but evidence from developing countries at an early stage of demographic transition is largely absent. We concentrate on a rural area in northern Senegal where a recent boom in horticultural exports has been associated with a sudden increase in female off-farm employment. Using survey data we show that employed women have a significantly higher age at marriage and at first childbirth, and significantly fewer children. As causal identification strategy we use instrumental variable and difference-in-differences estimations, combined with propensity score matching. We find that female employment reduces the number of children per woman by 25%, and that this fertility-reducing effect is as large for poor as for non-poor women and larger for illiterate than for literate women. Results imply that female employment is a strong instrument for empowering rural women, reducing fertility rates and accelerating the demographic transition in poor countries. The effectiveness of family planning programs can increase if targeted to areas where female employment is increasing or to female employees directly because of a higher likelihood to reach women with low-fertility preferences. Our results show that changes in fertility preferences not necessarily result from a cultural evolution but can also be driven by sudden and individual changes in economic opportunities.

Costly reproductive competition among females is predicted to lead to strategies that reduce these costs, such as reproductive schedules. Simultaneous births of co-resident women in human families can reduce their infant survival, but whether such competition also affects overall birth rates and whether females time their pregnancies to avoid simultaneous births remain unknown, despite being key questions for understanding how intra-female competition affects reproductive strategies. Here, we used detailed parish registers to study female reproductive competition in historical Finnish joint –families, where brothers stayed on their natal farms and sisters married out, and consequently unrelated daughters-in-law often co-resided and competed for household resources. We quantified the time-varying effects of having reproductive-aged competitor(s) on a woman’s interval from marriage to first childbirth, on age-specific fertility, and on birth scheduling. Contrary to our hypothesis, the presence of one or several potential female competitors did not lead to longer first birth intervals or lower age-specific probability of reproduction. We also found no evidence that women would schedule their reproduction to avoid the real cost of simultaneous births on their offspring mortality risk; age-specific reproductive rates were unaltered by changes in the presence of other infants in the household. These results raise interesting questions regarding the evolution of fertility suppression in social mammals in different contexts, the costs and benefits of extended families for female reproductive success and strategies deployed, and the cultural practices that may help to avoid the negative outcomes of female reproductive competition in human families.

The fertility rates have fallen in all five Nordic countries over the last years. However, in 2021, the birth rates increased again in all five Nordics countries, besides in Sweden, where the fertility rate stayed the same. This can be explained by the higher number of babies born during the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, Iceland had the highest fertility rate of the Nordic countries, with *** children born per woman in reproductive age. The global trend of decreasing fertility The Nordics are not the only region with decreasing fertility rates. Globally, fertility rates have been on a steady decline since 2000. While lower-income countries have had more significant declines, they still have more children born per woman than higher-income countries. In 2000, almost * children were born per woman in low-income countries, decreasing to **** in 2021. By comparison, nearly **** children were born per woman in high-income countries, falling slightly to **** by 2021. Overall, in 2023, Niger, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo had the highest fertility rates, while Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore had the lowest fertility rates. Impacts of low fertility Greater access to education, challenges between work-life balance, and the costs of raising children can all be linked to falling fertility rates. However, this decline is not without consequences, and many countries are facing social and economic challenges because of aging and shrinking populations. For example, in Japan, where nearly ** percent of the country is aged 65 or older, an increasing proportion of the government expenditure is going towards social security benefits. Moreover, the very low unemployment rate in Japan can partially be attributed to having a shrinking labor force and fewer people to support the economy.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the data for the Impact, TX population pyramid, which represents the Impact population distribution across age and gender, using estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates. It lists the male and female population for each age group, along with the total population for those age groups. Higher numbers at the bottom of the table suggest population growth, whereas higher numbers at the top indicate declining birth rates. Furthermore, the dataset can be utilized to understand the youth dependency ratio, old-age dependency ratio, total dependency ratio, and potential support ratio.

Key observations

• Youth dependency ratio, which is the number of children aged 0-14 per 100 persons aged 15-64, for Impact, TX, is 0.0.
• Old-age dependency ratio, which is the number of persons aged 65 or over per 100 persons aged 15-64, for Impact, TX, is 41.7.
• Total dependency ratio for Impact, TX is 41.7.
• Potential support ratio, which is the number of youth (working age population) per elderly, for Impact, TX is 2.4.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Age groups:

• Under 5 years
• 5 to 9 years
• 10 to 14 years
• 15 to 19 years
• 20 to 24 years
• 25 to 29 years
• 30 to 34 years
• 35 to 39 years
• 40 to 44 years
• 45 to 49 years
• 50 to 54 years
• 55 to 59 years
• 60 to 64 years
• 65 to 69 years
• 70 to 74 years
• 75 to 79 years
• 80 to 84 years
• 85 years and over

Variables / Data Columns

• Age Group: This column displays the age group for the Impact population analysis. Total expected values are 18 and are define above in the age groups section.
• Population (Male): The male population in the Impact for the selected age group is shown in the following column.
• Population (Female): The female population in the Impact for the selected age group is shown in the following column.
• Total Population: The total population of the Impact for the selected age group is shown in the following column.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Impact Population by Age. You can refer the same here

These findings were based on a pooled time series analysis that covers a 30-year period at five different time-points: 1960, 1970, 1980, 1985, and 1990. This research examines the relationship between states' Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) payments and teen birthrates. Drawing on rational choice theories, the investigators expected the effects of states' AFDC payments on their teen birthrates to be positive, taking unemployment rates, racial composition, and poverty rates into account. The effects of states' AFDC payments were significant in a negative direction in Model 1, a random effects model. They also were significant in a negative direction in Model 2 when the effects of year were controlled for. However, when the effects of year and state in Model 3 were controlled for, they were not significant. The findings do not support assumptions regarding the incentive effects of welfare that underlie rational choice theories in states where teen birthrates are higher. If anything, teen birthrates are higher in states where AFDC payments are lower. Implications for policy and further research are discussed in relation to the positive effects of states' poverty and population change rates on the state teen birthrate problem.

From March on, the number of births in Italy experienced a decrease. The coronavirus pandemic might have had an impact of the country's birth rate as well. In particular, during the second wave of infections registered between October and December 2020, the number of births dropped by 7.7 percent compared to the same period of 2019. However, Italy's birth rate has been decreasing constantly in the last decades.

This package contains the survey data and documentation for “The Negligible Effect of Free Contraception on Fertility: Experimental Evidence from Burkina Faso,” by Pascaline Dupas, Seema Jayachandran, Adriana Lleras-Muney,and Pauline Rossi. It contains all data and code necessary for replicating the tables and figures in the paper. The data files are in Stata (.dta), and the replication code was written in Stata. The abstract of the paper is as follows:We conducted a randomized trial among 14,545 households in rural Burkina Faso to test the oft-cited hypothesis that limited access to contraception is an important driver of high fertility rates in West Africa. We do not find support for this hypothesis. Women who were given free access to modern contraception for three years did not have lower birth rates; we can reject even modest effects. We cross-randomized additional interventions to address inefficiencies that might depress demand for free contraception, specifically misperceptions about the child mortality rate and social norms. Free contraception did not significantly influence fertility even in combination with these interventions.

At the beginning of the 1990s, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) launched a project to conduct international comparative surveys on family and birth rates in European countries (Fertility and Family Surveys - FFS). For the past three decades, Europe has seen profound changes in birth rates, education and family structures. In this context, various authors speak of a "second demographic upheaval". In many European countries, the following trends are emerging: declining birth rates, together with combined birth rates which remain below the level necessary for generational survival (1.49 in Switzerland at the time of the survey in 1994 and 1.50 in 1996), a declining tendency to marry and the emergence of new family forms (consensual couples, single-parent families, blended families). If these trends continue, significant demographic consequences are to be expected, with correspondingly drastic consequences for social and economic organisation (one issue is above all the ageing of the population). The collection of biographical data makes it possible to collect detailed information at the individual level, which supplements the census data. The course of life in our society is becoming increasingly complex and diverse. Censuses can collect little information on the biography of individuals, but this information is essential for understanding and explaining changes in behaviour in terms of birth rates and partnership. The collection of biographical data thus provides an important basis for statistics and scientific research. Another objective of this study is to provide information to those involved in the development of family and social policies. An optional module of the questionnaire (not adopted by Switzerland) is dedicated to population policy and serves to monitor the effectiveness of this policy. The plan for an international survey on family and birth rates in Europe therefore pursues the following objectives: - Providing information on families and birth rates that complements census and marital status data and can be used for scientific purposes, but also for political and administrative purposes; - Provision of data that can be used to develop more precise population scenarios; - Testing of new hypotheses concerning the determinants of parental and partnership behaviour; - Investigation of problems related to family and birth policies; - Comparisons of recent developments in family and birth rates in European countries. Each participating country carries out a representative sample survey based on a standardised questionnaire. The data collected are therefore comparable with those of other countries. The Swiss Federal Statistical Office had planned to conduct a survey on family and birth rates as part of its microcensus programme. Official statistics in our country have few data that allow an analysis of the profound changes in this area. The project of the Economic Commission for Europe offered Switzerland the opportunity to conduct such a survey and at the same time participate in an international comparative research programme. The basic concept for this was drawn up in 1992. The Swiss Federal Statistical Office, which collaborated with the Institute of Sociology at the University of Zurich and the Laboratoire de démographie économique et sociale at the University of Geneva, was in charge of the overall management of the project on behalf of the Federal Council. The objectives of the survey were as follows: - To provide an overview of recent developments and the current situation of the family and the birth rate in Switzerland; - To study the interactions between education, employment, family lifestyles and birth rates; - To shed light on the changes in attitudes and values about family and child. This survey allows (lifecourse-related) longitudinal analyses as a supplement to the (momentary) cross-sectional studies of the situation in the areas of birth rate, tendency to marry and household structure based on census and civil status data. This information is intended for those involved in social and family policy decisions and for scientific research. Anfangs der 90er Jahre lanciert die Wirtschaftskommission für Europa (Economic Commission for Europe - ECE) der Vereinten Nationen ein Projekt, das die Durchführung international vergleichender Erhebungen über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in den Ländern Europas vorsah (Fertility and Family Surveys - FFS). Seit drei Jahrzehnten ist in Europa ein tiefgreifender Wandel in den Bereichen Geburtenhäufigkeit, Ausbildung und Familienstrukturen zu beobachten. Verschiedene Autoren sprechen in diesem Zusammenhang von einem "zweiten demographischen Umbruch". In zahlreichen europäischen Ländern zeichnen sich folgende Trends ab: sinkende Geburtenhäufigkeit, zusammen mit zusammengefassten Geburtenziffern, welche weiterhin unter den für den Generationenerhalt notwendigen Wert liegen (1,49 in der Schweiz zum Erhebungszeitpunkt 1994 und 1,50 im Jahr 1996), Rückgang der Heiratsneigung und Aufkommen neuer Familienformen (Konsensualpaare, Einelternfamilien, Fortsetzungsfamilien). Falls diese Trends weiter anhalten, ist mit bedeutenden demographischen Konsequenzen zu rechnen, mit entsprechend einscheidenden Folgen für die gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Organisation (ein Thema ist vor allem die Alterung der Bevölkerung). Die Erhebung von biographischen Daten gestattet es, detaillierte Informationen auf der Stufe des Einzelnen zu sammeln, welche die Volkszählungsdaten ergänzen. Die Lebensverläufe in unserer Gesellschaft werden immer komplexer und vielfältiger. Bei den Volkszählungen können nur wenige Informationen zur Biographie des Einzelnen erhoben werden; diese Angaben sind aber von grundlegender Bedeutung, wenn es darum geht, Verhaltensänderungen im Bereich Geburtenhäufigkeit und Partnerschaft zu verstehen und zu erklären. Die Erhebung von biographischen Daten liefert demnach wichtige Grundlagen für die Statistik und die wissenschaftliche Forschung. Ein weiteres Ziel dieses Projekts besteht darin, Informationen für die Personen bereitszustellen, die mit der Ausarbeitung der Familien- und Sozialpolitik befasst sind. Ein (von der Schweiz nicht übernommenes) fakultatives Modul des Fragebogens ist denn auch der Bevölkerungspolitik gewidmet und dient zur Überprüfung der Wirksamkeit dieser Politik. Der Plan einer internationalen Erhebung über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in Europa verfolgt somit folgende Zielsetzungen: - Bereitstellung von Informationen über Familien und Geburtenhäufigkeit, welche die Volkszählungs- und Zivilstandsdaten ergänzen und für wissenschaftliche Zwecke, aber auch für die Belange der Politik und der Verwaltung verwendet werden können; - Bereitstellung von Daten, welche zur Erarbeitung von genaueren Bevölkerungsszenarien dienen können; - Testen neuer Hypothesen betreffend die Determinanten des Eltern- und Partnerschaftsverhaltens; - Untersuchung der Probleme im Zusammenhang mit der Familien- und Geburtenpolitik; - Vergleiche der neueren Entwicklungen im Bereich Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit in den europäischen Ländern. Jedes teilnehmende Land führt eine für die Bevölkerung repräsentative Stichprobenerhebung durch, welche auf einem standardisierten Fragebogen basiert. Die erhobenen Daten sind demnach mit denjenigen anderer Länder vergleichbar. Das Bundesamt für Statistik hatte im Rahmen seines Mikrozensus-Programms die Durchführung einer Erhebung über Familie und Geburtenhäufigkeit geplant. Die amtliche Statistik in unserem Land verfügt nur über wenige Daten, die eine Analyse des tiefgreifenden Wandels in diesem Bereich ermöglichen. Das Projekt der Wirtschaftskommission für Europa bot der Schweiz die Möglichkeit, eine solche Erhebung durchzuführen und sich gleichzeitig an einem international vergleichenden Forschungsprogramm zu beteiligen. 1992 wurde das Grundkonzept dafür erstellt. Die Gesamtleitung des im Auftrag des Bundesrats realisierten Projekts lag beim Bundesamt für Statistik, das mit dem Soziologischen Institut der Universität Zürich und dem Laboratoire de démographie économique et sociale der Universität Genf zusammenarbeitete. Die Erhebung verfolgte folgende Zielsetzungen: - Erarbeiten eines Überblicks über die jüngste Entwicklung und die aktuelle Lage der Familie und der Geburtenhäufigkeit in der Schweiz; - Untersuchen der Wechselwirkungen zwischen Ausbildung, Erwerbstätigkeit, familialen Lebensformen und Geburtenhäufigkeit; - Aufschluss geben über den Wandel der Einstellungen und Werthaltungen über Familie und Kind. Diese Erhebung ermöglicht (lebenslaufbezogene) Längsschnittanalysen als Ergänzung zu den auf Volkszählungs- und Zivilstandsdaten basierenden (momentbezogenen) Querschnittuntersuchungen der Situation in den Bereichen Geburtenhäufigkeit, Heiratsneigung und Haushaltsstruktur. Diese Informationen sind für die mit sozial- und familienpolitischen Entscheiden befassten Personen sowie für die wissenschaftliche Forschung bestimmt.

Many developed countries have recently experienced sharp increases in home birth rates. This paper investigates the impact of home births on the health of low-risk newborns using data from the Netherlands, the only developed country where home births are widespread. To account for endogeneity in location of birth, we exploit the exogenous variation in distance from a mother's residence to the closest hospital. We find that giving birth in a hospital leads to substantial reductions in newborn mortality. We provide suggestive evidence that proximity to medical technologies may be an important channel contributing to these health gains. (JEL I11, I12, J13, J16)

The low birth-weight rate measures the percentage of live births with weights below 2500 grams. A low birth-weight can affect health outcomes later in life, and is an illustrative indicator for the overall health of the measured population.

The low birth-weight rate in Champaign County has been above 8 percent since 2011, the earliest Reporting Year available in the dataset. This is close to the statewide rate, which returned to 8.4 percent from Reporting Year 2021 through present after a slight decrease in recent years. The lowest county low birth-weight rate in the state is 5.6 percent (Carroll County in the northwest corner of the state), while the highest county low birth-weight rate in the state is 11.9 percent (Pulaski County in southernmost Illinois).

This data was sourced from the University of Wisconsin's Population Health Institute's and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s County Health Rankings & Roadmaps. Each year’s County Health Rankings uses data from years prior. Therefore, the 2023 County Health Rankings (“Reporting Year” in the table) uses data from 2014-2020 (“Data Years” in the table).

Source: University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute. County Health Rankings & Roadmaps 2023.

The 1998 Philippines National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS). is a nationally-representative survey of 13,983 women age 15-49. The NDHS was designed to provide information on levels and trends of fertility, family planning knowledge and use, infant and child mortality, and maternal and child health. It was implemented by the National Statistics Office in collaboration with the Department of Health (DOH). Macro International Inc. of Calverton, Maryland provided technical assistance to the project, while financial assistance was provided by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the DOH. Fieldwork for the NDHS took place from early March to early May 1998. The primary objective of the NDHS is to Provide up-to-date information on fertility levels; determinants of fertility; fertility preferences; infant and childhood mortality levels; awareness, approval, and use of family planning methods; breastfeeding practices; and maternal and child health. This information is intended to assist policy makers and program managers in evaluating and designing programs and strategies for improving health and family planning services in the country. MAIN RESULTS Survey data generally confirm patterns observed in the 1993 National Demographic Survey (NDS), showing increasing contraceptive use and declining fertility. FERTILITY Fertility Decline. The NDHS data indicate that fertility continues to decline gradually but steadily. At current levels, women will give birth an average of 3.7 children per woman during their reproductive years, a decline from the level of 4.1 recorded in the 1993 NDS. A total fertility rate of 3.7, however, is still considerably higher than the rates prevailing in neighboring Southeast Asian countries. Fertility Differentials. Survey data show that the large differential between urban and rural fertility levels is widening even further. While the total fertility rate in urban areas declined by about 15 percent over the last five years (from 3.5 to 3.0), the rate among rural women barely declined at all (from 4.8 to 4.7). Consequently, rural women give birth to almost two children more than urban women. Significant differences in fertility levels by region still exist. For example, fertility is more than twice as high in Eastern Visayas and Bicol Regions (with total fertility rates well over 5 births per woman) than in Metro Manila (with a rate of 2.5 births per woman). Fertility levels are closely related to women's education. Women with no formal education give birth to an average of 5.0 children in their lifetime, compared to 2.9 for women with at least some college education. Women with either elementary or high school education have intermediate fertility rates. Family Size Norms. One reason that fertility has not fallen more rapidly is that women in the Philippines still want moderately large families. Only one-third of women say they would ideally like to have one or two children, while another third state a desire for three children. The remaining third say they would choose four or more children. Overall, the mean ideal family size among all women is 3.2 children, identical to the mean found in 1993. Unplanned Fertility. Another reason for the relatively high fertility level is that unplanned pregnancies are still common in the Philippines. Overall, 45 percent of births in the five years prior to the survey were reported to be unplanned; 27 percent were mistimed (wanted later) and 18 percent were unwanted. If unwanted births could be eliminated altogether, the total fertility rate in the Philippines would be 2.7 births per woman instead of the actual level of 3.7. Age at First Birth. Fertility rates would be even higher if Filipino women did not have a pattem of late childbearing. The median age at first birth is 23 years in the Philippines, considerably higher than in most other countries. Another factor that holds down the overall level of fertility is the fact that about 9 or 10 percent of women never give birth, higher than the level of 3-4 percent found in most developing countries. FAMILY PLANNING Increasing Use of Contraception. A major cause of declining fertility in the Philippines has been the gradual but fairly steady increase in contraceptive use over the last three decades. The contraceptive prevalence rate has tripled since 1968, from 15 to 47 percent of married women. Although contraceptive use has increased since the 1993 NDS (from 40 to 47 percent of married women), comparison with the series of nationally representative Family Planning Surveys indicates that there has been a levelling-off in family planning use in recent years. Method Mix. Use of traditional methods of family planning has always accounted for a relatively high proportion of overall use in the Philippines, and data from the 1998 NDHS show the proportion holding steady at about 40 percent. The dominant changes in the "method mix" since 1993 have been an increase in use of injectables and traditional methods such as calendar rhythm and withdrawal and a decline in the proportions using female sterilization. Despite the decline in the latter, female sterilization still is the most widely used method, followed by the pill. Differentials in Family Planning Use. Differentials in current use of family planning in the 16 administrative regions of the country are large, ranging from 16 percent of married women in ARMM to 55 percent of those in Southern Mindanao and Central Luzon. Contraceptive use varies considerably by education of women. Only 15 percent of married women with no formal education are using a method, compared to half of those with some secondary school. The urban-rural gap in contraceptive use is moderate (51 vs. 42 percent, respectively). Knowledge of Contraception. Knowledge of contraceptive methods and supply sources has been almost universal in the Philippines for some time and the NDHS results indicate that 99 percent of currently married women age 15-49 have heard of at least one method of family planning. More than 9 in 10 married women know the pill, IUD, condom, and female sterilization, while about 8 in 10 have heard of injectables, male sterilization, rhythm, and withdrawal. Knowledge of injectables has increased far more than any other method, from 54 percent of married women in 1993 to 89 percent in 1998. Unmet Need for Family Planning. Unmet need for family planning services has declined since I993. Data from the 1993 NDS show that 26 percent of currently married women were in need of services, compared with 20 percent in the 1998 NDHS. A little under half of the unmet need is comprised of women who want to space their next birth, while just over half is for women who do not want any more children (limiters). If all women who say they want to space or limit their children were to use methods, the contraceptive prevalence rate could be increased from 47 percent to 70 percent of married women. Currently, about three-quarters of this "total demand" for family planning is being met. Discontinuation Rates. One challenge for the family planning program is to reduce the high levels of contraceptive discontinuation. NDHS data indicate that about 40 percent of contraceptive users in the Philippines stop using within 12 months of starting, almost one-third of whom stop because of an unwanted pregnancy (i.e., contraceptive failure). Discontinuation rates vary by method. Not surprisingly, the rates for the condom (60 percent), withdrawal (46 percent), and the pill (44 percent) are considerably higher than for the 1UD (14 percent). However, discontinuation rates for injectables are relatively high, considering that one dose is usually effective for three months. Fifty-two percent of injection users discontinue within one year of starting, a rate that is higher than for the pill. MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTH Childhood Mortality. Survey results show that although the infant mortality rate remains unchanged, overall mortality of children under five has declined somewhat in recent years. Under-five mortality declined from 54 deaths per 1,000 births in 1988-92 to 48 for the period 1993-97. The infant mortality rate remained stable at about 35 per 1,000 births. Childhood Vaccination Coverage. The 1998 NDHS results show that 73 percent of children 12- 23 months are fully vaccinated by the date of the interview, almost identical to the level of 72 percent recorded in the 1993 NDS. When the data are restricted to vaccines received before the child's first birthday, however, only 65 percent of children age 12-23 months can be considered to be fully vaccinated. Childhood Health. The NDHS provides some data on childhood illness and treatment. Approximately one in four children under age five had a fever and 13 percent had respiratory illness in the two weeks before the survey. Of these, 58 percent were taken to a health facility for treatment. Seven percent of children under five were reported to have had diarrhea in the two weeks preceeding the survey. The fact that four-fifths of children with diarrhea received some type of oral rehydration therapy (fluid made from an ORS packet, recommended homemade fluid, or increased fluids) is encouraging. Breastfeeding Practices. Almost all Filipino babies (88 percent) are breastfed for some time, with a median duration of breastfeeding of 13 months. Although breastfeeding has beneficial effects on both the child and the mother, NDHS data indicate that supplementation of breastfeeding with other liquids and foods occurs too early in the Philippines. For example, among newborns less than two months of age, 19 percent were already receiving supplemental foods or liquids other than water. Maternal Health Care. NDHS data point to several areas regarding maternal health care in which improvements could be made. Although most Filipino mothers (86 percent) receive prenatal care from a doctor, nurse, or midwife, tetanus toxoid coverage is far from universal and

In 2021, the birth rate in the United States was highest in families that had under 10,000 U.S. dollars in income per year, at 62.75 births per 1,000 women. As the income scale increases, the birth rate decreases, with families making 200,000 U.S. dollars or more per year having the second-lowest birth rate, at 47.57 births per 1,000 women. Income and the birth rate Income and high birth rates are strongly linked, not just in the United States, but around the world. Women in lower income brackets tend to have higher birth rates across the board. There are many factors at play in birth rates, such as the education level of the mother, ethnicity of the mother, and even where someone lives. The fertility rate in the United States The fertility rate in the United States has declined in recent years, and it seems that more and more women are waiting longer to begin having children. Studies have shown that the average age of the mother at the birth of their first child in the United States was 27.4 years old, although this figure varies for different ethnic origins.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the data for the Truth Or Consequences, NM population pyramid, which represents the Truth Or Consequences population distribution across age and gender, using estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates. It lists the male and female population for each age group, along with the total population for those age groups. Higher numbers at the bottom of the table suggest population growth, whereas higher numbers at the top indicate declining birth rates. Furthermore, the dataset can be utilized to understand the youth dependency ratio, old-age dependency ratio, total dependency ratio, and potential support ratio.

Key observations

• Youth dependency ratio, which is the number of children aged 0-14 per 100 persons aged 15-64, for Truth Or Consequences, NM, is 38.1.
• Old-age dependency ratio, which is the number of persons aged 65 or over per 100 persons aged 15-64, for Truth Or Consequences, NM, is 40.0.
• Total dependency ratio for Truth Or Consequences, NM is 78.1.
• Potential support ratio, which is the number of youth (working age population) per elderly, for Truth Or Consequences, NM is 2.5.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Age groups:

• Under 5 years
• 5 to 9 years
• 10 to 14 years
• 15 to 19 years
• 20 to 24 years
• 25 to 29 years
• 30 to 34 years
• 35 to 39 years
• 40 to 44 years
• 45 to 49 years
• 50 to 54 years
• 55 to 59 years
• 60 to 64 years
• 65 to 69 years
• 70 to 74 years
• 75 to 79 years
• 80 to 84 years
• 85 years and over

Variables / Data Columns

• Age Group: This column displays the age group for the Truth Or Consequences population analysis. Total expected values are 18 and are define above in the age groups section.
• Population (Male): The male population in the Truth Or Consequences for the selected age group is shown in the following column.
• Population (Female): The female population in the Truth Or Consequences for the selected age group is shown in the following column.
• Total Population: The total population of the Truth Or Consequences for the selected age group is shown in the following column.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Truth Or Consequences Population by Age. You can refer the same here