In 2023, the infant mortality rate in India was at about 24.5 deaths per 1,000 live births, a significant decrease from previous years. Infant mortality as an indicatorThe infant mortality rate is the number of deaths of children under one year of age per 1,000 live births. This rate is an important key indicator for a country’s health and standard of living; a low infant mortality rate indicates a high standard of healthcare. Causes of infant mortality include premature birth, sepsis or meningitis, sudden infant death syndrome, and pneumonia. Globally, the infant mortality rate has shrunk from 63 infant deaths per 1,000 live births to 27 since 1990 and is forecast to drop to 8 infant deaths per 1,000 live births by the year 2100. India’s rural problemWith 32 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, India is neither among the countries with the highest nor among those with the lowest infant mortality rate. Its decrease indicates an increase in medical care and hygiene, as well as a decrease in female infanticide. Increasing life expectancy at birth is another indicator that shows that the living conditions of the Indian population are improving. Still, India’s inhabitants predominantly live in rural areas, where standards of living as well as access to medical care and hygiene are traditionally lower and more complicated than in cities. Public health programs are thus put in place by the government to ensure further improvement.

UNICEF's country profile for India, including under-five mortality rates, child health, education and sanitation data.

The child mortality rate in India, for children under the age of five, was 509 deaths per thousand births in 1880. This means that over half of all children born in 1880 did not survive past the age of five, and it remained this way until the twentieth century. From 1900 until today, the child mortality rate has fallen from over 53 percent in 1900, to under four percent in 2020. Since 1900, there were only two times where the child mortality rate increased in India, which were as a result of the Spanish Flu pandemic in the 1910s, and in the 1950s as India adjusted to its newfound independence.

This comprehensive dataset provides a deep dive into the infant mortality rates (IMR) in India, tracing its trajectory through various decades. It offers valuable insights into health indicators, socio-economic factors, and policy initiatives, showcasing how India has evolved in its approach to child health and safety. Researchers, policymakers, and enthusiasts can tap into this rich resource to gain a better understanding of the challenges and progress made in the realm of infant health in India.

It's worth noting that while the dataset is expansive, there are multiple null values for data points prior to the 1990s. This underscores the limitations in the available data from that period, and users are advised to exercise caution when making historical comparisons or drawing conclusions from these early years. Regardless, this dataset stands as a testament to the strides India has made and the distances yet to be covered in ensuring the well-being of its youngest citizens.

Source

The infant mortality rate in India, for children under the age of one year old, was over 204 deaths per thousand births in 1915. This means that for all babies born in 1915,more than one fifth did not survive past their first birthday. This rate fluctuated over the next four decades, but since the mid-1900s, India's infant mortality rate has fallen from 181 to 32 deaths per thousand births in 2020, meaning that over three percent of all babies born today do not make it to their first birthday.

ObjectivesUnder the prevailing conditions of imbalanced life table and historic gender discrimination in India, our study examines crossover between life expectancies at ages zero, one and five years for India and quantifies the relative share of infant and under-five mortality towards this crossover.MethodsWe estimate threshold levels of infant and under-five mortality required for crossover using age specific death rates during 1981–2009 for 16 Indian states by sex (comprising of India’s 90% population in 2011). Kitagawa decomposition equations were used to analyse relative share of infant and under-five mortality towards crossover.FindingsIndia experienced crossover between life expectancies at ages zero and five in 2004 for menand in 2009 for women; eleven and nine Indian states have experienced this crossover for men and women, respectively. Men usually experienced crossover four years earlier than the women. Improvements in mortality below ages five have mostly contributed towards this crossover. Life expectancy at age one exceeds that at age zero for both men and women in India except for Kerala (the only state to experience this crossover in 2000 for men and 1999 for women).ConclusionsFor India, using life expectancy at age zero and under-five mortality rate together may be more meaningful to measure overall health of its people until the crossover. Delayed crossover for women, despite higher life expectancy at birth than for men reiterates that Indian women are still disadvantaged and hence use of life expectancies at ages zero, one and five become important for India. Greater programmatic efforts to control leading causes of death during the first month and 1–59 months in high child mortality areas can help India to attain this crossover early.

Female child mortality rate of India declined by 4.79% from 29.2 deaths per thousand live births in 2022 to 27.8 deaths per thousand live births in 2023. Since the 5.90% slump in 2013, female child mortality rate plummeted by 45.49% in 2023. Child mortality rate is the probability of dying between the exact ages of one and five, if subject to current age-specific mortality rates. The probability is expressed as a rate per 1,000.

This statistic shows the 20 countries* with the highest infant mortality rate in 2024. An estimated 101.3 infants per 1,000 live births died in the first year of life in Afghanistan in 2024. Infant and child mortality Infant mortality usually refers to the death of children younger than one year. Child mortality, which is often used synonymously with infant mortality, is the death of children younger than five. Among the main causes are pneumonia, diarrhea – which causes dehydration – and infections in newborns, with malnutrition also posing a severe problem. As can be seen above, most countries with a high infant mortality rate are developing countries or emerging countries, most of which are located in Africa. Good health care and hygiene are crucial in reducing child mortality; among the countries with the lowest infant mortality rate are exclusively developed countries, whose inhabitants usually have access to clean water and comprehensive health care. Access to vaccinations, antibiotics and a balanced nutrition also help reducing child mortality in these regions. In some countries, infants are killed if they turn out to be of a certain gender. India, for example, is known as a country where a lot of girls are aborted or killed right after birth, as they are considered to be too expensive for poorer families, who traditionally have to pay a costly dowry on the girl’s wedding day. Interestingly, the global mortality rate among boys is higher than that for girls, which could be due to the fact that more male infants are actually born than female ones. Other theories include a stronger immune system in girls, or more premature births among boys.

Objective: Retrospective analysis of routinely collected data using verbal and social autopsy tools to identify the medical causes of death and contribution of non-biological factors towards infant mortality Setting: The study site was Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS), Ballabgarh, North India Participants: All infant deaths during year 2008 to 2012 were included for verbal autopsy whereas infant deaths from July 2012 to December 2012 were included for social autopsy. Outcome measures: Cause of death ascertained by validated verbal autopsy tool and level of delay based on three delay model using INDEPTH social autopsy tool were the main outcome measures. Results: Infant mortality rate during study period was 46.5/100 live births. Neonatal deaths contributed to 54.3% of infant deaths and 39% occurred on first day of life. Birth asphyxia (31.5%) followed by Low Birth Weight (LBW)/prematurity (26.5%) were the most common causes of neonatal death. While infective cause (57.8) was the most common cause of post-neonatal death. Care-seeking was delayed among 50% of neonatal deaths and 41.2% of post-neonatal deaths. Delay at level 1 was most common, observed in 32.4% of neonatal deaths and 29.4% of post-neonatal deaths. Deaths due to LBW/prematurity were mostly followed by delay at level 1. Conclusion: High proportion of preventable infant mortality still exists in an area which is under continuous health and demographic surveillance. There is need to enhance home based preventive care to enable the mother to identify and respond to danger signs. Verbal autopsy and social autopsy could be routinely done to guide policy interventions aimed at reduction of infant mortality.

In 2020, the state of Madhya Pradesh, with 47 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, recorded the highest rural infant mortality rate in India. Other regions with high mortality rates included Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh. On the contrary, Delhi recorded the lowest figures for the category during the same period.

The second National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2), conducted in 1998-99, provides information on fertility, mortality, family planning, and important aspects of nutrition, health, and health care. The International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) coordinated the survey, which collected information from a nationally representative sample of more than 90,000 ever-married women age 15-49. The NFHS-2 sample covers 99 percent of India's population living in all 26 states. This report is based on the survey data for 25 of the 26 states, however, since data collection in Tripura was delayed due to local problems in the state.

IIPS also coordinated the first National Family Health Survey (NFHS-1) in 1992-93. Most of the types of information collected in NFHS-2 were also collected in the earlier survey, making it possible to identify trends over the intervening period of six and one-half years. In addition, the NFHS-2 questionnaire covered a number of new or expanded topics with important policy implications, such as reproductive health, women's autonomy, domestic violence, women's nutrition, anaemia, and salt iodization.

The NFHS-2 survey was carried out in two phases. Ten states were surveyed in the first phase which began in November 1998 and the remaining states (except Tripura) were surveyed in the second phase which began in March 1999. The field staff collected information from 91,196 households in these 25 states and interviewed 89,199 eligible women in these households. In addition, the survey collected information on 32,393 children born in the three years preceding the survey. One health investigator on each survey team measured the height and weight of eligible women and children and took blood samples to assess the prevalence of anaemia.

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

Three-quarters (73 percent) of the population lives in rural areas. The age distribution is typical of populations that have recently experienced a fertility decline, with relatively low proportions in the younger and older age groups. Thirty-six percent of the population is below age 15, and 5 percent is age 65 and above. The sex ratio is 957 females for every 1,000 males in rural areas but only 928 females for every 1,000 males in urban areas, suggesting that more men than women have migrated to urban areas.

The survey provides a variety of demographic and socioeconomic background information. In the country as a whole, 82 percent of household heads are Hindu, 12 percent are Muslim, 3 percent are Christian, and 2 percent are Sikh. Muslims live disproportionately in urban areas, where they comprise 15 percent of household heads. Nineteen percent of household heads belong to scheduled castes, 9 percent belong to scheduled tribes, and 32 percent belong to other backward classes (OBCs). Two-fifths of household heads do not belong to any of these groups.

Questions about housing conditions and the standard of living of households indicate some improvements since the time of NFHS-1. Sixty percent of households in India now have electricity and 39 percent have piped drinking water compared with 51 percent and 33 percent, respectively, at the time of NFHS-1. Sixty-four percent of households have no toilet facility compared with 70 percent at the time of NFHS-1.

About three-fourths (75 percent) of males and half (51 percent) of females age six and above are literate, an increase of 6-8 percentage points from literacy rates at the time of NFHS-1. The percentage of illiterate males varies from 6-7 percent in Mizoram and Kerala to 37 percent in Bihar and the percentage of illiterate females varies from 11 percent in Mizoram and 15 percent in Kerala to 65 percent in Bihar. Seventy-nine percent of children age 6-14 are attending school, up from 68 percent in NFHS-1. The proportion of children attending school has increased for all ages, particularly for girls, but girls continue to lag behind boys in school attendance. Moreover, the disparity in school attendance by sex grows with increasing age of children. At age 6-10, 85 percent of boys attend school compared with 78 percent of girls. By age 15-17, 58 percent of boys attend school compared with 40 percent of girls. The percentage of girls 6-17 attending school varies from 51 percent in Bihar and 56 percent in Rajasthan to over 90 percent in Himachal Pradesh and Kerala.

Women in India tend to marry at an early age. Thirty-four percent of women age 15-19 are already married including 4 percent who are married but gauna has yet to be performed. These proportions are even higher in the rural areas. Older women are more likely than younger women to have married at an early age: 39 percent of women currently age 45-49 married before age 15 compared with 14 percent of women currently age 15-19. Although this indicates that the proportion of women who marry young is declining rapidly, half the women even in the age group 20-24 have married before reaching the legal minimum age of 18 years. On average, women are five years younger than the men they marry. The median age at marriage varies from about 15 years in Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Andhra Pradesh to 23 years in Goa.

As part of an increasing emphasis on gender issues, NFHS-2 asked women about their participation in household decisionmaking. In India, 91 percent of women are involved in decision-making on at least one of four selected topics. A much lower proportion (52 percent), however, are involved in making decisions about their own health care. There are large variations among states in India with regard to women's involvement in household decisionmaking. More than three out of four women are involved in decisions about their own health care in Himachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, and Punjab compared with about two out of five or less in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and Rajasthan. Thirty-nine percent of women do work other than housework, and more than two-thirds of these women work for cash. Only 41 percent of women who earn cash can decide independently how to spend the money that they earn. Forty-three percent of working women report that their earnings constitute at least half of total family earnings, including 18 percent who report that the family is entirely dependent on their earnings. Women's work-participation rates vary from 9 percent in Punjab and 13 percent in Haryana to 60-70 percent in Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh.

FERTILITY AND FAMILY PLANNING

Fertility continues to decline in India. At current fertility levels, women will have an average of 2.9 children each throughout their childbearing years. The total fertility rate (TFR) is down from 3.4 children per woman at the time of NFHS-1, but is still well above the replacement level of just over two children per woman. There are large variations in fertility among the states in India. Goa and Kerala have attained below replacement level fertility and Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Punjab are at or close to replacement level fertility. By contrast, fertility is 3.3 or more children per woman in Meghalaya, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Nagaland, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh. More than one-third to less than half of all births in these latter states are fourth or higher-order births compared with 7-9 percent of births in Kerala, Goa, and Tamil Nadu.

Efforts to encourage the trend towards lower fertility might usefully focus on groups within the population that have higher fertility than average. In India, rural women and women from scheduled tribes and scheduled castes have somewhat higher fertility than other women, but fertility is particularly high for illiterate women, poor women, and Muslim women. Another striking feature is the high level of childbearing among young women. More than half of women age 20-49 had their first birth before reaching age 20, and women age 15-19 account for almost one-fifth of total fertility. Studies in India and elsewhere have shown that health and mortality risks increase when women give birth at such young ages?both for the women themselves and for their children. Family planning programmes focusing on women in this age group could make a significant impact on maternal and child health and help to reduce fertility.

INFANT AND CHILD MORTALITY

NFHS-2 provides estimates of infant and child mortality and examines factors associated with the survival of young children. During the five years preceding the survey, the infant mortality rate was 68 deaths at age 0-11 months per 1,000 live births, substantially lower than 79 per 1,000 in the five years preceding the NFHS-1 survey. The child mortality rate, 29 deaths at age 1-4 years per 1,000 children reaching age one, also declined from the corresponding rate of 33 per 1,000 in NFHS-1. Ninety-five children out of 1,000 born do not live to age five years. Expressed differently, 1 in 15 children die in the first year of life, and 1 in 11 die before reaching age five. Child-survival programmes might usefully focus on specific groups of children with particularly high infant and child mortality rates, such as children who live in rural areas, children whose mothers are illiterate, children belonging to scheduled castes or scheduled tribes, and children from poor households. Infant mortality rates are more than two and one-half times as high for women who did not receive any of the recommended types of maternity related medical care than for mothers who did receive all recommended types of care.

HEALTH, HEALTH CARE, AND NUTRITION

Promotion of maternal and child health has been one of the most important components of the Family Welfare Programme of the Government of India. One goal is for each pregnant woman to receive at least three antenatal check-ups plus two tetanus toxoid injections and a full course of iron and folic acid

Data in table tells us about the year-wise National Family Health Survey- Main Findings.

Indicators used are: Population and Household Profile, Characteristics of Adults (age 15-49), Marriage and fertility, Infant and Child Mortality Rates (per 1,000 live births), Current Use of Family Planning Methods (currently married women age 15-49 years), Unmet Need for Family Planning (currently married women age 15-49 years), Quality of Family Planning Services, Maternal and Child Health includes- Maternity Care (for last birth in the 5 years before the survey), Delivery Care (for births in the 5 years before the survey), Treatment of Childhood Diseases (children under age 5 years), Child Feeding Practices and Nutritional Status of Children, Nutritional Status of Adults (age 15-49 years) includes- Anaemia among Children and Adults 15, Blood Sugar Level among Adults (age 15-49 years)16, Women Age 15-49 Years Who Have Ever Undergone Examinations of: Cervix, breast and oral cavity, Knowledge of HIV/AIDS among Adults (age 15-49 years), Women's Empowerment and Gender Based Violence (age 15-49 years) and Tobacco Use and Alcohol Consumption among Adults (age 15-49 years). NFHS-3 was calculated for 2005-2006 and NFHS-4 for 2015-16 for urban areas, rural areas and total separately.

BackgroundIndia is unlikely to meet the Millennium Development Goal for child mortality. As public policy impacts child mortality, we assessed the association of social sector expenditure with child mortality in India. Methods and FindingsMixed-effects regression models were used to assess the relationship of state-level overall social sector expenditure and its major components (health, health-related, education, and other) with mortality by sex among infants and children aged 1–4 years from 1997 to 2009, adjusting for potential confounders. Counterfactual models were constructed to estimate deaths averted due to overall social sector increases since 1997. Increases in per capita overall social sector expenditure were slightly higher in less developed than in more developed states from 1997 to 2009 (2.4-fold versus 2-fold), but the level of expenditure remained 36% lower in the former in 2009. Increase in public expenditure on health was not significantly associated with mortality reduction in infants or at ages 1–4 years, but a 10% increase in health-related public expenditure was associated with a 3.6% mortality reduction (95% confidence interval 0.2–6.9%) in 1–4 years old boys. A 10% increase in overall social sector expenditure was associated with a mortality reduction in both boys (6.8%, 3.5–10.0%) and girls (4.1%, 0.8–7.5%) aged 1–4 years. We estimated 119,807 (95% uncertainty interval 53,409 – 214,662) averted deaths in boys aged 1–4 years and 94,037 (14,725 – 206,684) in girls in India in 2009 that could be attributed to increases in overall social sector expenditure since 1997. ConclusionsFurther reduction in child mortality in India would be facilitated if policymakers give high priority to the social sector as a whole for resource allocation in the country’s 5-year plan for 2012–2017, as public expenditure on health alone has not had major impact on reducing child mortality.

In 2020, the infant mortality rate in the state of Kerala in India was about *** deaths per 1,000 live births. Infant mortality is measured by the number of deaths of children under one year of age per 1,000 live births.

Proportion of live births and distribution of neonatal and infant mortality rates (per thousand) by place of delivery according to India and states, NFHS-4.

In 2020, the infant mortality rate in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India was ** deaths per 1,000 live births. Infant mortality is measured by the number of deaths of children under one year of age per 1,000 live births.

Existing vital health statistics registries in India have been unable to provide reliable estimates of maternal and newborn mortality and morbidity, and region-specific health estimates are essential to the planning and monitoring of health interventions. This study was designed to assess baseline rates as the precursor to a community-based cluster randomized control trial (cRCT)–Community Level Interventions for Pre-eclampsia (CLIP) Trial (NCT01911494; CTRI/2014/01/004352). The objective was to describe baseline demographics and health outcomes prior to initiation of the CLIP trial and to improve knowledge of population-level health, in particular of maternal and neonatal outcomes related to hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, in northern districts the state of Karnataka, India. The prospective population-based survey was conducted in eight clusters in Belgaum and Bagalkot districts in Karnataka State from 2013–2014. Data collection was undertaken by adapting the Maternal and Newborn Health registry platform, developed by the Global Network for Women’s and Child Health Studies. Descriptive statistics were completed using SAS and R. During the period of 2013–2014, prospective data was collected on 5,469 pregnant women with an average age of 23.2 (+/-3.3) years. Delivery outcomes were collected from 5,448 completed pregnancies. A majority of the women reported institutional deliveries (96.0%), largely attended by skilled birth attendants. The maternal mortality ratio of 103 (per 100,000 livebirths) was observed during this study, neonatal mortality ratio was 25 per 1,000 livebirths, and perinatal mortality ratio was 50 per 1,000 livebirths. Despite a high number of institutional deliveries, rates of stillbirth were 2.86%. Early enrollment and close follow-up and monitoring procedures established by the Maternal and Newborn Health registry allowed for negligible lost to follow-up. This population-level study provides regional rates of maternal and newborn health in Belgaum and Bagalkot in Karnataka over 2013–14. The mortality ratios and morbidity information can be used in planning interventions and monitoring indicators of effectiveness to inform policy and practice. Comprehensive regional epidemiologic data, such as that provided here, is essential to gauge improvements and challenges in maternal health, as well as track disparities found in rural areas.

IntroductionProducing estimates of infant (under age 1 y), child (age 1–4 y), and under-five (under age 5 y) mortality rates disaggregated by sex is complicated by problems with data quality and availability. Interpretation of sex differences requires nuanced analysis: girls have a biological advantage against many causes of death that may be eroded if they are disadvantaged in access to resources. Earlier studies found that girls in some regions were not experiencing the survival advantage expected at given levels of mortality. In this paper I generate new estimates of sex differences for the 1970s to the 2000s. Methods and FindingsSimple fitting methods were applied to male-to-female ratios of infant and under-five mortality rates from vital registration, surveys, and censuses. The sex ratio estimates were used to disaggregate published series of both-sexes mortality rates that were based on a larger number of sources. In many developing countries, I found that sex ratios of mortality have changed in the same direction as historically occurred in developed countries, but typically had a lower degree of female advantage for a given level of mortality. Regional average sex ratios weighted by numbers of births were found to be highly influenced by China and India, the only countries where both infant mortality and overall under-five mortality were estimated to be higher for girls than for boys in the 2000s. For the less developed regions (comprising Africa, Asia excluding Japan, Latin America/Caribbean, and Oceania excluding Australia and New Zealand), on average, boys' under-five mortality in the 2000s was about 2% higher than girls'. A number of countries were found to still experience higher mortality for girls than boys in the 1–4-y age group, with concentrations in southern Asia, northern Africa/western Asia, and western Africa. In the more developed regions (comprising Europe, northern America, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand), I found that the sex ratio of infant mortality peaked in the 1970s or 1980s and declined thereafter. ConclusionsThe methods developed here pinpoint regions and countries where sex differences in mortality merit closer examination to ensure that both sexes are sharing equally in access to health resources. Further study of the distribution of causes of death in different settings will aid the interpretation of differences in survival for boys and girls. Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary.

The National Family Health Survey (NFHS) is a large-scale, multi-round survey conducted in a representative sample of households throughout India. The survey is conducted by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, in collaboration with the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) and other partner organizations. The NFHS is conducted periodically and provides important information on a wide range of health and social indicators, such as fertility, infant and child mortality, maternal and child health, nutrition, family planning, HIV/AIDS, and other health-related issues. The survey is designed to provide reliable data at the national, state, and district levels, and the results are widely used by policymakers, researchers, and program managers to inform policy and programs related to health and development.

BackgroundThough the concept of multidimensional poverty has been acknowledged cutting across the disciplines (among economists, public health professionals, development thinkers, social scientists, policy makers and international organizations) and included in the development agenda, its measurement and application are still limited. Objectives and MethodologyUsing unit data from the National Family and Health Survey 3, India, this paper measures poverty in multidimensional space and examine the linkages of multidimensional poverty with child survival. The multidimensional poverty is measured in the dimension of knowledge, health and wealth and the child survival is measured with respect to infant mortality and under-five mortality. Descriptive statistics, principal component analyses and the life table methods are used in the analyses. ResultsThe estimates of multidimensional poverty are robust and the inter-state differentials are large. While infant mortality rate and under-five mortality rate are disproportionately higher among the abject poor compared to the non-poor, there are no significant differences in child survival among educationally, economically and health poor at the national level. State pattern in child survival among the education, economical and health poor are mixed. ConclusionUse of multidimensional poverty measures help to identify abject poor who are unlikely to come out of poverty trap. The child survival is significantly lower among abject poor compared to moderate poor and non-poor. We urge to popularize the concept of multiple deprivations in research and program so as to reduce poverty and inequality in the population.