In 2022, the headcount poverty rate at 3.65 U.S. dollars per day in Brazil was 8.42 percent, meaning the share of the Brazilian population living on less than 3.65 dollars per day. The poverty rate increased steadily from 2014 to 2019 when this percentage was 10.75.

Contains data from the World Bank's data portal. There is also a consolidated country dataset on HDX.

For countries with an active poverty monitoring program, the World Bank—in collaboration with national institutions, other development agencies, and civil society—regularly conducts analytical work to assess the extent and causes of poverty and inequality, examine the impact of growth and public policy, and review household survey data and measurement methods. Data here includes poverty and inequality measures generated from analytical reports, from national poverty monitoring programs, and from the World Bank’s Development Research Group which has been producing internationally comparable and global poverty estimates and lines since 1990.

In 2023, the state of Acre had the highest extreme poverty rate in Brazil, with over 13 percent of the population living in extreme poverty. Rio Grande do Sul had the lowest extreme poverty rate at 1.3 percent.

Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at National Poverty Lines: % of Population data was reported at 26.500 % in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 25.700 % for 2016. Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at National Poverty Lines: % of Population data is updated yearly, averaging 26.100 % from Dec 2016 (Median) to 2017, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 26.500 % in 2017 and a record low of 25.700 % in 2016. Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at National Poverty Lines: % of Population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. National poverty headcount ratio is the percentage of the population living below the national poverty line(s). National estimates are based on population-weighted subgroup estimates from household surveys. For economies for which the data are from EU-SILC, the reported year is the income reference year, which is the year before the survey year.;World Bank, Poverty and Inequality Platform. Data are compiled from official government sources or are computed by World Bank staff using national (i.e. country–specific) poverty lines.;;This series only includes estimates that to the best of our knowledge are reasonably comparable over time for a country. Due to differences in estimation methodologies and poverty lines, estimates should not be compared across countries.

Brazil: Poverty ratio, percent living on less than 5.50 USD a day: The latest value from 2022 is 23.5 percent, a decline from 28.4 percent in 2021. In comparison, the world average is 34.79 percent, based on data from 28 countries. Historically, the average for Brazil from 1981 to 2022 is 45.49 percent. The minimum value, 18.7 percent, was reached in 2020 while the maximum of 72.2 percent was recorded in 1984.

In 2023, 27.5 percent of Brazil's population was below the poverty line, which was set at 664.02 Brazilian reals. In 2021, the poverty rate peaked at 36.7 percent.

Abstract Since the 1990s various Latin American countries have adopted public polices to reduce poverty and social exclusion, highlighted by the income transfer programs that compose the central core of government actions in various countries. The objective of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of the evolution of poverty in Brazil and Argentina in the early 21st century, as well as the public policies of the time. The analysis focused on secondary data about the two themes found in both countries. It concludes that these programs contribute decisively to reducing the levels of poverty in the two countries, yet emphasizes that the eradication of poverty requires greater articulation between the various social policies and emphasizes the need for the construction and consolidation of a broad social protection system.

Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a Day: 2011 PPP: % of Population data was reported at 1.700 % in 2020. This records a decrease from the previous number of 4.900 % for 2019. Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a Day: 2011 PPP: % of Population data is updated yearly, averaging 10.750 % from Dec 1981 (Median) to 2020, with 36 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 27.400 % in 1983 and a record low of 1.700 % in 2020. Brazil BR: Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a Day: 2011 PPP: % of Population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. Poverty headcount ratio at $1.90 a day is the percentage of the population living on less than $1.90 a day at 2011 international prices. As a result of revisions in PPP exchange rates, poverty rates for individual countries cannot be compared with poverty rates reported in earlier editions.; ; World Bank, Poverty and Inequality Platform. Data are based on primary household survey data obtained from government statistical agencies and World Bank country departments. Data for high-income economies are mostly from the Luxembourg Income Study database. For more information and methodology, please see http://pip.worldbank.org.; ; The World Bank’s internationally comparable poverty monitoring database now draws on income or detailed consumption data from around 2000 household surveys across 169 countries. See the Poverty and Inequality Platform (PIP) for details (www.pip.worldbank.org).

In 2023, the prevalence of extreme poverty among black men and women in Brazil was higher than that observed in other demographic groups. In particular, the rate of extreme poverty among black men reached two percent, which was the highest among all demographic groups.

The index provides the only comprehensive measure available for non-income poverty, which has become a critical underpinning of the SDGs. Critically the MPI comprises variables that are already reported under the Demographic Health Surveys (DHS) and Multi-Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) The resources subnational multidimensional poverty data from the data tables published by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), University of Oxford. The global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) measures multidimensional poverty in over 100 developing countries, using internationally comparable datasets and is updated annually. The measure captures the severe deprivations that each person faces at the same time using information from 10 indicators, which are grouped into three equally weighted dimensions: health, education, and living standards. The global MPI methodology is detailed in Alkire, Kanagaratnam & Suppa (2023)

Brazil BR: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data was reported at 56.900 % in 2022. This records a decrease from the previous number of 57.500 % for 2021. Brazil BR: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data is updated yearly, averaging 60.750 % from Dec 1981 (Median) to 2022, with 38 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 67.300 % in 1989 and a record low of 54.700 % in 2020. Brazil BR: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. Percentage share of income or consumption is the share that accrues to subgroups of population indicated by deciles or quintiles. Percentage shares by quintile may not sum to 100 because of rounding.;World Bank, Poverty and Inequality Platform. Data are based on primary household survey data obtained from government statistical agencies and World Bank country departments. Data for high-income economies are mostly from the Luxembourg Income Study database. For more information and methodology, please see http://pip.worldbank.org.;;The World Bank’s internationally comparable poverty monitoring database now draws on income or detailed consumption data from more than 2000 household surveys across 169 countries. See the Poverty and Inequality Platform (PIP) for details (www.pip.worldbank.org).

Is the effect of campaign spending higher in poorer electoral districts? This chapter tests the hypothesis that there is a positive correlation between campaign spending efficiency and poverty levels. In other words, the impact of campaign spending on electoral results should be higher in poorer electoral districts. On methodological grounds, the research design analyzes Brazil and the United States in a comparative perspective. In particular, we combine cluster analysis, factor analysis, spatial analysis, and ordinary least squares regression techniques to examine the relationship among campaign spending, poverty levels and electoral outcomes.

This dataset comprises interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018 with health service users, health professionals and health system managers in the Municipality of São Paulo, Brazil. The interviews focused in particular on the primary health care services covering two of the poorest sub-municipal districts, Cidade Tiradentes and Sapopemba. The Unequal Voices project – Vozes Desiguais in Portuguese – aimed to strengthen the evidence base on the politics of accountability for health equity via multi-level case studies of health systems in Brazil and Mozambique. The project examined the trajectories of change in the political context and in patterns of health inequalities in Brazil and Mozambique, and carried out four case studies to compare the operation of different accountability regimes across the two countries and between different areas within each country. The case studies tracked shifts in accountability relationships among managers, providers and citizens and changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts. In each country the research team studied one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services.

Health inequities - that is, inequalities in health which result from social, economic or political factors and unfairly disadvantage the poor and marginalised - are trapping millions of people in poverty. Unless they are tackled, the effort to fulfill the promise of universal health coverage as part of the fairer world envisaged in the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals may lead to more waste and unfairness, because new health services and resources will fail to reach the people who need them most. In Mozambique, for example, the gap in infant mortality between the best-performing and worst-performing areas actually increased between 1997 and 2008, despite improvements in health indicators for the country as a whole. However, while many low- and middle-income countries are failing to translate economic growth into better health services for the poorest, some - including Brazil - stand out as having taken determined and effective action. One key factor that differentiates a strong performer like Brazil from a relatively weak performer like Mozambique is accountability politics: the formal and informal relationships of oversight and control that ensure that health system managers and service providers deliver for the poorest rather than excluding them. Since the mid-1990s, Brazil has transformed health policy to try to ensure that the poorest people and places are covered by basic services. This shift was driven by many factors: by a strong social movement calling for the right to health; by political competition as politicians realised that improving health care for the poor won them votes; by changes to health service contracting that changed the incentives for local governments and other providers to ensure that services reached the poor; and by mass participation that ensured citizen voice in decisions on health priority-setting and citizen oversight of services. However, these factors did not work equally well for all groups of citizens, and some - notably the country's indigenous peoples - continue to lag behind the population as a whole in terms of improved health outcomes. This project is designed to address the ESRC-DFID call's key cross-cutting issue of structural inequalities, and its core research question "what political and institutional conditions are associated with effective poverty reduction and development, and what can domestic and external actors do to promote these conditions?", by comparing the dimensions of accountability politics across Brazil and Mozambique and between different areas within each country. As Mozambique and Brazil seek to implement similar policies to improve service delivery, in each country the research team will examine one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services, looking at changes in power relationships among managers, providers and citizens and at changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts. As two Portuguese-speaking countries that have increasingly close economic, political and policy links, Brazil and Mozambique are also well-placed to benefit from exchanges of experience and mutual learning of the kind that Brazil is seeking to promote through its South-South Cooperation programmes. The project will support this mutual learning process by working closely with Brazilian and Mozambican organisations that...

In 2023, the state of Maranhão had the highest poverty rate in Brazil, with 51.6 percent of the population living in poverty. Santa Catarina, on the other hand, had the lowest poverty rate at 11.6 percent.

Brazil BR: Proportion of Population Spending More Than 10% of Household Consumption or Income on Out-of-Pocket Health Care Expenditure: % data was reported at 11.810 % in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 15.070 % for 2008. Brazil BR: Proportion of Population Spending More Than 10% of Household Consumption or Income on Out-of-Pocket Health Care Expenditure: % data is updated yearly, averaging 13.180 % from Dec 1996 (Median) to 2017, with 3 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 15.070 % in 2008 and a record low of 11.810 % in 2017. Brazil BR: Proportion of Population Spending More Than 10% of Household Consumption or Income on Out-of-Pocket Health Care Expenditure: % data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Brazil – Table BR.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. Proportion of population spending more than 10% of household consumption or income on out-of-pocket health care expenditure. Out-of-pocket health expenditure is defined as any spending incurred by a household when any member uses a health good or service to receive any type of care (preventive, curative, rehabilitative, long-term or palliative care); provided by any type of provider; for any type of disease, illness or health condition; in any type of setting (outpatient, inpatient, at home).;Global Health Observatory. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2023. (https://www.who.int/data/gho/data/themes/topics/financial-protection);Weighted average;This is the Sustainable Development Goal indicator 3.8.2[https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/metadata/].

Abstract

As part of its greater portfolio in Northeast Brazil, IFAD supported the Brazilian government and State of Bahia to implement the Rural Communities Development Project in the Poorest Areas of the State of Bahia (PRODECAR), popularly referred to as Gente de Valor (GDV), between 2007 and 2013 .The purpose of GDV was to address the multitude of basic service gaps, empowerment deficit, and productive capacity needs experienced by residents of Brazil's Northeast region. Beneficiaries were drawn from the local population of sertanejos; a regional population named in reference to the dryland, sertão agro-climatic zone and among the poorest people in Brazil. As a CDD-style project, GDV's objective was to address their needs through a participatory process that would provide access to water-harvesting cisterns (primarily for household consumption), training on ecologically appropriate agricultural practices, technical assistance and technical inputs, as well as community capacitation to identify and address future development needs.

GDV was selected to be part of the IFAD10 Impact Assessment Agenda that consists of a broader set of impact assessments across the world. The aim is to generate evidence and provide lessons for better rural poverty reduction programs and to measure the impact of IFAD-supported programmes on enhancing rural people's economic mobility, increased agricultural productive capacity, improved market participation and increased resilience.

As almost six years having passed since the project closed, the analysis evaluates the sustainable impacts of GDV under the realm of access to infrastructure, agricultural productivity, poverty impacts, and empowerment of both women, youth and the community at large. Given the role that drought plays in affecting the economic opportunities of sertanejos, it is also relevant that this project evaluates outcomes following the recent multi-year drought. From the years 2010 to 2016, Bahia experienced a drought characterized as one of the worst of the century; affecting 33.4 million people and resulting in an estimated damage of approximately 30 billion USD (Marengo et al., 2017).

For more information, please, click on the following link https://www.ifad.org/en/web/knowledge/-/publication/impact-assessment-gente-de-valor-rural-communities-development-project-in-the-poorest-areas-of-the-state-of-bahia.

Geographic coverage

Regional coverage.

Analysis unit

Households

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

The qualitative portion of the evaluation was conducted prior to the quantitative survey in order to collect information on project targeting and implementation in the targeted areas. Two primary methodologies were employed: Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and Key Informant Interviews (KII). Qualitative interviews took place across seven sub-territories and 17 communities. Communities chosen for the qualitative survey were identified based on the following economic activities: cassava, goats, and backyard gardens in combination with high intensity of water-based activities.

The quantitative data collection covered 2,019 households, and 3,615 individuals (counting 1,615 partners interviewed for the WEAI), in 228 communities. Given that the nature of the intervention expected both household and community impacts, the construction of a counterfactual was a multi-stage process stratified at the community, and then household level.

More details on the sampling procedure can be found in the IA plan and reports, attached in the documentations tab.

Mode of data collection

Computer Assisted Personal Interview [capi]

Research instrument

The data were collected using a mixed-method approach in order to capture both expected and unexpected impacts of GDV. The data collection took place six years after the closing of GDV, offering time to identify longer-term outcomes that can lead to more realistic interpretations of impact rather than if the project had been assessed immediately after closure. The event of the multi-year drought, in tandem with continuing erratic rainfall and the loss of support from farmer-oriented public programs, further allows for assessment of the ability of the project to make beneficiaries resilient to drought and economic shocks.

The quantitative portion of the evaluation was primarily used for measurement of impact and consisted of two main instruments: a household-level questionnaire and a community-level questionnaire. These instruments covered a range of modules in order to estimate the multi-faceted aspects of welfare. In particular, the household questionnaire focused on agricultural production, agricultural sales, other income sources such as employment or government assistance, and consumption. Additionally, it included modules on assets, shocks, and migration in order to assess any wealth accumulation, exposure to shocks, and coping strategies. Given that the project placed emphasis on increasing women's leadership and decision-making, an abridged version of the Women's Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI), known as the Project WEAI (Pro-WEAI) was fielded to collect data on indicators that comparatively assess agency and empowerment of male and female decision-makers in a household.

The community questionnaire focused on services that are available to the community and relevant institutions such local infrastructure, economic activities, and access to services. The community questionnaire identified levels of community agency and resilience by asking about recent shocks, coping strategies, and collective action to promote local development. Because the project baseline was incomplete, project baseline data was not used, and respondents were asked to recall levels of assets owned at a reference period pre-GDV in both the community and household questionnaires.

Note: some variables have missing labels. Please, refer to the questionnaire for more details.

Abstract

The World Bank Group is interested in gauging the views of clients and partners who are either involved in development in Brazil or who observe activities related to social and economic development. The World Bank Country Assessment Survey is meant to give the World Bank Group's team that works in Brazil, greater insight into how the Bank's work is perceived. This is one tool the World Bank Group uses to assess the views of its critical stakeholders. With this understanding, the World Bank Group hopes to develop more effective strategies, outreach and programs that support development in Brazil at the federal/state/municipal level. The World Bank Group commissioned an independent firm to oversee the logistics of this effort in Brazil.

This survey was designed to achieve the following objectives: - Assist the World Bank Group in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Brazil perceive the Bank;

• Obtain systematic feedback from stakeholders in Brazil regarding: · Their views regarding the general environment in Brazil; · Their overall attitudes toward the World Bank Group in Brazil; · Overall impressions of the World Bank Group's effectiveness and results, knowledge work, and communication and information sharing in Brazil; · Perceptions of the recent trends and the World Bank Group's future role in Brazil.

• Use data to help inform Brazil country team's strategy.

Geographic coverage

National

Analysis unit

Stakeholder

Universe

Stakeholders of the World Bank in Brazil

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

From June to August 2013, 10,200 stakeholders of the World Bank Group in Brazil were invited to provide their opinions on the Bank's assistance to the country by participating in a country survey. Participants in the survey were drawn from the office of the President, Prime Minister/Minister, office of a parliamentarian, ministries, ministerial departments, or implementation agencies; consultants/ contractors working on World Bank Group-supported projects/programs; project management units (PMUs) overseeing implementation of a project; state Government; municipal governments; bilateral and multilateral agencies; private sector organizations; private foundations; the financial sector/private banks; NGOs; community-based organizations; the media; independent government institutions; trade unions; academia/research institutes/think tanks; faith-based groups, the judiciary branch; and other organizations.

Mode of data collection

Internet [int]

Research instrument

The Questionnaire consists of 8 Sections:

A. General Issues facing Brazil: Respondents were asked to indicate whether Brazil is headed in the right direction, what they thought were the top three development priorities in Brazil, and which areas would contribute most to reducing poverty and generating economic growth

B. Overall Attitudes toward the World Bank Group: Respondents were asked to rate their familiarity with the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, Latin American Development Bank, and the International Finance Corporation, their perceived effectiveness of these organizations in Brazil, and which of these organizations they work with the most in Brazil. They were asked to rate the Bank staff's preparedness to help Brazil solve its development challenges, their agreement with various statements regarding the Bank's work, and the extent to which the Bank is an effective development partner.

Respondents were also asked to indicate the Bank's greatest values, greatest weaknesses, the most effective instruments in helping reduce poverty in Brazil, in which sectoral areas the Bank should focus most resources, to what extent the Bank should seek to influence the global development agenda, and to what reasons respondents attributed failed or slow reform efforts. Respondents were invited to indicate at what level (federal, state, or municipal) the World Bank Group works mostly in Brazil. They were asked if the Bank is most effective when it works in one sector or multi-sectorally. Lastly, they were asked to indicate to what extent they believe the combination of financial, knowledge, and convening services provided by the Bank meets the national development needs of Brazil.

C. World Bank Group Effectiveness and Results: Respondents were asked to rate the extent to which the Bank's work helps achieve development results, the extent to which the Bank meets Brazil's needs for knowledge services and financial instruments, and the Bank's level of effectiveness across thirty-two development areas, such as education, public sector governance/reform, health, transport, and anti-corruption. They were also asked to what extent they believe that Brazil receives value for money from the World Bank Group's fee-based services/products.

D. The World Bank Group's Knowledge: Respondents were asked to indicate the areas on which the Bank should focus its research efforts and to rate the effectiveness and quality of the Bank's knowledge work and activities, including how significant of a contribution it makes to development results and its technical quality. Respondents were also asked whether they read/consulted the most recent LAC Flagship Report and whether it provided useful information in their work.

E. Working with the World Bank Group: Respondents were asked to rate their level of agreement with a series of statements regarding working with the Bank, such as the World Bank Group's "Safeguard Policy" requirements being reasonable, the Bank imposing reasonable conditions on its lending, disbursing funds promptly, increasing Brazil's institutional capacity, and providing effective implementation support.

F. The Future Role of the World Bank Group in Brazil: Respondents were asked to rate how significant a role the World Bank Group should play in Brazil in the near future and to indicate what the Bank should do to make itself of greater value. Respondents were asked to indicate to what extent they believe the World Bank Group has moved in the right direction in terms of the focus of its work in Brazil and how significant a role international development cooperation should play in Brazil's development in the near future at the federal, state, and/or municipal level.

G. Communication and Information Sharing: Respondents were asked to indicate how they get information about economic and social development issues, how they prefer to receive information from the Bank, and their usage and evaluation of the Bank's websites. Respondents were asked about their awareness of the Bank's Access to Information policy, whether they used/had used the World Bank Group website, and whether they accessed the Bank's social media channels. Respondents were also asked about their level of agreement that they know how to find information from the Bank, and that the Bank is responsive to information requests. Respondents were also asked to indicate what kind of e-services they are currently subscribed to.

H. Background Information: Respondents were asked to indicate their current position, specialization, at what level (federal, state, or municipal) they primarily work at, whether they professionally collaborate with the World Bank Group, whether they worked with the International Finance Corporation in Brazil, their exposure to the Bank in Brazil, and their geographic location.

Response rate

A total of 200 stakeholders participated in the survey (2% response rate).

ABSTRACT The main goals of this paper were to construct a Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) for Brazil using data from PNAD and also provides an analysis of its evolution for the period 2004-2015. The proposed IPM follows the method developed by Alkire and Santos (2013). The results confirm the reduction on the incidence of multidimensional poverty in Brazil. However, people move out of poverty into the stage of vulnerability, showing a gradual improvement on living conditions. Regionally, there was a reduction in the incidence of poverty in the whole country, and notably in the North and Northeast regions.

Contains data from the World Bank's data portal. There is also a consolidated country dataset on HDX.

Aid effectiveness is the impact that aid has in reducing poverty and inequality, increasing growth, building capacity, and accelerating achievement of the Millennium Development Goals set by the international community. Indicators here cover aid received as well as progress in reducing poverty and improving education, health, and other measures of human welfare.

This dataset comprises interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018 with health service users, health professionals and health system managers in the Rio Negro Indigenous Health District, Amazonas State, Brazil. It focuses in particular on the primary health care services covering approximately 30 communities in the Middle Tiquié region. The Unequal Voices project – Vozes Desiguais in Portuguese – aimed to strengthen the evidence base on the politics of accountability for health equity via multi-level case studies of health systems in Brazil and Mozambique. The project conducted examined the trajectories of change in the political context and in patterns of health inequalities in Brazil and Mozambique, and carried out four cases studies to compare the operation of different accountability regimes across the two countries and between different areas within each country. The case studies tracked shifts in accountability relationships among managers, providers and citizens and changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts. In each country the research team studied one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services.

Health inequities - that is, inequalities in health which result from social, economic or political factors and unfairly disadvantage the poor and marginalised - are trapping millions of people in poverty. Unless they are tackled, the effort to fulfill the promise of universal health coverage as part of the fairer world envisaged in the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals may lead to more waste and unfairness, because new health services and resources will fail to reach the people who need them most. In Mozambique, for example, the gap in infant mortality between the best-performing and worst-performing areas actually increased between 1997 and 2008, despite improvements in health indicators for the country as a whole. However, while many low- and middle-income countries are failing to translate economic growth into better health services for the poorest, some - including Brazil - stand out as having taken determined and effective action. One key factor that differentiates a strong performer like Brazil from a relatively weak performer like Mozambique is accountability politics: the formal and informal relationships of oversight and control that ensure that health system managers and service providers deliver for the poorest rather than excluding them. Since the mid-1990s, Brazil has transformed health policy to try to ensure that the poorest people and places are covered by basic services. This shift was driven by many factors: by a strong social movement calling for the right to health; by political competition as politicians realised that improving health care for the poor won them votes; by changes to health service contracting that changed the incentives for local governments and other providers to ensure that services reached the poor; and by mass participation that ensured citizen voice in decisions on health priority-setting and citizen oversight of services. However, these factors did not work equally well for all groups of citizens, and some - notably the country's indigenous peoples - continue to lag behind the population as a whole in terms of improved health outcomes.

This project is designed to address the ESRC-DFID call's key cross-cutting issue of structural inequalities, and its core research question "what political and institutional conditions are associated with effective poverty reduction and development, and what can domestic and external actors do to promote these conditions?", by comparing the dimensions of accountability politics across Brazil and Mozambique and between different areas within each country. As Mozambique and Brazil seek to implement similar policies to improve service delivery, in each country the research team will examine one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services, looking at changes in power relationships among managers, providers and citizens and at changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts.

As two Portuguese-speaking countries that have increasingly close economic, political and policy links, Brazil and Mozambique are also well-placed to benefit from exchanges of experience and mutual learning of the kind that Brazil is seeking to promote through its South-South Cooperation programmes. The project will support this mutual learning process by working closely with Brazilian and Mozambican...