The last decades have witnessed an increase in cooperations in trade, resulting in the plethora of trade agreements with provisions on workers’ rights. Many of these labour provisions aim to protect workers by stipulating acceptable minimum standards of working conditions and other labour rights. This study thus investigates the effectiveness of labour provisions in trade agreements using a new database of workers’ right collated in 2012 and 2015 on a sample of 165 countries. Treatment effect estimates are prone to misspecifications in either the outcome or treatment model. Thus, to obtain unbiased estimates, we employ the doubly robust inverse probability weighted regression adjustment method estimation technique which is robust to misspecification of either the outcome or the treatment models, and uses inverse probability weights to correct the estimator in cases the regression model is misspecified. We analyse how labour provisions impact overall workers’ rights and also differentiated between violation of workers’ right in practice, and workers’ right in law. Our results show that labour inclusive trade agreements significantly reduce the incidence of violation of workers’ rights in law” and in practice as well as overall workers’ rights violation. These results point out that global cooperations in the area of trade such as the one in which labour provisions are included in trade agreement are beneficial to reducing labour rights violation. Evidently, to achieve sustainable growth and step up the ladder of development, policy makers must strive to incorporate such provisions in trade agreements and other global cooperations when (re)negotiating trade agreements.

The dataset provides the list of inquiries received by DCWP’s Office of Labor Policy & Standards (OLPS).

OLPS is NYC’s central resource for workers. OLPS is charged to protect and promote labor standards and policies that create fair workplaces to ensure all workers can realize their rights, regardless of immigration status. OLPS takes complaints about workplace laws and investigates claims under those laws, such as the Paid Safe and Sick Leave Law. For other issues, OLPS connects workers to relevant government agencies, legal service providers, and resources to help them access and protect their rights and get critical services.

The social responsibility of the Labour Inspection Authority is given by the Storting. The Labour Inspection Authority shall set the premises for and follow up that the enterprises maintain a high level of health, working environment and safety. The Labour Inspection Authority shall, on a professional and independent basis, follow up that the enterprises fulfil their responsibilities under the Working Environment Act, the general application legislation and other relevant regulations that are assigned to the Authority of the Labour Inspection Authority. In the statistics you will find an overview of supervision carried out by the Labour Inspection Authority from 2015, divided by year, county, main industry and size of business. Here is also an overview of the proportion of supervision that has resulted in at least one reaction from the Labour Inspection Authority, and the number of reactions in total. A reaction is the Labour Inspection Authority’s requirement for businesses to rectify breaches of working environment regulations. Note that such violations may be of varying severity. The open data set consists of: Annual figures (Ar), County name (Fylke), Number of audits carried out (Number of audits), Number of audits performed (Number of withReactions), Number of reactions (NumberReactions)

A claim is a complaint made by a person who believes their employer has violated the Employment Standards Act, 2000. Where an Officer finds a violation of the Act, they assess money owing.

This data is regularly updated and is subject to change.

Data from the Ministry of Labour reflects Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) and Employment Standards (ES) information at a point in time and/or for specific reporting purposes. As a result, the information above may not align with other data sources.

In 2002, President George W. Bush signed the Notification and Federal Employee Anti-discrimination and Retaliation Act, Public Law 107-174, Title I, General Provisions, Section 101(1), requires each federal agency to provide written notification of the rights and protections available to federal employees, former federal employees and applicants for federal employment under federal antidiscrimination and whistleblower laws listed in the No FEAR Act. The No FEAR Act increases the accountability of federal departments and agencies for acts of discrimination or reprisal against employees.rnrnThe No FEAR Act requires that federal agencies be accountable for violations of anti-discrimination and whistleblower protection laws. To comply with Title III of the No FEAR Act, FEMA must, among other requirements, post a summary of the statistical data relating to the Equal Employment Opportunity complaints filed with the agency. This data is updated on this website quarterly.rnrnFor further information regarding the No FEAR Act regulations, refer to 5 CFR Part 724, as well as the DHS Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties. Additional information regarding federal antidiscrimination, whistleblower protection and retaliation laws can be found at www.eeoc.gov and www.osc.gov.

Between 2015 and 2022, numerous consuming countries in North America, Europe, and Oceania have proposed or passed legislation aimed to improve the environmental and social sustainability of businesses’ supply chains. These fall into three categories: disclosure-based legislation, mandating that companies report on sustainability-related risks and their approach to reducing it; due diligence legislation, which mandates companies to implement procedures to assess, mitigate, and remediate sustainability-related risks in their supply chains; and trade-based legislation, which prohibits the import of specific types of goods linked to adverse outcomes. We can further distinguish between single-issue legislation on the issues of labor problems (modern slavery/forced labor/child labor) and deforestation in the supply chain, and legislations with broader human rights and environmental scope. This database and the related report aim to provide an overview of the status, scope, and requirements of various laws that are tabled or already in force, with a particular focus on how they are likely to affect the coffee sector and actors within it.

2023 update:The 2023 version of the database updates the status of the respective regulations and expands the scope of search also to emerging consuming countries (e.g. in Asia) and producing countries (e.g. in Latin America). Please see country scope below. In the 2023 version of the database, we further added the category of "National Strategies, Action Plans, and Guidelines" to refer to soft law approaches that are more common in certain regions (such as Asia) to date. For completeness, we furthermore added select regulations (e.g. the US Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act) that have likely low relevance to the coffee sector but indicate a broader trend of the use of due diligence and trade instruments. The risk level of each legislation for coffee actors is described in column AQ. Green highlighted names of legislations highlight new additions to the database, while green highlighted cells indicate changes in criteria of legislations that were already part of the 2022 database.

This database was last updated on 14.09.2023, and contains information that was correct to the best of the authors' knowledge up to that date.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The DTI commissioned the Institute for Employment Studies (IES) and BMRB Social Research to undertake this second benchmark survey of employees' awareness, knowledge and exercise of employment rights, which was conducted in 2005. The main aims of the study were:

• to assess employees' general awareness of the scope of their employment rights and, where appropriate and relevant, to draw comparisons with the 2000 survey
• for selected topics, to establish employees' knowledge of specific employment rights provisions (e.g. level of the National Minimum Wage, holiday entitlement, maternity leave and anti-discrimination law)
• to find out the main sources of information and professional advice about employment rights issues, and, where employees had experienced a problem in the previous five years, where they sought advice and guidance and what they did to try and resolve the problem
• to identify the personal and employment characteristics that influence employees' level of awareness knowledge and preparedness to seek advice and take action to enforce their individual employment rights (including employment status)

In addition the survey sought to estimate the extent of 'on-call' working in Great Britain, differentiating between those on call at their place of work (residential on-call) and those who are able to leave their place of work.

The first survey in the series was conducted in 2000 (held at the UK Data Archive (UKDA) under SN 5082), and provided a baseline against which future surveys could be compared. However, as detailed in the technical report for this study, there were major improvements to the methodology and questionnaire between 2000 and 2005 so comparisons must be made cautiously with attention drawn to this caveat.



Main Topics:

The questionnaire covered: awareness of employment rights; knowledge of specific employment rights; experience of problems at work; likelihood of future problems at work; future sources of information about rights at work; employer and job details; socio-demographic characteristics.

Does membership in Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) affect states’ human rights behavior? One might expect IGOs with a specific human rights mandate, like the International Labour Organization or the Council of Europe, to have a positive effect on the human rights practices of their member states. But what about other sorts of IGOs, particularly those with no direct connection to human rights issues? This study employs cross-national data on abuses of “physical integrity rights” for 137 countries over the period 1982–2000 to test the hypothesis that IGOs can promote the diffusion of human rights norms by providing venues for interstate socialization. Recent empirical work on IGOs has suggested that this sort of socialization effect can play an important role in promoting democracy and can also lead to a more general convergence among states’ interests. The results presented here suggest that IGOs can have a surprisingly powerful influence on states’ human rights practices as a result of this process.

In the past several years, BJS has made efforts to develop a national roster of publicly funded law enforcement agencies. The Census of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies (CSLLEA) represents the core of the BJS's law enforcement statistics program, and is currently used as the primary universe for all BJS law enforcement collections. The CSLLEA was last conducted in 2014 but encountered data collection issues. Since the last law enforcement universe list was the 2008 CSLLEA, BJS decided further work was needed to have a reliable and complete roster of law enforcement agencies. Using the 2008 and 2014 CSLLEA universe as the base, the LEAR integrated multiple datasets in an effort to compile a complete list of active general purpose law enforcement agencies. The goal of the LEAR was to serve as the universe list for which the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) core and supplement samples could be pulled. The 2016 LEAR contains a census of 15,810 general purpose law enforcement agencies, including 12,695 local and county police departments, 3,066 sheriffs' offices and 49 primary state police departments. Staffing size from multiple datasets has also been merged into the LEAR file.

The dataset contains survey data from a total of 226 low-income migrant workers (100 in Jalandhar and 126 in Guwahati) in India. It contains data on 60 variables, focussing on socio-economic background, migratory experience, ill-treatment and access to justice and access to basic services. Abstract of the study: Indian cities attract a considerable number of low-income migrants from marginal rural households experiencing difficult economic, political and social conditions at home who migrate in search of livelihoods and security. These migrants come from around the country as well as across the border from Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar to work in low-income manual occupations in a range of small-scale petty trade, service sector work, transport and construction work. Low-income migrants live and work in precarious conditions and are often denied basic amenities and fundamental rights. Poorly-paid intermittent and insecure jobs make them vulnerable to abuse, extortion or bribery. Many such migrants, both internal and international, lack documentation and proof of identity, whether for basic services such as health care and schooling or electoral voting. Their marginal position entails poorer access to health care provisions and other determinants of health than general (non-migrant) populations, thereby enhancing their vulnerability to ill-health, abuse and ill treatment whilst simultaneously compromising their ability to access protection, legal support or redress, and forms of accountability. Language, appearance and cultural differences exposes many low-income migrants from interior parts of the country or across the border to harassment and political exclusion. Moreover, despite their ubiquitous presence, their precarious livelihoods, informality and invisibility keep them unnoticed in urban planning, in the work of civil society organisations and in social science research. In this context, this collaborative project was designed to generate evidence to advance the rights and protection mechanisms that must be planned and provided for low-income urban migrants. We examined what India's urban transformation means for low-income migrants, their inclusion and social justice by exploring: 1. Low-income migrants' views on transformations in Indian cities, and the opportunities and challenges that confront them; 2. Low-income migrants perceptions of their entitlements, claim-making processes and attempts to protect their own health in a context of poor living and working conditions; 3. The prevalence of violence and extent of exclusion experienced by low-income migrants and how they protect themselves from various forms of violence; 4. The legal, developmental, humanitarian and human rights responses to low-income migrants in Indian cities. Fieldwork based in Guwahati (Assam) and Jalandhar (Punjab), two of India's fastest growing cities, aimed to enrich our understanding of access to health care, the social determinants of health, and experiences of violence, inclusion/exclusion and accessing justice, from the vantage point of diverse low-income migrant workers, from within India as well as cross-border. The project focussed on migrants' perceptions and lived experiences and will generate evidence to advance the rights and protection mechanisms that must be planned and provided for low-income urban migrants. Low-income migrants are mobile, dispersed and invisible, so they present methodological challenges, especially for creating a sampling frame or mapping in a particular locality. A distinctive strength of the project is its innovative methods for accessing these 'hard-to-reach' groups. The proposed research adopted a mixed methods approach. In order to unravel the nuances and complexities of low-income migrants' experiences and situate these within the broader processes of urban transformation in Jalandhar and Guwahati, we combined ethnographic fieldwork with in-depth interviews, a brief survey, and participatory methods such as photovoice.

Gender discrimination in employment, first proposed in the 1958 Convention on Discrimination in Employment and Occupation adopted by the International Labour Organization, “Sex Discrimination in Employment” is any difference, exclusion or preferential treatment based on gender. “The consequence is cancellation or Equal opportunities or equal treatment for employment."
In the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the term “discrimination against women” refers to any distinction, exclusion or limitation based on gender, the impact of which or its purpose is sufficient to obstruct or deny women’s equality between men and women, whether married or unmarried On the basis of understanding, enjoying or exercising human rights and fundamental freedoms in politics, economy, society, culture, citizenship or any other aspect.

This database provides the proportion of employment based on gender statistics in the world for nearly 20 years. It is randomly selected for three years (represented in 2000, 2008, 2017) for data analysis and visualization. Gender trends in employment can be clearly seen in this analysis.
This database can be applied to research on relevant social and human rights issues, as well as to provide some inspiration for employment trends.

The Office of the New York State Inspector General (NYSIG), as established by Executive Law Article 4-A, is entrusted with the responsibility of ensuring that New York State government, its employees, and those who work with the State meet the highest standards of honesty, accountability, and efficiency. The Office of the New York State Welfare Inspector General (OWIG), as established by section 74 of the Executive Law, is responsible for maintaining the integrity of New York State’s public assistance programs. The Office of the New York State Workers’ Compensation Fraud Inspector General (WCFIG), as established by section 136 of the Workers’ Compensation Law, is responsible for investigating violations of the laws and regulations pertaining to the operation of the workers’ compensation system. Collectively, the three offices are known as the Offices of the Inspector General (OIG). The OIG Case Management Unit (CMU) is principally responsible for receiving and processing allegations made to OIG. Each complaint is logged in to a centralized database and then addressed and/or investigated by investigative and legal staff. All case-related information is treated as confidential information. Offices of the Inspector General (OIG) Investigative Complaints data includes the complaints received by CMU separated by OIG Office, Intake Number, Intake Source, Agency, and Case Type. A measurement period encompasses a one-month period. Researchers agree to use the data for statistical reporting and analysis only. The author will include a disclaimer stating that any analysis, interpretations, or conclusions were reached by the researcher and not the New York State Offices of the Inspector General.

Überblick

Das Corpus der Entscheidungen des Bundesarbeitsgerichts (CE-BAG) ist der bislang größte, frei verfügbare Datensatz von Entscheidungen des Bundesarbeitsgerichts. Er ist eine Zusammenstellung aller Entscheidungen die auf der offiziellen Webseite des Bundesarbeitsgerichts (www.bundesarbeitsgericht.de) am jeweiligen Stichtag veröffentlicht waren.

Bitte beachten Sie das beiliegende Codebook! Es enthält wichtige Informationen zur korrekten Nutzung des Datensatzes. Ich stelle zudem statistische Zusammenfassungen des Inhalts aufgeschlüsselt nach Spruchkörper, Jahr, Registerzeichen und Aktenzeichen-Zusatz als CSV zur Verfügung.

Aktualisierung

Dieser Datensatz wird derzeit nicht aktualisiert. Benachrichtigungen über neue und aktualisierte Datensätze veröffentliche ich immer zeitnah auf Mastodon unter @seanfobbe@fediscience.org

Highlights

Die Stärken dieses Datensatzes sind die fortlaufende Aktualisierung, Urheberrechtsfreiheit und die sowohl für traditionelle Rechtsanwender als auch für Legal Tech-Anwendungen geeigneten Formate (PDF, TXT, CSV).

Eckdaten

Stichtag: 28. August 2020

Inhaltlicher Umfang: 5625 Entscheidungen (Version 2020-08-28)

Zeitlicher Umfang: 2010 bis 2020 (Version 2020-08-28)

Formate: PDF, TXT und CSV

Metadaten

Die Metadaten in den Dateinamen sind größtenteils unverändert von den Hyperlinks und Datenbankeinträgen des Bundesarbeitsgerichts übernommen. Hinzugefügt wurden von mir nur der Gerichtsname, sowie Unter- und Trennstriche um die Maschinenlesbarkeit zu erleichten.

Die Dateinamen enthalten Gerichtsname, Datum (nach ISO-8601, d.h. YYYY-MM-DD), das offizielle Aktenzeichen und ggf. einen Zusatz zum Aktenzeichen. Sie sind in folgendem Schema gehalten:

Schema: [Gericht]_[Datum des Urteils]_[SpruchkoerperAZ]_ [Registerzeichen]_[Ordinalzahl]_[Eingangsjahr]_[ZusatzAZ]

Beispiel: BAG_2020-06-03_3_AZR_255_20_F

Kein Urheberrecht: Public Domain

An den Entscheidungstexten und amtlichen Leitsätzen besteht gem. § 5 Abs. 1 UrhG kein Urheberrecht, da sie amtliche Werke sind. § 5 UrhG ist auf amtliche Datenbanken analog anzuwenden (BGH, Beschluss vom 28.09.2006 - I ZR 261/03, "Sächsischer Ausschreibungsdienst"). Alle eigenen Beiträge (z.B. durch Zusammenstellung und Anpassung der Metadaten) und damit den gesamten Datensatz stelle ich gemäß einer CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain License vollständig urheberrechtsfrei.

Disclaimer

Dieser Datensatz ist eine private wissenschaftliche Initiative und steht nicht mit dem Bundesarbeitsgericht in Verbindung.

Weitere Open Access Veröffentlichungen (Fobbe)

Website — www.seanfobbe.de

Open Data — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-data/

Source Code — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-code/

Volltexte regulärer Publikationen — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-publications/

Kontakt

Fehler gefunden? Anregungen? Melden Sie diese entweder im Issue Tracker auf GitHub oder schreiben Sie mir eine E-Mail an fobbe-data@posteo.de

The Office of the New York State Inspector General (NYSIG), as established by Executive Law Article 4-A, is entrusted with the responsibility of ensuring that New York State government, its employees, and those who work with the State meet the highest standards of honesty, accountability, and efficiency. The Office of the New York State Welfare Inspector General (OWIG), as established by section 74 of the Executive Law, is responsible for maintaining the integrity of New York State’s public assistance programs. The Office of the New York State Workers’ Compensation Fraud Inspector General (WCFIG), as established by section 136 of the Workers’ Compensation Law, is responsible for investigating violations of the laws and regulations pertaining to the operation of the workers’ compensation system. Collectively, the three offices are known as the Offices of the Inspector General (OIG). The OIG Case Management Unit (CMU) is principally responsible for receiving and processing allegations made to OIG. Each complaint is logged in to a centralized database and then addressed and/or investigated by investigative and legal staff. All case-related information is treated as confidential information. Offices of the Inspector General (OIG) Investigative Complaints data includes the complaints received by CMU separated by OIG Office, Intake Number, Intake Source, Agency, and Case Type. A measurement period encompasses a one-month period. Researchers agree to use the data for statistical reporting and analysis only. The author will include a disclaimer stating that any analysis, interpretations, or conclusions were reached by the researcher and not the New York State Offices of the Inspector General.

The data contains the survey data of 226 low-income migrant wokers in Guwahati and Jalandhar cities in India on more than 60 variables that include: socio-economic background, migratory experience, access to services, ill-treatment and access to justice.

Indian cities attract a considerable number of low-income migrants from marginal rural households experiencing difficult economic, political and social conditions at home who migrate in search of livelihoods and security. These migrants come from around the country as well as across the border from Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar to work in low-income manual occupations in a range of small-scale petty trade, service sector work, transport and construction work. Low-income migrants live and work in precarious conditions and are often denied basic amenities and fundamental rights. Poorly-paid intermittent and insecure jobs make them vulnerable to abuse, extortion or bribery. Many such migrants, both internal and international, lack documentation and proof of identity, whether for basic services such as health care and schooling or electoral voting. Their marginal position entails poorer access to health care provisions and other determinants of health than general (non-migrant) populations, thereby enhancing their vulnerability to ill-health, abuse and ill treatment whilst simultaneously compromising their ability to access protection, legal support or redress, and forms of accountability. Language, appearance and cultural differences exposes many low-income migrants from interior parts of the country or across the border to harassment and political exclusion. Moreover, despite their ubiquitous presence, their precarious livelihoods, informality and invisibility keep them unnoticed in urban planning, in the work of civil society organisations and in social science research. In this context, this collaborative project was designed to generate evidence to advance the rights and protection mechanisms that must be planned and provided for low-income urban migrants. We examined what India's urban transformation means for low-income migrants, their inclusion and social justice by exploring: 1. Low-income migrants' views on transformations in Indian cities, and the opportunities and challenges that confront them; 2. Low-income migrants perceptions of their entitlements, claim-making processes and attempts to protect their own health in a context of poor living and working conditions; 3. The prevalence of violence and extent of exclusion experienced by low-income migrants and how they protect themselves from various forms of violence; 4. The legal, developmental, humanitarian and human rights responses to low-income migrants in Indian cities. Fieldwork based in Guwahati (Assam) and Jalandhar (Punjab), two of India's fastest growing cities, aimed to enrich our understanding of access to health care, the social determinants of health, and experiences of violence, inclusion/exclusion and accessing justice, from the vantage point of diverse low-income migrant workers, from within India as well as cross-border. The project focussed on migrants' perceptions and lived experiences and generated evidence to advance the rights and protection mechanisms that must be planned and provided for low-income urban migrants. Low-income migrants are mobile, dispersed and invisible, so they present methodological challenges, especially for creating a sampling frame or mapping in a particular locality. A distinctive strength of the project is its innovative methods for accessing these 'hard-to-reach' groups. The proposed research adopted a mixed methods approach. In order to unravel the nuances and complexities of low-income migrants' experiences and situate these within the broader processes of urban transformation in Jalandhar and Guwahati, we combined ethnographic fieldwork with in-depth interviews, a brief survey, and participatory methods such as photovoice.

Work on digital labour platforms has been shown to frequently fall short of decent labour standards. Platform work takes place in a highly unregulated context, and in most countries platform workers are not protected by minimum labour standards governing pay, health and safety, fair due process, and representation. Platform work has rapidly expanded as an anticipated engine of job creation in the Global South, however, there is a lack of data to enable policymakers to evaluate job quality in the platform economy, and the potential of platform work to provide sustainable livelihoods. This project gathered data in South Africa against a set of criteria of decent platform work (the Fairwork Principles). The Principles were established through a process of consultation and consensus building with platform workers, platforms and other stakeholders from several regions, at meetings held at the ILO in 2018.

Drawing on evidence provided by platform managers, research interviews with platform workers, and desk research, the resultant data took the form of 'scores' for prominent platforms in South Africa against five principles, and ten thresholds of decent work. We now share annual fairness scorecards for key platforms operating in the South African market, for 2019, 2020 and 2021.

There are millions of platform workers who live all over the world, doing work that is outsourced or organised via digital platforms or apps in the gig economy. This work can include jobs as varied as taxi driving using Uber, translation on Upwork, or the training of machine learning algorithms through Amazon's Mechanical Turk.

Despite the potential of such work to give jobs to those who need them, platform workers have little ability to negotiate wages and working conditions with their employers, who are often on the other side of the world. Our previous research has shown that platforms often operate in relatively unregulated ways, and can encourage a race to the bottom in terms of workers' ability to defend existing jobs, liveable wages, and dignified working conditions.

The potentials and risks of platform work touch down starkly in South Africa. A country that, by some measures, has the world's highest income inequality, and 28% unemployment rates. At the same time, the country has relatively well-developed internet infrastructure, and a relatively stable political climate and state/legal institutions. These factors make the country a site in which the platform economy is nascent enough to allow us to co-develop solutions with a multi-disciplinary team from Law and the Social Sciences that will offer tangible opportunities to influence policy and practice surrounding digital work. As other middle- and low-income countries quickly develop their internet infrastructures and millions of more potential digital workers rush online in search of opportunities, the interventions that this project proposes will be of crucial need if we are to avoid some of the 'race to the bottom' that the current world of digital work is bringing into being.

Our project will culminate in two key initiatives. First, building on a work package of legal research, a Code of Practice will be developed to serve as an interpretive tool to outline the ways that existing regulations can be made applicable to platform workers. Second, we will develop a 'Fairwork Foundation.' Much like the Fairtrade Foundation has been able to certify the production chains of commodities like coffee or chocolate, the Fairwork Foundation will certify the production networks of the platform economy, and therefore harness consumer power to significantly contribute to the welfare and job quality of digital workers. This programme of work aims to not just uncover where fair and unfair work takes place, but also seeks to codify that knowledge into both a 'Fairwork certification scheme' and an annual ranking of platforms. These two initiatives will ultimately allow for the development of an international standard for good-quality digital working conditions.

These objectives will be achieved with 5 project stages. First, the Law team will analyse S. African labour laws, social security laws, and other legal and policy regulations relating to the platform economy, and ask how those laws might be adapted to provide decent work standards for digital platform workers. At the same time, the Social Science team will use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to map the key issues faced by S. African platform workers: developing a rich understanding of how platform work may be failing to live up to decent work standards. Third, we develop meaningful decent work standards for platform work that happens outside of the Global North. Fourth, we take those standards and use them in a process of action research in which we seek to certify the digital work platforms: assigning them a Fairwork certification if they pass. Finally, through an extended process of stakeholder engagement...

The Commission investigates, mediates and, if warranted, adjudicates violations of the Cook County Human Rights Ordinance. If you believe that you have been the victim of unlawful discrimination in the protected areas of employment, housing, public accommodations, credit or access to County programs, services or contracts, contact the Cook County Commission on Human Rights for an intake interview. https://www.cookcountyil.gov/service/complaint-filing-and-investigation

The Municipal Data Service of the International City Management Association conducted a survey of municipalities 10,000 and over in population on the subject of labor-management relations. The results of the survey will supply valuable data to city managers, labor negotiators, and others involved in the field of local government labor-management relations. Although the unionization of public employees has steadily increased, quantitative data on the subject are not generally available. This questionnaire examines the relationship between public employee unionization and local governments. It will provide information on bargaining issues, management’s rights, and how local governments negotiate with public employees.

The number of cases penalized for violating the Employment Service Act in Yunlin County from January to June 2019

Abstract Objective: to analyze the academic production on the occupational health of health workers serving patients during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: a literature review including articles from 2020 indexed in PubMed, Web of Science and Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde (Medline and Lilacs). Results: we analyzed 52 articles according to professional group studied, country were the research was conducted, type of study design and research theme. We emphasized and discussed the most updated and relevant knowledge, questions and issues from the point of view of Collective Health, and Worker’s Health. Over half of the papers were from China (55.7%) and studied different health professionals categories grouped (57.7%). The most frequent studies types were essays (46.1%) and cross-sectional studies (30.8%). The highlighted themes were the workers’ knowledge about the disease, Covid-19 cases among health workers, mental health, and occupational safety. Conclusion: the studies published at the beginning of the pandemic highlight lack of updated knowledge and failures in protecting workers’ health, and recommend the management of work processes, workplaces, COVID-19 cases, public policies and workers’ rights.