In 2021, around 27.8 million people were estimated to be living in the urban area of Shanghai. Shanghai was the largest city in China in 2021, followed by Beijing, with around 20.9 million inhabitants.

The rise of the new first-tier cities

The past decades have seen widespread and rapid urbanization and demographic transition in China. While the four first-tier megacities, namely Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, are still highly attractive to people and companies due to their strong ability to synergize the competitive economic and social resources, some lower-tier cities are already facing declining populations, especially those in the northeastern region. Below the original four first-tier cities, 15 quickly developing cities are sharing the cake of the moving population with improving business vitality and GDP growth potential. These new first-tier cities are either municipalities directly under the central government, such as Chongqing and Tianjin, or regional central cities and provincial capitals, like Chengdu and Wuhan, or open coastal cities in the economically developed eastern regions.

From urbanization to metropolitanization

As more and more Chinese people migrate to large cities for better opportunities and quality of life, the ongoing urbanization has further evolved into metropolitanization. Among those metropolitans, Shenzhen's population exceeded 17.6 million in 2020, a nearly 70 percent increase from a decade ago, compared to eight percent in the already densely populated Shanghai. However, with people rushing into the big-four cities, the cost of housing, and other living standards, are soaring. As of 2020, the average sales price for residential real estate in Shenzhen exceeded 56,800 yuan per square meter. As a result, the fast-growing and more cost-effective new first-tier cities would be more appealing in the coming years. Furthermore, Shanghai and Beijing have set plans to control the size of their population to 25 and 23 million, respectively, before 2035.

Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City: as % of Urban Population data was reported at 99.637 % in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 99.540 % for 2016. Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City: as % of Urban Population data is updated yearly, averaging 99.382 % from Dec 1960 (Median) to 2017, with 58 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 100.000 % in 2010 and a record low of 94.548 % in 1974. Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City: as % of Urban Population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Hong Kong – Table HK.World Bank: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Population in largest city is the percentage of a country's urban population living in that country's largest metropolitan area.; ; United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects.; Weighted average;

China is a vast and diverse country and population density in different regions varies greatly. In 2023, the estimated population density of the administrative area of Shanghai municipality reached about 3,922 inhabitants per square kilometer, whereas statistically only around three people were living on one square kilometer in Tibet. Population distribution in China China's population is unevenly distributed across the country: while most people are living in the southeastern half of the country, the northwestern half – which includes the provinces and autonomous regions of Tibet, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Gansu, and Inner Mongolia – is only sparsely populated. Even the inhabitants of a single province might be unequally distributed within its borders. This is significantly influenced by the geography of each region, and is especially the case in the Guangdong, Fujian, or Sichuan provinces due to their mountain ranges. The Chinese provinces with the largest absolute population size are Guangdong in the south, Shandong in the east and Henan in Central China. Urbanization and city population Urbanization is one of the main factors which have been reshaping China over the last four decades. However, when comparing the size of cities and urban population density, one has to bear in mind that data often refers to the administrative area of cities or urban units, which might be much larger than the contiguous built-up area of that city. The administrative area of Beijing municipality, for example, includes large rural districts, where only around 200 inhabitants are living per square kilometer on average, while roughly 20,000 residents per square kilometer are living in the two central city districts. This is the main reason for the huge difference in population density between the four Chinese municipalities Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Chongqing shown in many population statistics.

In 2024, about 943.5 million people lived in urban regions in China and 464.8 million in rural. That year, the country had a total population of approximately 1.41 billion people. As of 2024, China was the second most populous country in the world. Urbanization in China Urbanization refers to the process by which people move from rural to urban areas and how a society adapts to the population shift. It is usually seen as a driving force in economic growth, accompanied by industrialization, modernization and the spread of education. Urbanization levels tend to be higher in industrial countries, whereas the degree of urbanization in developing countries remains relatively low. According to World Bank, a mere 19.4 percent of the Chinese population had been living in urban areas in 1980. Since then, China’s urban population has skyrocketed. By 2024, about 67 percent of the Chinese population lived in urban areas. Regional urbanization rates In the last decades, urbanization has progressed greatly in every region of China. Even in most of the more remote Chinese provinces, the urbanization rate surpassed 50 percent in recent years. However, the most urbanized areas are still to be found in the coastal eastern and southern regions of China. The population of Shanghai, the largest city in China and the world’s seventh largest city ranged at around 24 million people in 2023. China’s urban areas are characterized by a developing middle class. Per capita disposable income of Chinese urban households has more than doubled between 2010 and 2020. The emerging middle class is expected to become a significant driver for the continuing growth of the Chinese economy.

Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City data was reported at 7,364,883.000 Person in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 7,302,843.000 Person for 2016. Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City data is updated yearly, averaging 5,581,213.500 Person from Dec 1960 (Median) to 2017, with 58 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 7,364,883.000 Person in 2017 and a record low of 2,611,539.000 Person in 1960. Hong Kong HK: Population in Largest City data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Hong Kong SAR – Table HK.World Bank.WDI: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Population in largest city is the urban population living in the country's largest metropolitan area.; ; United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects.; ;

In 2024, approximately 67 percent of the total population in China lived in cities. The urbanization rate has increased steadily in China over the last decades. Degree of urbanization in China Urbanization is generally defined as a process of people migrating from rural to urban areas, during which towns and cities are formed and increase in size. Even though urbanization is not exclusively a modern phenomenon, industrialization and modernization did accelerate its progress. As shown in the statistic at hand, the degree of urbanization of China, the world's second-largest economy, rose from 36 percent in 2000 to around 51 percent in 2011. That year, the urban population surpassed the number of rural residents for the first time in the country's history.The urbanization rate varies greatly in different parts of China. While urbanization is lesser advanced in western or central China, in most coastal regions in eastern China more than two-thirds of the population lives already in cities. Among the ten largest Chinese cities in 2021, six were located in coastal regions in East and South China. Urbanization in international comparison Brazil and Russia, two other BRIC countries, display a much higher degree of urbanization than China. On the other hand, in India, the country with the worlds’ largest population, a mere 36.3 percent of the population lived in urban regions as of 2023. Similar to other parts of the world, the progress of urbanization in China is closely linked to modernization. From 2000 to 2024, the contribution of agriculture to the gross domestic product in China shrank from 14.7 percent to 6.8 percent. Even more evident was the decrease of workforce in agriculture.

This statistic illustrates the population of the Guangdong - Hong Kong - Macao Greater Bay Area cities in 2023. That year, the population of Guangzhou amounted to approximately 18.83 million people, making it the largest city by population in the region.

Macau MO: Population in Largest City data was reported at 622,567.000 Person in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 612,167.000 Person for 2016. Macau MO: Population in Largest City data is updated yearly, averaging 325,850.000 Person from Dec 1960 (Median) to 2017, with 58 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 622,567.000 Person in 2017 and a record low of 159,892.000 Person in 1960. Macau MO: Population in Largest City data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Macau SAR – Table MO.World Bank.WDI: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Population in largest city is the urban population living in the country's largest metropolitan area.; ; United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects.; ;

As of 2023, around 7.42 million people were living in the city Nanjing. Nanjing is the largest city of Jiangsu province and was designated as capital in several dynasties in Chinese history.

Nowhere has the scale and scope of urbanization been larger than in China over the last few decades. We analyze Chinese city development between the years 1996 and 2014 using data for the urbanized components of prefecture-level cities. We show that, despite much variability and fast economic and demographic change, China is undergoing transformations similar to the historical trajectory of other urban systems. We also show that the distinguishing signs of urban economies—superlinear scaling of agglomeration effects in economic productivity and economies of scale in land use—also characterize Chinese cities. We then analyze the structure of economic change in Chinese cities using a variety of metrics, characterizing employment, firms and households. Population size estimates remain a major challenge for Chinese cities, as official numbers are often reported based on the Hukou registration system. We use the information in the residuals to scaling relations for economic quantities to predict actual resident population and show that these estimates agree well with data for a subset of cities for which counts of total resident population exist. We conclude with a list of issues that must be better understood and measured to make sense of present urban development trajectories in China.

This statistic depicts the household registered population in provincial capital cities and municipalities of China as of December 2021, by city. At the end of 2021, Chongqing municipality had a registered household population of about 34.15 million people.

The "Major Cities" layer is derived from the "World Cities" dataset provided by ArcGIS Data and Maps group as part of the global data layers made available for public use. "Major cities" layer specifically contains National and Provincial capitals that have the highest population within their respective country. Cities were filtered based on the STATUS (“National capital”, “National and provincial capital”, “Provincial capital”, “National capital and provincial capital enclave”, and “Other”). Majority of these cities within larger countries have been filtered at the highest levels of POP_CLASS (“5,000,000 and greater” and “1,000,000 to 4,999,999”). However, China for example, was filtered with cities over 11 million people due to many highly populated cities. Population approximations are sourced from US Census and UN Data. Credits: ESRI, CIA World Factbook, GMI, NIMA, UN Data, UN Habitat, US Census Bureau Disclaimer: The designations employed and the presentation of material at this site do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

This statistic shows the population density in urban areas of China in 2023, by region. In 2023, cities in Heilongjiang province had the highest population density in China with around 5,361 people living on one square kilometer on average. However, as the administrative areas of many Chinese cities reach beyond their contiguous built-up urban areas - and this by varying degree, the statistical significance of the given figures may be limited. By comparison, the Chinese province with the highest overall population density is Jiangsu province in Eastern China reaching about 7956 people per square kilometer in 2023.

This statistic depicts the annual growth of population in first and second tier cities of China in 2017, sorted by city. By the end of 2017, the population in Shenzhen increased by around 4.6 percent compared to the previous year.

Major cities of Jiangsu Province, China at County level

In 2022, the estimated population density of China was around 150.42 people per square kilometer. That year, China's population size declined for the first time in decades. Although China is the most populous country in the world, its overall population density is not much higher than the average population density in Asia. Uneven population distribution China is one of the largest countries in terms of land area, and its population density figures vary dramatically from region to region. Overall, the coastal regions in the East and Southeast have the highest population densities, as they belong to the more economically developed regions of the country. These coastal regions also have a higher urbanization rate. On the contrary, the regions in the West are covered with mountain landscapes which are not suitable for the development of big cities. Populous cities in China Several Chinese cities rank among the most populous cities in the world. According to estimates, Beijing and Shanghai will rank among the top ten megacities in the world by 2030. Both cities are also the largest Chinese cities in terms of land area. The previous colonial regions, Macao and Hong Kong, are two of the most densely populated cities in the world.

As of 2023, about 10.1 percent of the population in Beijing was between 30 and 34 years of age, whereas only 1.6 percent were aged 85 and above. Beijing is the capital city of China and after Shanghai, the second largest city in the country. Beijing’s age distribution A broad age distribution of Beijing’s inhabitants reveals that a comparatively large share of the total population is of working age, while few children live in the city. This gap becomes even more obvious when looking at the age distribution by five-year groups: While the age cohorts between 25 and 39 accounts for 28 percent of the population, the age group between 0 and 19 accounts for only 14.6 percent. Two main reasons are responsible for this gap: On the one hand, many young people in their early working years move to the city and search for job opportunities; on the other hand, the motivation for having children in the city is low, mostly due to economic reasons. Many migrant workers from outside the city even leave their children behind when searching for better jobs in the city. Not only is the national average age distribution more balanced in this regard, but also that of many other larger cities. Prospects for the future In recent years, Beijing’s municipal government was determined to limit population inflow into the city. At the same time, former national measures of birth control were gradually relaxed and restrictions for migrants to take their children with them were partially lifted, which already had a positive effect on the number of children in the youngest age cohorts. However, given the very high costs of living in Beijing and its low attractiveness to family-oriented people, it is very likely that the average age of the population will increase quickly, leading to all the challenges and opportunities of a rapidly aging society.

Introduction: Urban contraction brings about certain impacts on the advancement of urbanization.Methods: This paper explores the coupling coordination (CCD) and geographical distribution of land urbanization (LU) and population urbanization (PU) in Jiangsu Province through a CCD model and a spatial autocorrelation model from the perspective of shrinking cities. The Panel Vector Autoregression (PVAR) model is constructed to deeply investigate the complex interaction between the PU-LU in 13 cities, 2007-2020.Results: The study found that the PU-LU CCD in each of the above-mentioned cities shows a synergistic incremental evolution during the study period in terms of time series. In addition, in terms of spatial characteristics, the CCD of PU and LU shows significant positive global spatial autocorrelation, and the CCD of cities with high population size growth is much larger than that of cities with continuous population size. Last, there is an interactive response relationship between PU and LU. PU influences LU, however, PU itself is influenced by its own system’s internal structure. The impact of PU on LU shows a positive cumulative effect of the “inverted U shape.”Discussion: Furthermore, this paper proposes that policies be created to ensure the coordinated growth of PU-LU based on the differences in resource endowments of cities with 3 types of urban shrinkage. The link between floating population and construction land for cities should be established through enhancing the extent of intensive land use and reforming household registration.

The data has been generated by ethnographic observations, interviews and interactions with migrant workers in two sites in Shanghai in 2017/2018: Songjiang District on the south-western outskirts, and the inner-city Huangpu District, in proximity to some of the city’s most famous tourist attractions, such as the Bund or Nanjing Road. Ethnography, with its focus on everyday experience, can yield significant insights into understanding migrant mental health in contexts where signs of severe mental distress remain largely imperceptible, and more generally, into how stresses and strains are lived through the spaces, times and affective atmospheres of the city. Migrant ethnography can help us reconsider the oft-made connection between everyday stress and mental ill health. In this research, drawing on field evidence in central and peripheral Shanghai, we highlight the importance of attending to the forms of spatial and temporal agency through which migrants actively manage the ways in which the city affects their subjectivity. These everyday subjective practices serve to problematize the very concept of ‘mental health’, enabling us to engage in a critical dialogue with sociological and epidemiological research that assesses migrant mental health states through the lens of the vulnerability or resilience of this social group, often reducing citiness to a series of environmental ‘stressors’.

We have known, since at least the early twentieth century, that there is an association between living in a city and being diagnosed with a mental illness. But questions around the specificity of relationship between urban life and have continued well into the twenty-first century. We still don't know, for example, exactly why mental illness clusters in cities; we don't know how it relates to experiences of urban poverty, deprivation, overcrowding, social exclusion, and racism; and we don't know the precise biological and sociological mechanisms that turn difficult urban lives into diagnosable mental health conditions. What we do know is that migrants into cities bear a disproportionately large share of the burden of urban mental illness; we know that dense living conditions seem to exacerbate the problem; and we know that the general stress, tumult and precarity of urban living can, sometimes, create the basis for the development of clinical problems. If there are unanswered questions around the relationship between mental health and the city, these questions are particularly acute in contemporary China: China has urbanised at an unprecedented rate in the last decade, and has now become a majority urban society. But whereas in nineteenth-century Europe urbanization came from a growth in population, in twenty-first century China the situation is different: most of the growth is from rural migrants coming into the cities. In China, then, the link between urban transformation and mental illness is a critical issue: (1) Development in China is related to migration from the countryside into the cities; (2) Unrecognized and untreated mental disorder is a key factor in casting individuals and families into poverty and social exclusion; (3) Effective development of urban mental health policu requires far greater understanding of the related problems of urban stress, precarious living conditions and mental disorder. This project is an attempt to understand the relationship between migration and mental health in one Chinese mega-city: Shanghai. Given what we know about the relationship between urban mental health and particular patterns of social life (poverty, migration, dense housing, and so on), it starts from the position that this question requires new input from the social sciences. At the heart of the project is an attempt to mix what we know about mental health in contemporary Shanghai with a new kind of close-up, street-level data on what the daily experience of being a migrant on Shanghai is actually life - especially with regard to stress, housing, and access to services. We will then connect these two forms of knowledge to produce a new kind of survey for getting a new sociological deep surveying instrument for mapping migrant mental health in Shanghai. The project, which is split between researchers in the UK and China, asks: (1) How is mental disorder actually patterned in Shanghai, and how is that pattern affected by recent migration? (2) How are immigrants absorbed in Shanghai, and what is daily life actually like in Shanghai's migrant communities? (3) What policies, services, or laws might alleviate mental health among migrants in Shanghai? (4) What can be learned in Shanghai for similar problems in other developing mega-cities (such as Sao Paolo or Lagos). This project should also us to also produce new data on two of the major research-areas that are prioritised under this join UK-China research-scheme: 'Migration and public services,' where we will look at the relationship between the welfare system and...

Pollen limitation negatively impacts endangered and endemic plants with small fragmented populations, such as Sinocalycanthus chinensis, an endangered plant endemic to China. In this study, we analyzed the pollen limitation of the S. chinensis Damingshan (DMS) population in 2006, 2009, and 2010, and crossed plants with mates separated by different distances, both within and between populations. The DMS population exhibited strong pollen limitation in fruit set, seed set, and seeds per fruit in 2006, 2009, and 2010. The average accumulated pollen limitation (for fruit set times seeds per fruit) was 0.510 ± 0.180. Progeny crossed with pollen from intermediate neighboring plants within the same population (separated by 30 – 50 m from pollen recipients) had the lowest fitness. No optimal outcrossing distance was found within the DMS population. Progeny from crosses with the SXW and DLS populations performed relatively better, while those from crosses with QLF and LXS populations performed worse. Compared with average reproductive success, outbreeding depression was found in progeny from crosses with the LXS and QLF populations. Reproductive success from pure self-pollination indicated S. chinensis is self-compatible. Geitonogamous selfing increased reproductive success. Based on geitonogamous selfing, the proportion of selfed offspring was relatively high. These results provide basic references for the conservation of this species. Methods Study site This study was conducted at Damingshan Mountain (DMS, 30º02′N, 118º59′E), Linan City, Zhejiang Province, China (Table 1), the location of the largest known extant population (Liu, Zhou, Huang, Bao & Zhao, 2016). The pollen donor plants were located in the main DMS population and the other five populations were located at Tashajiang Village (TSJ), Shunxiwu Village (SXW), and Qingliangfeng Mountain (QLF) in Linan City, Zhejiang Province, Daleishan Mountain (DLS) in Tiantai County, Zhejiang Province, and Longxushan Mountain (LXS) in Jixi County, Anhui Province (Table 1). Among these populations, the population size of SXW and QLF were relatively large (Table 1). Experimental design Pollen limitation As a woody shrub, the age class of S. chinensis can be estimated from the volume calculated as d from the formula d=a×b×c, where a is the height of the tallest stem, b is the crown width along the longitudinal axis, and c is the width along the perpendicular axis (Yang et al., 2006). For S. chinensis in the DMS population, the age class ranged from 0 to 3 (Li, Jin & Liu, 2012). In May 2006, 19 mature plants in age class III (2 < d £ 3) and with similar phenologies that were located in the center of the DMS population and separate from each other by distances of more than 10 m were chosen as pollen recipients. Pollen grains were also collected from 15 pollen donor plants in age class III and with similar phenologies that were located within the same population and separated from each other by a distance of more than 10 m by rubbing a toothpick against newly dehisced anthers. The pollen grains were then mixed in a small plastic vial and stored at 4°C on ice bags in a plastic box, and then the pollen grains were transferred to recipient stigmas within 2 hours (Irwin, 2001). In total, 30 flowers were used for each pollen supplementation, and 30 flowers among 19 naturally open-pollinated DMS plants were selected as the control (Bossuyt, 2007; Holmes, James & Hoffmann, 2008). In October 2006, fruits from all tested plants were collected. Fruit set was calculated as the number of mature fruits divided by the number of treatment flowers. Seed set was estimated as the average number of mature seeds divided by the number of fruits within a treatment. (Seeds have a dark, shiny, thickened seed coat when mature. If ovules are not fertilized or aborted, the seeds are very thin, transparent, and whitish in color). The mean number of seeds per fruit was also measured. Similar experiments were conducted in May and October in 2009 and 2010 to obtain two biological replicates. In 2009 and 2010, 100 and 30 flowers for each treatment were used, respectively. We calculated the pollen limitation of the species by averaging PL values over the three years. Optimal outcrossing distance In May 2009, before S. chinensis flowers were open, emasculation and bagging was conducted to protect the stigma, then a pollen supplementation experiment was conducted by pollinating flowers with pollen grains collected from different populations separated by nine different distances (Table 1) to determine the optimal outcrossing distance. Nine treatments were conducted as follows. (1) Geitonogamous selfing was conducted by supplementary hand-pollination with geitonogamous pollen from the same plant. (2) Immediate neighbor treatments were conducted by supplementary hand-pollination with xenogamous pollen collected from plants within the same population separated by distances of 1 to 20 m. (3) Intermediate neighbor treatments were conducted by supplementary hand-pollination with xenogamous pollen collected from plants within the same population separated by distances of 30 to 50 m. (4) Remote neighbor treatments were conducted by supplementary hand-pollination with xenogamous pollen collected from plants within the same population separated by distances of 80 to 100 m and thus unlikely to interact via open pollination. The within-population distances from the center of the DMS population were measured with tape measures. (5–9) Between population treatments were conducted by supplementary hand-pollination with xenogamous pollen collected from plants in the TSJ, SXW, QLF, LXS, and DLS populations, respectively. Geographical distances were calculated using Earth Explorer 4.0, and a detailed summary of the nine treatments is provided in Table 1. Thirty flowers from 19 mature plants in age class III (2 < d £ 3), with similar phenologies, and that were located in the center of the DMS population and separated from each other by a distance of more than 10 m were chosen as pollen recipients for each treatment. Pollen grains were collected from 15 pollen donor plants in age class III, with similar plant phenologies, separated from each other by a distance of more than 10 m, and located in the different populations in Table 1 by rubbing a toothpick against newly dehisced anthers. The pollen grains were then mixed in a small plastic vial and stored at 4°C on ice bags in a plastic box, and then the pollen grains were transferred immediately to recipient stigmas. According to a previous study by Zhang and Jin (2007), the pollen viability of S. chinensis lasts for five days after collection (no significant difference was detected among pollen of different days). The within-population pollen grains were used for hand-pollination within 2 hours, while the between-population pollen grains were used for hand-pollinations within 6 hours, without an observed decrease in the viability of the pollen grains. All hand-pollinated stigmas were saturated with pollen grains. After treatment, bagging was conducted on the flowers to avoid the contamination of other pollens.