Between 1500 and 1800, London grew to be the largest city in Western Europe, with its population growing almost 22 times larger in this period. London would eventually overtake Constantinople as Europe's largest in the 1700s, before becoming the largest city in the world (ahead of Beijing) in the early-1800s.

The most populous cities in this period were the capitals of European empires, with Paris, Amsterdam, and Vienna growing to become the largest cities, alongside the likes of Lisbon and Madrid in Iberia, and Naples or Venice in Italy. Many of northwestern Europe's largest cities in 1500 would eventually be overtaken by others not shown here, such as the port cities of Hamburg, Marseilles or Rotterdam, or more industrial cities such as Berlin, Birmingham, and Munich.

In 2023, the population of the United Kingdom reached 68.3 million, compared with 67.6 million in 2022. The UK population has more than doubled since 1871 when just under 31.5 million lived in the UK and has grown by around 8.2 million since the start of the twenty-first century. For most of the twentieth century, the UK population steadily increased, with two noticeable drops in population occurring during World War One (1914-1918) and in World War Two (1939-1945). Demographic trends in postwar Britain After World War Two, Britain and many other countries in the Western world experienced a 'baby boom,' with a postwar peak of 1.02 million live births in 1947. Although the number of births fell between 1948 and 1955, they increased again between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, with more than one million people born in 1964. Since 1964, however, the UK birth rate has fallen from 18.8 births per 1,000 people to a low of just 10.2 in 2020. As a result, the UK population has gotten significantly older, with the country's median age increasing from 37.9 years in 2001 to 40.7 years in 2022. What are the most populated areas of the UK? The vast majority of people in the UK live in England, which had a population of 57.7 million people in 2023. By comparison, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland had populations of 5.44 million, 3.13 million, and 1.9 million, respectively. Within England, South East England had the largest population, at over 9.38 million, followed by the UK's vast capital city of London, at 8.8 million. London is far larger than any other UK city in terms of urban agglomeration, with just four other cities; Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, and Glasgow, boasting populations that exceed one million people.

The population of London was approximately 8.9 million in 2023, an increase of over two million people when compared with the early 1980s. Throughout the 1980s, the population of the United Kingdom's capital grew at a relatively slow rate, before accelerating to a much faster rate in the 1990s. London is by far the largest city / urban agglomeration in the United Kingdom, more than three times larger than the next largest cities of Manchester and Birmingham. London’s forecasted population is expected to continue growing at much the same pace it has been growing since the mid-1990s and reach almost 9.8 million by 2042. London boroughs As of 2022, the London borough with the highest population was Croydon, at approximately 392,224, followed by Barnet at 389,101. Overall, London is divided into 33 different boroughs, with London's historic center, the City of London having by far the smallest population, at just 10,847. Residents of the City of London, however, have the highest average median weekly earnings among all of London's boroughs, at 1,138 pounds per week, compared with just 588 pounds per week in Redbridge, the lowest average weekly earnings among London boroughs. While the overall unemployment rate for London was 4.3 percent in early 2023, this ranged from 6.8 percent in Brent, to just 2.3 percent in Kingston upon Thames.
Economic imbalance Aside from being the UK's largest city in terms of population, London is also undoubtedly the UK's cultural, political and economic center. As of 2021, the GDP of Greater London was approximately 496.4 billion British pounds, just over 23 percent of the UK's overall GDP. In the same year, GDP per person in London was 56,431 pounds compared with the UK average of 31,947 pounds. Additionally, productivity in London is far higher than the UK average. As measured by output per hour worked, London was 33.2 percent more productive than the rest of the UK.

Annual historical data for UK residents by broad country of birth and citizenship groups, broken down by UK country, local authority, unitary authority, metropolitan and London boroughs, and counties.

By 1800, London had grown to be the largest city in Western Europe with just under one million inhabitants. Paris was now the second largest city, with over half a million people, and Naples was the third largest city with 450 thousand people. The only other cities with over two hundred thousand inhabitants at this time were Vienna, Amsterdam and Dublin. Another noticeable development is the inclusion of many more northern cities from a wider variety of countries. The dominance of cities from France and Mediterranean countries was no longer the case, and the dispersal of European populations in 1800 was much closer to how it is today, more than two centuries later.

Mid-year (30 June) estimates of the usual resident population for 2011 Census Output Areas (OAs) in the London region of England.

National and subnational mid-year population estimates for the UK and its constituent countries by administrative area, age and sex (including components of population change, median age and population density).

Chart and table of population level and growth rate for the London, Canada metro area from 1950 to 2025. United Nations population projections are also included through the year 2035.

This dataset provides a list of surnames that are reliably Irish and that can be used for identifying textual references to Irish individuals in the London area and surrounding countryside within striking distance of the capital. This classification of the Irish necessarily includes the Irish-born and their descendants. The dataset has been validated for use on records up to the middle of the nineteenth century, and should only be used in cases in which a few mis-classifications of individuals would not undermine the results of the work, such as large-scale analyses. These data were created through an analysis of the 1841 Census of England and Wales, and validated against the Middlesex Criminal Registers (National Archives HO 26) and the Vagrant Lives Dataset (Crymble, Adam et al. (2014). Vagrant Lives: 14,789 Vagrants Processed by Middlesex County, 1777-1786. Zenodo. 10.5281/zenodo.13103). The sample was derived from the records of the Hundred of Ossulstone, which included much of rural and urban Middlesex, excluding the City of London and Westminster. The analysis was based upon a study of 278,949 adult males. Full details of the methodology for how this dataset was created can be found in the following article, and anyone intending to use this dataset for scholarly research is strongly encouraged to read it so that they understand the strengths and limits of this resource:

Adam Crymble, 'A Comparative Approach to Identifying the Irish in Long Eighteenth Century London', _Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History_, vol. 48, no. 3 (2015): 141-152.

The data here provided includes all 283 names listed in Appendix I of the above paper, but also an additional 209 spelling variations of those root surnames, for a total of 492 names.

In 2023, there were estimated to be around 4.01 million people aged between 30 and 34 living in England, the most of any age group. Those aged 35 to 39 comprised the next highest age group, at 3.95 million, while the age group with the fewest people was among those aged 90 and over.

In the United Kingdom, the crude birth rate in 1800 was 37 live births per thousand people, meaning that 3.7 percent of the population had been born in that year. From 1800 until 1830, the crude birth rate jumped between 35 and 45, before plateauing between 35 and 37 until the 1880s. From 1880 until the Second World War, the crude birth rate dropped to just under fifteen births per one thousand people, with the only increase coming directly after World War One. After WWII, the United Kingdom experienced a baby boom, as many soldiers returned home and the economy recovered, however this boom stopped in the late 1960s and the crude birth rate went into decline again. From the late 1970s until today, the crude birth rate has remained between eleven and fourteen, and is expected to be 11.5 in 2020.

In 2023, the population of the United Kingdom was around 68.3 million, with approximately 34.5 million women and 33.1 million men. Since 1953, the male population of the UK has grown by around 9.1 million, while the female population has increased by approximately 8.5 million. Throughout this provided time period, the female population of the UK has consistently outnumbered the male population. UK population one of the largest in Europe As of 2022, the population of the United Kingdom was the largest it has ever been, and with growth expected to continue, the forecasted population of the United Kingdom is expected to reach over 70 million by the 2030s. Despite the relatively small size of its territory, the UK has one of the largest populations among European countries, slightly larger than France but smaller than Russia and Germany. As of 2022, the population density of the UK was approximately 279 people per square kilometer, with London by far the most densely populated area, and Scotland the most sparsely populated. Dominance of London As seen in the data regarding population density, the population of the United Kingdom is not evenly distributed across the country. Within England, London has a population of almost nine million, making it significantly bigger than the next largest cities of Birmingham and Manchester. As of 2022, Scotland's largest city, Glasgow had a population of around 1.7 million, with the largest cities in Northern Ireland, and Wales being Belfast and Cardiff, which had populations of 643,000 and 488,000 respectively.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Great Britain Historical Database has been assembled as part of the ongoing Great Britain Historical GIS Project. The project aims to trace the emergence of the north-south divide in Britain and to provide a synoptic view of the human geography of Britain at sub-county scales. Further information about the project is available on A Vision of Britain webpages, where users can browse the database's documentation system online.

The Great Britain Historical GIS Project has also produced digitised boundary data, which can be obtained from the UK Data Service Census Support service. Further information is available at census.ukdataservice.ac.uk

Main Topics:

The Great Britain Historical Database is a large database of British nineteenth and twentieth-century statistics. Where practical the referencing of spatial units has been integrated, data for different dates have been assembled into single tables.

The Great Britain Historical Database currently contains :

• Statistics from the 1861 Census and the Registrar General's reports, 1851-1861
  
• Employment statistics from the census, 1841-1931
  
• Demographic statistics from the census, 1841-1931
  
• Mortality statistics from the Registrar General's reports, 1861-1920
  
• Marriage statistics from the Registrar General's reports, 1841-1870
  
• Trade union statistics for the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE), 1851-1918
  
• Trade union statistics for the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners (ASCJ), 1863-1912
  
• Official poor law statistics, 1859-1915 and 1919-1939
  
• Wage statistics, 1845-1906
  
• Hours of work statistics, 1900-1913
  
• Small debt statistics from county courts, 1847-1913 and 1938
  

There are four tables in this part of the Great Britain Historical Database, providing a comprehensive account of changing administrative units in England and Wales over the period from 1888 to 1973:

Lgd holds all the local government districts (county boroughs, London boroughs, municipal boroughs, rural districts and urban districts) in the GIS and acts as a gazetteer between the GIS and the Great Britain Historical Database.

Main_ch holds the total information about each change, e.g. date, total population, total area, type of change, etc (This table is currently unavailable).

Sub_area holds details of all the sub areas (ideally civil parishes) affected by the changes (This table is currently unavailable).

Lgd_to_cha acts as a lookup table between lgd and main_ch (This table is currently unavailable).

Please note: this study does not include information on named individuals and would therefore not be useful for personal family history research.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Great Britain Historical Database has been assembled as part of the ongoing Great Britain Historical GIS Project. The project aims to trace the emergence of the north-south divide in Britain and to provide a synoptic view of the human geography of Britain at sub-county scales. Further information about the project is available on A Vision of Britain webpages, where users can browse the database's documentation system online.

These data were originally collected by the Censuses of Population for England and Wales, and for Scotland. They were computerised by the Great Britain Historical GIS Project and its collaborators.

The census has gathered data on "occupations", meaning individuals' roles in the workplace, since the first household enumeration in 1841, and this collection includes most of the published results. However, how the results were classified varied greatly: for 1841, there is simply an alphabetical list of individual occupations, in 1851 the most basic classification was into workers in animal, vegetable and minerals, and so on. Further, the more detailed the occupational classification used, space considerations tended to require a less detailed geography; or, sometimes, the use of an abridged classification for small towns and rural areas; or even different tables and classifications for men and for women. There are consequently multiple datasets for some years.

Latest edition information

For the second edition (October 2022), the data and documentation have been revised.

Main Topics:

Occupations, meaning self-described roles in the workplace, tabulated by gender using a variety of occupational classifications. Note that the early classifications often mingle notions of social status. From 1931 onwards these tables also include counts of the unemployed.

Please note: this study does not include information on named individuals and would therefore not be useful for personal family history research.

From the 1630s to the 1830s, the annual number of smallpox deaths in each decade fluctuated greatly in London. The population of London in 1650 is estimated to have stood at 350,000 inhabitants, with an average annual death toll of roughly 680 people during this time. As London's population grew over the next hundred years, the number of smallpox deaths also increased at varying rates in each decade. Scientific advancements flatten the curve The average number of annual smallpox deaths was between 1.7 and 2.5 thousand in each decade between 1710 and 1799, as the introduction of inoculation (i.e. using a mild dose of smallpox to develop some immunity to the virus) helped to lower the smallpox death rate to some extent. Following Jenner's discovery of vaccination in 1796 (which provided a much safer and more reliable method of protection), the death rate decreases further. London's population at this time was just under one million people, and the average number of deaths in the first decade of the 1800s was 1.4 thousand per year (or 1.4 deaths per thousand inhabitants). Vaccination brought this number down even further in the next quarter century, despite the fact that mandatory vaccination was not implemented by the British government until 1853. Smallpox death rate in other capitals While there is little reliable data for other major cities in the seventeenth or early-eighteenth century, London's death rate can be compared with that of Berlin or Copenhagen at the turn of the nineteenth century, during a time of increased urbanization and industrialization. In 1800, Berlin was estimated to have a population of roughly 170,000 people, and Copenhagen's was 100,000. This gave Berlin a smallpox of death rate of roughly 2.7 deaths per thousand in the first decade of the 1800s, and Copenhagen's was 0.67 deaths per thousand. Berlin's smallpox death rate was consistent between 1770 and 1809, while Copenhagen and London's both decrease after vaccination was introduced (Denmark made it mandatory in 1810). Unfortunately, a lack of information from this time makes it difficult to draw further conclusions about the spread of smallpox in urban centers in these years.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Great Britain Historical Database has been assembled as part of the ongoing Great Britain Historical GIS Project. The project aims to trace the emergence of the north-south divide in Britain and to provide a synoptic view of the human geography of Britain at sub-county scales. Further information about the project is available on A Vision of Britain webpages, where users can browse the database's documentation system online.

These data were originally collected by the Censuses of Population for England and Wales, and for Scotland. They were computerised by the Great Britain Historical GIS Project and its collaborators. They form part of the Great Britain Historical Database, which contains a wide range of geographically-located statistics, selected to trace the emergence of the north-south divide in Britain and to provide a synoptic view of the human geography of Britain, generally at sub-county scales.

The Census of Population first gathered data on housing "density", i.e. the number of persons in each household relative to the number of rooms, in 1891, although the first year included here is 1901. In 1891, over-crowding was defined as over 2 persons per room; by 1931 this threshold had dropped to 1.5 persons; and by 1961 to 1 person per room. Up to 1931, the data for each locality and date form a table of numbers of persons against numbers of rooms, and these transcriptions sometimes exclude the rows/columns for the very largest households (see the documentation for individual tables). From 1951 onwards, simpler tables simply list numbers of households in each density category (e.g. over 1 person per room and not more than 1.5 persons).

This is a new edition. Data have been added for 1911 and 1951. Wherever possible, ID numbers have been added for counties and districts which match those used in the digital boundary data created by the GBH GIS, greatly simplifying mapping.

Main Topics:

Housing Statistics (persons per room) from the 1901, 1911, 1931, 1951, 1961 and 1971 Censuses.

Please note: this study does not include information on named individuals and would therefore not be useful for personal family history research.

In 2022, the median age of the population of the United Kingdom was 40.7 years, compared with 37.9 years in 2001. The average age of the UK population has been increasing throughout this time period, although between 2014 and 2016 the median age remained at 40.

1. Predicting how populations may respond to climate change and anthropogenic pressures requires detailed knowledge of demographic traits, such as survival and reproduction. However, the availability of these data varies greatly across space and taxa. Therefore, it is common practice to conduct population assessments by filling in missing values from surrogate species or other populations of the same species. Using these independent surrogate values concurrently with observed data neglects the life‐history trade‐offs that connect the different aspects of a population's demography. Consequently, this approach introduces biases that could ultimately lead to erroneous management decisions. 2. We use a Bayesian hierarchical framework to combine fragmented multi‐population data with established life‐history theory and reconstruct population‐specific demographic data across a substantial part of a species breeding range. We apply our analysis to a long‐lived colonial species, the black‐legged kittiwake Rissa tridactyla, that is classified as globally Vulnerable and is highly threatened by increasing anthropogenic pressures, including offshore renewable energy development. We then use a projection analysis to examine how the reconstructed demographic parameters may improve population assessments, compared to models that combine observed data with independent surrogate values. 3. Demographic parameters reconstructed using a hierarchical framework can be utilised in a range of population modelling approaches. They can also be used as reference estimates to assess whether independent surrogate values are likely to over or underestimate missing demographic parameters. We show that surrogate values from independent sources are often used to fill in missing parameters that have large potential demographic impact, and that resulting biases are driven in unpredictable directions thus precluding assessments from being consistently precautionary. 4. Synthesis and applications. Our study dramatically increases the spatial coverage of population‐specific demographic data for black‐legged kittiwakes. The reconstructed demographic parameters presented can also be used immediately to reduce uncertainty in the consenting process for offshore wind development in the United Kingdom and Ireland. More broadly, we show that the reconstruction approach used here provides a new avenue for improving evidence‐based management and policy action for animal and plant populations with fragmented and error prone demographic data. 22-Mar-2021

Methods JAGS code and data for the correlated model. The script was written using JAGS (v. 4.3.0) via the “jagsUI” library (v 1.5.1) for program R (v. 4.0.2). It runs a Bayesian hierarchical model (“correlated model”) to reconstruct mean rates of adult survival and fecundity for 68 populations of black-legged kittiwake breeding in the UK and Ireland. Input data supplied. See Table S1 in the Supplementary Information for additional details on data sources.

Creole languages are formed in conditions where speakers from distinct languages are brought together without a shared first language, typically under the domination of speakers from one of the languages and particularly in the context of the transatlantic slave trade and European colonialism. One such Creole in Suriname, Sranan, developed around the mid-seventeenth century, primarily out of contact between varieties of English from England, spoken by the dominant group, and multiple West African languages. The vast majority of the basic words in Sranan come from the language of the dominant group, English. Here, we compare linguistic features of modern-day Sranan with those of English as spoken in 313 localities across England. By way of testing proposed hypotheses for the origin of English words in Sranan, we find that 80% of the studied features of Sranan can be explained by similarity to regional dialect features at two distinct input locations within England, a cluster of locations near the port of Bristol and another cluster near Essex in eastern England. Our new hypothesis is supported by the geographical distribution of specific regional dialect features, such as post-vocalic rhoticity and word-initial ‘h’, and by phylogenetic analysis of these features, which shows evidence favouring input from at least two English dialects in the formation of Sranan. In addition to explicating the dialect features most prominent in the linguistic evolution of Sranan, our historical analyses also provide supporting evidence for two distinct hypotheses about the likely geographical origins of the English speakers whose language was an input to Sranan. The emergence as a likely input to Sranan of the speech forms of a cluster near Bristol is consistent with historical records, indicating that most of the indentured servants going to the Americas between 1654 and 1666 were from Bristol and nearby counties, and that of the cluster near Essex is consistent with documents showing that many of the governors and important planters came from the southeast of England (including London) (Smith 1987 The Genesis of the Creole Languages of Surinam; Smith 2009 In The handbook of pidgin and creole studies, pp. 98–129).This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution’.