Access the data here: https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#text=downloadsHOLC staff members, using data and evaluations organized by local real estate professionals--lenders, developers, and real estate appraisers--in each city, assigned grades to residential neighborhoods that reflected their "mortgage security" that would then be visualized on color-coded maps. Neighborhoods receiving the highest grade of "A"--colored green on the maps--were deemed minimal risks for banks and other mortgage lenders when they were determining who should received loans and which areas in the city were safe investments. Those receiving the lowest grade of "D," colored red, were considered "hazardous." Available as shapefile(s) or GeoJSON.Robert K. Nelson, LaDale Winling, Richard Marciano, Nathan Connolly, et al., “Mapping Inequality,” American Panorama, ed.

HOLC, in consultation with local real estate professionals and local policymakers, categorized neighborhoods in hundreds of cities in the United States into four types: Best (A), Still Desirable (B), Definitely Declining (C), and Hazardous (D). So-called “hazardous” zones were colored red on these maps. These zones were then used to approve or deny credit-lending and mortgage-backing by banks and the Federal Housing Administration. The descriptions provided by HOLC in their reports rely heavily on race and ethnicity as critical elements in assigning these grades. According to the University of Richmond's Mapping Inequality project, “Arguably the HOLC agents in the other two hundred-plus cities graded through this program adopted a consistently white, elite standpoint or perspective. HOLC assumed and insisted that the residency of African-Americans and immigrants, as well as working-class whites, compromised the values of homes and the security of mortgages” (Mapping Inequality). HOLC’s classifications were one contributory factor in underinvestment in a neighborhood, and generally, although not always, closed off many, especially people of color, from the credit necessary to purchase their own homes.The 15 Worcester neighborhood zones included on the map are ordered from Zone 1 (categorized as "Best") to Zone 15, with the highest numbered zones included in the least desirable "Hazardous" category. The exact descriptions used by HOLC to classify the neighborhoods in 1936 are included, and therefore may contain some disturbing language. Many scholars and institutions have focused their efforts on tracking the effects the 1930s redlining maps still have today. The Mapping Inequality project by the University of Richmond has collected and analyzed a comprehensive set of redlining maps for more than 200 cities in the U.S. One of their conclusions is that, for most cities, there are striking and persistent geographic similarities between redlined zones and currently vulnerable areas even after eighty years. See the Mapping Inequality website for more information (https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining).This digitized version prepared by the Worcester Regional Research Bureau was based on a scanned copy from the National Archives, obtained thanks to Dr. Robert Nelson, the Digital Scholarship Lab, and the rest of his team at Mapping Inequality at the University of Richmond. Dr. Nelson worked with The Research Bureau directly to track it down in the Archives.Informing Worcester is the City of Worcester's open data portal where interested parties can obtain public information at no cost.

Most of the text in this description originally appeared on the Mapping Inequality Website. Robert K. Nelson, LaDale Winling, Richard Marciano, Nathan Connolly, et al., “Mapping Inequality,” American Panorama, ed. Robert K. Nelson and Edward L. Ayers, "HOLC staff members, using data and evaluations organized by local real estate professionals--lenders, developers, and real estate appraisers--in each city, assigned grades to residential neighborhoods that reflected their "mortgage security" that would then be visualized on color-coded maps. Neighborhoods receiving the highest grade of "A"--colored green on the maps--were deemed minimal risks for banks and other mortgage lenders when they were determining who should received loans and which areas in the city were safe investments. Those receiving the lowest grade of "D," colored red, were considered "hazardous." Conservative, responsible lenders, in HOLC judgment, would "refuse to make loans in these areas [or] only on a conservative basis." HOLC created area descriptions to help to organize the data they used to assign the grades. Among that information was the neighborhood's quality of housing, the recent history of sale and rent values, and, crucially, the racial and ethnic identity and class of residents that served as the basis of the neighborhood's grade. These maps and their accompanying documentation helped set the rules for nearly a century of real estate practice. " HOLC agents grading cities through this program largely "adopted a consistently white, elite standpoint or perspective. HOLC assumed and insisted that the residency of African Americans and immigrants, as well as working-class whites, compromised the values of homes and the security of mortgages. In this they followed the guidelines set forth by Frederick Babcock, the central figure in early twentieth-century real estate appraisal standards, in his Underwriting Manual: "The infiltration of inharmonious racial groups ... tend to lower the levels of land values and to lessen the desirability of residential areas." These grades were a tool for redlining: making it difficult or impossible for people in certain areas to access mortgage financing and thus become homeowners. Redlining directed both public and private capital to native-born white families and away from African American and immigrant families. As homeownership was arguably the most significant means of intergenerational wealth building in the United States in the twentieth century, these redlining practices from eight decades ago had long-term effects in creating wealth inequalities that we still see today. Mapping Inequality, we hope, will allow and encourage you to grapple with this history of government policies contributing to inequality." Data was copied from the Mapping Inequality Website for communities in Western Pennsylvania where data was available. These communities include Altoona, Erie, Johnstown, Pittsburgh, and New Castle. Data included original and georectified images, scans of the neighborhood descriptions, and digital map layers. Data here was downloaded on June 9, 2020.

The Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) was a U.S. federal agency that graded mortgage investment risk of neighborhoods across the U.S. between 1935 and 1940. HOLC residential security maps standardized neighborhood risk appraisal methods that included race and ethnicity, pioneering the institutional logic of residential “redlining.” The Mapping Inequality Project digitized the HOLC mortgage security risk maps from the 1930s. We overlaid the HOLC maps with 2010 and 2020 census tracts for 142 cities across the U.S. using ArcGIS and determined the proportion of HOLC residential security grades contained within the boundaries. We assigned a numerical value to each HOLC risk category as follows: 1 for “A” grade, 2 for “B” grade, 3 for “C” grade, and 4 for “D” grade. We calculated a historic redlining score from the summed proportion of HOLC residential security grades multiplied by a weighting factor based on area within each census tract. A higher score means greater redlining of the census tract. Continuous historic redlining score, assessing the degree of “redlining,” as well as national and CBSA-specific quartiles of redlining, can be linked to existing data sources by census tract identifier allowing for one form of structural racism in the housing market to be assessed with a variety of outcomes.

MAPPING INEQUALITY Redlining in New Deal America Atlanta How Owners' Loan Corporation 1938 Mapping Inequality introduces viewer to the records of the Home Owners' Loan Corporation on a scale that is unprecedented. Here you can browse more than 150 interactive maps and thousands of "area descriptions." These materials afford an extraordinary view of the contours of wealth and racial inequality in Depression-era American cities and insights into discriminatory policies and practices that so profoundly shaped cities that we feel their legacy to this day.https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/

The Poverty Mapping Project: Small Area Estimates of Poverty and Inequality data set consists of consumption-based poverty, inequality and related measures for subnational administrative Units in approximately twenty countries throughout Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America. These measures are derived on a country-level basis from a combination of census and survey data using small area estimates techniques. The collection of data have been compiled, integrated and standardized from the original data providers into a unified spatially referenced and globally consistent data set. The data products include shapefiles (vector data), tabular data sets (csv format), and centroids (csv file with latitude and longitude of a geographic Unit and associated poverty estimates). Additionally, a data catalog (xls format) containing detailed information and documentation is provided. This data set is produced by the Columbia University Center for International Earth Science Information Network (CIESIN) in collaboration with a number of external data providers.

Correction: The Collaborative Image of The City: Mapping the Inequality of Urban Perception

Our goal in this paper is to examine whether there are similar patterns in the distribution of tree canopy by Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) graded neighborhoods across 37 cities. A pre-print of the paper can be found here: https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/97zcs This data packages contains: 1. City-specific file geodatabases with features classes of the HOLC polygons obtained from the Mapping Inequality Project https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/ , and tables summarizing tree canopy, and in some cases other land cover classes. 2. An *.R script that replicates all of the analyses, graphs, and tables in the paper. Other double checks, exploratory, and miscellaneous outputs are created by the script too as a bonus. Everything in the paper can be done with the script; additional work outputs are also created. 3. A *.csv file containing city, the HOLC grade, and the percent tree canopy cover. This can be used to create the main findings of the paper and this flat file is provided as an alternative to running the R script to extract information from the geodatabases, combine, and analyze them. The intention is that this file is more widely accessible; the underlying information is the same. Redlining was a racially discriminatory housing policy established by the federal government’s Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) during the 1930s. For decades, redlining limited access to homeownership and wealth creation among racial minorities, contributing to a host of adverse social outcomes, including high unemployment, poverty, and residential vacancy, that persist today. While the multigenerational socioeconomic impacts of redlining are increasingly understood, the impacts on urban environments and ecosystems remains unclear. To begin to address this gap, we investigated how the HOLC policy administered 80 years ago may relate to present-day tree canopy at the neighborhood level. Urban trees provide many ecosystem services, mitigate the urban heat island effect, and may improve quality of life in cities. In our prior research in Baltimore, MD, we discovered that redlining policy influenced the location and allocation of trees and parks. Our analysis of 37 metropolitan areas here shows that areas formerly graded D, which were mostly inhabited by racial and ethnic minorities, have on average ~23% tree canopy cover today. Areas formerly graded A, characterized by U.S.-born white populations living in newer housing stock, had nearly twice as much tree canopy (~43%). Results are consistent across small and large metropolitan regions. The ranking system used by Home Owners’ Loan Corporation to assess loan risk in the 1930s parallels the rank order of average percent tree canopy cover today.

Income InequalityThe level of income inequality among households in a county can be measured using the Gini index. A Gini index varies between zero and one. A value of one indicates perfect inequality, where only one household in the county has any income. A value of zero indicates perfect equality, where all households in the county have equal income.The United States, as a country, has a Gini Index of 0.47 for this time period. For comparision in this map, the purple counties have greater income inequality, while orange counties have less inequality of incomes. For reference, Brazil has an index of 0.58 (relatively high inequality) and Denmark has an index of 0.24 (relatively low inequality).The 5-year Gini index for the U.S. was 0.4695 in 2007-2011 and 0.467 in 2006-2010. Appalachian Regional Commission, September 2013Data source: U.S. Census Bureau, 5-Year American Community Survey, 2006-2010 & 2007-2011

Much recent attention has been paid to the interaction between poverty and conflict in developing countries. However, it is surprising that neither the academic nor the international development community has as of yet, systematically examined the influence of international inequalities upon poverty and conflict. The project proposes that the prevalence of poverty and conflict is strongly conditioned by countries' position within the international economic system. The nature of a country's economic ties with the rest of the world - often deeply unequal - can create significant dependencies and / or incentives to challenge the status quo, resulting in poverty-provoked violence. The project uses network analysis and matching methods. The network analysis is used to map out key international economic networks (aid, trade, and FDI) and generate measures of countries' direct and indirect relations with other states plus their position within the overall structure. These network measures are then used in a statistical method of matching countries to infer whether dependent countries are more likely to succumb to poverty-provoked conflict. The findings from the project will identify the extent to which international inequality traps lead to poverty and conflict traps in developing countries, and help to draw out the policy implications of this.

This dataset is about books and is filtered where the book is Educational inequality : mapping race, class and gender : a synthesis of research evidence, featuring 7 columns including author, BNB id, book, book publisher, and ISBN. The preview is ordered by publication date (descending).

Workshop participants.

This map shows the Gini index by census tract around the region. The Gini index is a commonly-used measure of income inequality that condenses the entire income distribution for a country into a single number between 0 and 1: the higher the number, the greater the degree of income inequality.

Personal domain factors.

The Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) was a U.S. government-sponsored program initiated in the 1930s to evaluate mortgage lending risk. The program resulted in hand-drawn 'security risk' maps intended to grade sections of cities where investment should be focused (greenlined areas) or limited (redlined zones). The security maps have since been widely criticized as being inherently racist and have been associated with high levels of segregation and lower levels of green amenities in cities across the country. Our goal was to explore the potential legacy effects of the HOLC grading practice on birds, their habitat, and the people who may experience them throughout a metropolis where the security risk maps were widely applied, Greater Los Angeles, California (L.A.). We used ground-collected, remotely sensed, and census data and descriptive and predictive modeling approaches to address our goal. Patterns of bird habitat and avian communities strongly aligned with the luxury-effect phenomenon, where green amenities were more robust, and bird communities were more diverse and abundant in the wealthiest parts of L.A. Our analysis also revealed potential legacy effects from the HOLC grading practice. Associations between bird habitat features and avian communities in redlined and greenlined zones were generally stronger than in areas of L.A. that did not experience the HOLC grading, in part because redlined zones, which included some of the poorest locations of L.A., had the highest levels of dense urban conditions, e.g., impervious surface cover. In contrast, greenlined zones, which included some of the city's wealthiest areas, had the highest levels of green amenities, e.g., tree canopy cover. The White population of L.A., which constitutes the highest percentage of a racial or ethnic group in greenlined areas, was aligned with a considerably greater abundance of birds affiliated with natural habitat features (e.g., trees and shrubs). Conversely, the Hispanic or Latino population, which is dominant in redlined zones, was positively related to a significantly greater abundance of synanthropic birds, which are species associated with dense urban conditions. Our results suggest that historical redlining and contemporary patterns of income inequality are associated with distinct avifaunal communities and their habitat, which potentially influence the human experience of these components of biodiversity throughout L.A. Redlined zones and low-income residential areas that were not graded by the HOLC can particularly benefit from deliberate urban greening and habitat enhancement projects, which would likely carry over to benefit birds and humans.

Understanding the extent to which systemic biases influence local ecological communities is essential for developing just and equitable environmental practices. With over 270 million people across the United States living in urban areas, understanding the socio-ecological consequences of racially-targeted zoning, such as redlining, provides crucial information for urban planning. There is a growing body of literature documenting the relationships between redlining and disparities in the distribution of environmental harms and goods, including inequities in green space cover and pollutant exposure. Yet, it remains unknown whether noise pollution is also inequitably distributed, and whether inequitable noise is an important driver of ecological change in urban environments. We conducted 1) a spatial analysis of urban noise to determine the extent to which noise overlaps with the distribution of redlining categories and 2) a systematic literature review to summarize the effects of noise on wildlife in urban landscapes. We found strong evidence that noise is inequitably distributed in cities across the United States, and that inequitable noise may drive complex biological responses across diverse urban wildlife. These findings lay a foundation for future research that advances acoustic and urban ecology by centering equity and challenging systems of oppression. Methods Spatial Analysis of Urban Noise Pollution To evaluate noise exposure across HOLC redlining grades for 83 U.S. cities in our study, we acquired spatial data on the distribution of HOLC grades across U.S. cities from the Mapping Inequality Project. We also acquired data on road, rail, and aircraft noise (hereafter transportation noise models), from the U.S. Department of Transportation, National Transportation Noise Map 2018. The transportation noise models represent potential exposure to transportation noise reported on a decibel scale in a 30m x 30m pixel resolution. Here noise represents the average noise energy produced by road, rail, and aviation networks over a 24-hour period, measured in A-weighted decibels (dBA) (LAeq, 24h) at sampling locations deployed across a uniform grid in each city at an elevation of 1.5 m above ground level. Noise levels below 35 dBA are assumed to have minimal negative impacts to humans and the environment and thus are represented with null values in the transportation noise models. For each HOLC grade and each city, we used zonal statistics in ArcGIS Desktop v. 10.7 to calculate descriptive statistics (median, minimum, maximum, area) for the 30m x 30m pixels in the transportation noise models with non-null noise values (i.e., values > 35 dBA). We used the resulting zonal statistics estimates to calculate an area-corrected measure of excess noise: N = (r * Md)/a where N is excess noise in each HOLC grade (with units of dBA/900 m2); r is the area covered by the 30m x 30m pixels with noise values >35 dBA across all polygons of the same HOLC grade in each city; Md is the median transportation noise value (in dBA) for those same pixels; and a is the total area of all polygons of the same HOLC grade in each city. Literature Review Methodology To assess the effects of noise on wildlife in urban environments, we conducted a literature review using Thompson’s ISI Web of Science and adapting the methods of Shannon et al. (2016). We adjusted Shannon et al. (2016) search criteria to include urban phrases, resulting in the following search terms (TS=(WILDLIFE OR ANIMAL OR MAMMAL OR REPTILE OR AMPHIBIAN OR BIRD OR FISH OR INVERTEBRATE) AND TS=(NOISE OR SONAR) AND TS=(CITY OR *URBAN OR METROPOLITAN)). We only selected papers published between 1990 and 23 June 2021 (i.e., the date we conducted our search) within the ISI Web of Science categories of ‘Acoustics’, ‘Zoology’, ‘Ecology’, ‘Environmental Sciences’, ‘Ornithology’, ‘Biodiversity Conservation’, ‘Evolutionary Biology’, and ‘Marine Freshwater Biology’. This returned 691 peer-reviewed papers, which we filtered so only empirical studies focused on documenting the effects of anthropogenic noise on wildlife in urban or suburban ecosystems or the effects of urban noise on wildlife in rural environments were included in the final data set. We excluded reviews, meta-analyses, methods papers, and research that took place outside of urban or suburban areas where the noise was not explicitly denoted as urban (e.g., omitted studies that measured traffic noise by parks and reserves in rural areas). For the 241 articles previously analyzed in Shannon et al. (2016), one of our authors reviewed each paper to determine which studies were focused on urban noise. We also verified the noise levels that caused a significant biological response, noting each noise level if multiple responses were recorded. For any new articles published since the Shannon et al. (2016) dataset or those published between 1990 and 2013 but not reviewed by Shannon et al. (2016) (n = 96), two of our authors reviewed each paper to first determine which studies met our criteria and then compiled data on a number of variables of interest, including the noise levels and their resulting biological responses that were statistically significant. For this subset of papers, one author was randomly assigned a list of papers and then a second author was randomly assigned to assess the accuracy of the data collected by the first author. Any discrepancies were discussed as a group until an agreement was reached. Noise categories (environmental, transportation, industrial, multiple, other) were chosen for each paper by noting the explicitly stated source or description of urban noise described in the methodology. Noise levels and their units were reported for each paper, with only noise levels reported in decibels (dB) being used in data analysis. We recorded the sound metric used (i.e., SPL, SPL Max, Leq) for each paper and also recorded the weightings for each noise level.

This map shows households within high ($200,000 or more) and low (less than $25,000) annual income ranges. This is shown as a percentage of total households. The data is attached to tract, county, and state centroids and shows:Percent of households making less than $25,000 annuallyPercent of households making $200,000 or more annuallyThe data shown is household income in the past 12 months. These are the American Community Survey (ACS) most current 5-year estimates: Table B19001. The data layer is updated annually, so this map always shows the most current values from the U.S. Census Bureau. To find the layer used in this map and see the full metadata, visit this Living Atlas item.These categories were constructed using an Arcade expression, which groups the lowest census income categories and normalizes them by total households.

Climate change poses a greater threat for more exposed and vulnerable countries, communities and social groups. People whose livelihood depends on the agriculture and food sector, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), face significant risk. In contexts with gendered roles in agri-food systems or where structural constraints to gender equality underlie unequal access to resources and services and constrain women’s agency, local climate hazards and stressors, such as droughts, floods, or shortened crop-growing seasons, tend to negatively affect women more than men and women’s adaptive capacities tend to be more restrained than men’s. Transformation toward just and sustainable agri-food systems in the face of climate change will not only depend on reducing but also on averting aggravated gender inequality in agri-food systems. In this paper, we developed and applied an accessible and versatile methodology to identify and map localities where climate change poses high risk especially for women in agri-food systems because of gendered exposure and vulnerability. We label these localities climate-agriculture-gender inequality hotspots. Applying our methodology to LMICs reveals that the countries at highest risk are majorly situated in Africa and Asia. Applying our methodology for agricultural activity-specific hotspot subnational areas to four focus countries, Mali, Zambia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, for instance, identifies a cluster of districts in Dhaka and Mymensingh divisions in Bangladesh as a hotspot for rice. The relevance and urgency of identifying localities where climate change hits agri-food systems hardest and is likely to negatively affect population groups or sectors that are particularly vulnerable is increasingly acknowledged in the literature and, in the spirit of leaving no one behind, in climate and development policy arenas. Hotspot maps can guide the allocation of scarce resources to most-at-risk populations. The climate-agriculture-gender inequality hotspot maps show where women involved in agri-food systems are at high climate risk while signaling that reducing this risk requires addressing the structural barriers to gender equality.

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