CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
Topics Covered: Marathon Bombings, 2013 MA Senate Race, Approval of Elected Officials, Approval of Congress, Approval of MA State Legislature
The table NC-Voter-History-2025-03-13 is part of the dataset L2 Voter and Demographic Dataset, available at https://stanford.redivis.com/datasets/t6qv-ad1vt3wqf. It contains 7101882 rows across 994 variables.
November 2023
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
The results of the Massachusetts U.S. Senate Special Election poll are based on telephone interviews with a random sample of 608 Massachusetts registered voters. Telephone interviews were conducted by landline (n = 409 – 67%) and cell phone (n = 199 – 33%). The survey was conducted by RKM Research & Communications. Interviews were conducted in English from June 15-19, 2013. The survey was administered using a computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) system. The CATI system allows data to be entered directly into a computerized database as interviews are conducted. A central polling facility in Portsmouth, New Hampshire was used to administer the survey. All interviews were conducted by paid, trained and professionally supervised interviewers.
The table OH-Voter-History-2025-03-30 is part of the dataset L2 Voter and Demographic Dataset, available at https://stanford.redivis.com/datasets/t6qv-ad1vt3wqf. It contains 7838364 rows across 428 variables.
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
Topics Covered: (2014 MA Governor's Race, Issue/Candidate Perception, Down-Ticket Races, Ballot Issues)
The precincts displayed on this map were developed based on the 2020 U.S Census blocks and revised by the City of Boston Election Commission to conform to the voting precinct guidelines. These precincts were adopted in 2022 by the Board of Election Commission and by the MA State Legislature. Sources: U.S. Census, voter Registration database, and Massachusetts Secretary of the Commonwealth. This map is intended for planning and visualization purposes only.
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
PROBLEM AND OPPORTUNITY In the United States, voting is largely a private matter. A registered voter is given a randomized ballot form or machine to prevent linkage between their voting choices and their identity. This disconnect supports confidence in the election process, but it provides obstacles to an election's analysis. A common solution is to field exit polls, interviewing voters immediately after leaving their polling location. This method is rife with bias, however, and functionally limited in direct demographics data collected. For the 2020 general election, though, most states published their election results for each voting location. These publications were additionally supported by the geographical areas assigned to each location, the voting precincts. As a result, geographic processing can now be applied to project precinct election results onto Census block groups. While precinct have few demographic traits directly, their geographies have characteristics that make them projectable onto U.S. Census geographies. Both state voting precincts and U.S. Census block groups: are exclusive, and do not overlap are adjacent, fully covering their corresponding state and potentially county have roughly the same size in area, population and voter presence Analytically, a projection of local demographics does not allow conclusions about voters themselves. However, the dataset does allow statements related to the geographies that yield voting behavior. One could say, for example, that an area dominated by a particular voting pattern would have mean traits of age, race, income or household structure. The dataset that results from this programming provides voting results allocated by Census block groups. The block group identifier can be joined to Census Decennial and American Community Survey demographic estimates. DATA SOURCES The state election results and geographies have been compiled by Voting and Election Science team on Harvard's dataverse. State voting precincts lie within state and county boundaries. The Census Bureau, on the other hand, publishes its estimates across a variety of geographic definitions including a hierarchy of states, counties, census tracts and block groups. Their definitions can be found here. The geometric shapefiles for each block group are available here. The lowest level of this geography changes often and can obsolesce before the next census survey (Decennial or American Community Survey programs). The second to lowest census level, block groups, have the benefit of both granularity and stability however. The 2020 Decennial survey details US demographics into 217,740 block groups with between a few hundred and a few thousand people. Dataset Structure The dataset's columns include: Column Definition BLOCKGROUP_GEOID 12 digit primary key. Census GEOID of the block group row. This code concatenates: 2 digit state 3 digit county within state 6 digit Census Tract identifier 1 digit Census Block Group identifier within tract STATE State abbreviation, redundent with 2 digit state FIPS code above REP Votes for Republican party candidate for president DEM Votes for Democratic party candidate for president LIB Votes for Libertarian party candidate for president OTH Votes for presidential candidates other than Republican, Democratic or Libertarian AREA square kilometers of area associated with this block group GAP total area of the block group, net of area attributed to voting precincts PRECINCTS Number of voting precincts that intersect this block group ASSUMPTIONS, NOTES AND CONCERNS: Votes are attributed based upon the proportion of the precinct's area that intersects the corresponding block group. Alternative methods are left to the analyst's initiative. 50 states and the District of Columbia are in scope as those U.S. possessions voting in the general election for the U.S. Presidency. Three states did not report their results at the precinct level: South Dakota, Kentucky and West Virginia. A dummy block group is added for each of these states to maintain national totals. These states represent 2.1% of all votes cast. Counties are commonly coded using FIPS codes. However, each election result file may have the county field named differently. Also, three states do not share county definitions - Delaware, Massachusetts, Alaska and the District of Columbia. Block groups may be used to capture geographies that do not have population like bodies of water. As a result, block groups without intersection voting precincts are not uncommon. In the U.S., elections are administered at a state level with the Federal Elections Commission compiling state totals against the Electoral College weights. The states have liberty, though, to define and change their own voting precincts https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_precinct. The Census Bureau practices "data suppression", filtering some block groups from demographic publication because they do not meet a population threshold. This practice...
CBS News and The New York Times were partners in a series of election surveys covering the 1976 United States presidential election campaign. The surveys were intended to provide another dimension to the political reporting of the two organizations. The surveys, using extensive coverage early in the primary campaign, were designed to monitor the public's changing perception of the candidates, the issues, and the candidates' positions vis-a-vis the issues. Parts 1-9 contain separate nationwide surveys conducted by telephone, with approximately 1,500 randomly selected adults. Five surveys were conducted monthly from February through June, and four more between early September and the general election -- one in September and one following each presidential debate. A final survey was conducted two days after the general election. Respondents were asked for their preferred presidential candidate, their ratings of the candidates' qualifications and positions, and their opinions on a variety of political issues. Part 10, the Election Day Survey, contains a national sample of voters who were interviewed at the polls. Respondents were asked to fill out a questionnaire that asked the name of the presidential candidate for whom they had just voted, and other questions about their political preferences. Part 11 contains data for respondents who were first interviewed in Part 9, Debate Three Survey, and recontacted and reinterviewed for the Post-Election Survey. Data include respondents' voting history, their evaluation of the nominees' positions on various political issues, and their opinions on current political and social issues. Parts 12-26 contain surveys conducted in 12 states on the day of the primary at the polling place, among a random sample of people who had just voted in either the Democratic or Republican presidential primary election. These surveys were conducted in the following primary states: California, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. There are separate files for the Democratic and Republican primaries in Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, and California, making a total of fifteen primary day "exit" surveys. Respondents were asked whom they voted for and why, the issues that were important in making their choice, and their voting history. Demographic information on respondents in all surveys may include sex, race, age, religion, education, occupation, and labor union affiliation. These files were processed by the Roper Center under a cooperative arrangement with ICPSR. Most of these data were collected by CBS News and The New York Times. The Election Day Survey was conducted solely by CBS News. Parts 1-11 were made available to the ICPSR by CBS News. Datasets: DS0: Study-Level Files DS1: February Survey DS2: March Survey DS3: April Survey DS4: May Survey DS5: June Survey DS6: September Survey DS7: Debate One Survey DS8: Debate Two Survey (Registered Only) DS9: Debate Three Survey (Registered Only) DS10: The Election Day Survey DS11: The Post-Election Survey (All) DS12: New Hampshire Primary Survey DS13: Massachusetts Primary Survey DS14: Florida Primary Survey DS15: Illinois Primary Survey DS16: New York Primary DS17: Wisconsin Primary Survey DS18: Pennsylvania Primary Survey DS19: Indiana Democratic Primary Survey DS20: Indiana Republican Primary Survey DS21: Michigan Democratic Primary Survey DS22: Michigan Republican Primary Survey DS23: California Democratic Primary Survey DS24: California Republican Primary Survey DS25: Ohio Democratic Primary Survey DS26: Ohio Republican Primary Survey DS27: Codebook Introduction (1) These files contain weights, which must be used in any data analysis. (2) There is no card image data for Part 3 and there is only card image data for Parts 11-19. Also, this collection does not contain data for Oregon as the machine-readable documentation indicates. Parts 1-6: Persons in households with telephones in the coterminous United States. Parts 7-9 and 11: Registered voters with telephones in the coterminous United States. Parts 10 and 12-26: Voters in the 1976 primary election.
In the United States in 2022, ** percent of Republicans reported that they owned at least one gun, and ** percent said that they lived in a household with a gun. In comparison, only ** percent of Democrats owned at least one gun, and ** percent lived in a gun household. Who are gun owners? In 2022, significantly more Democrats were in favor of limiting gun ownership in comparison to Republicans. On the other hand, more Republicans were in favor of protecting the right to own guns in comparison to Democrats. When examined by education level, respondents who said they only had some college, but no degree, were the most likely to have said that there is at least one gun in their household. However, nearly a ******* of Americans over 18 years old said that they rarely carry a gun on their person. Republicans vs Democrats Debate The gun control debate in the United States has been a highly contested one. In light of frequent mass shootings, gun control laws have become the center of policy discussions. Democratic politicians tend to put significant emphasis on their gun control policies, and are overall more in favor of stricter gun control laws and want more background checks for those who want to purchase a gun. However, Republicans tend to work in favor of gun rights.
Not seeing a result you expected?
Learn how you can add new datasets to our index.
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
Topics Covered: Marathon Bombings, 2013 MA Senate Race, Approval of Elected Officials, Approval of Congress, Approval of MA State Legislature