https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3857/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3857/terms
This special topic, conducted September 23-28, 1994, was undertaken to assess public opinion prior to the November 1994 District of Columbia mayoral election. Respondents were polled on whether they were registered to vote in the District of Columbia, the probability that they would vote in the November mayoral election, whom they would vote for (Democrat Marion Barry or Republican Carol Schwartz), whom they were leaning toward, if they leaned toward Schwartz, was that because they liked her or did not want to vote for Marion Barry, and whether they were satisfied with the mayoral candidates. Questions regarding the Democratic primary addressed whether respondents voted in the primary and if so, for whom they voted, the reasons not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, the biggest reason not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, whether Marion Barry's victory in the primary helped or hurt race relations in the District of Columbia and to what degree, whether it was a good or bad thing that Marion Barry won the Democratic primary and would probably be elected mayor and how strongly respondents held their opinions. Respondents were queried on whether they felt that things in the District of Columbia were moving in the right direction, whether the quality of life in the city was improving, worsening, or staying the same, how well Blacks and Whites were getting along in the city, whether race relations were improving, worsening, or staying the same, the biggest problem facing the city, and the suitability of the city as a place to live. Those surveyed were asked whether Marion Barry was a good or bad role model for young people, to rate Marion Barry's ability to handle city issues such as dealing with the United States Congress, improving the image of the mayor's office, attracting new businesses to the city, dealing with problems of drugs and crime, and helping the poor, whether Whites should support Marion Barry to avoid further dividing the city along racial lines, whether Marion Barry winning the Democratic primary was embarrassing to the city, whether they believe he was a changed man, and whether they would have voted for William Lightfoot if he had stayed in the mayoral race. Demographic information includes political party affiliation, which ward the respondent lives in, the length of time the respondent has been a registered voter in the District of Columbia, whether the respondent registered to vote specifically in order to vote for Marion Barry, education, year of birth, ethnicity, religious background, frequency of religious service attendance, whether the respondent would like to move to Virginia or Maryland, whether a household member works for the city government, household income, employment status, and whether an immediate family member, or the respondent, had ever been convicted of a crime or had a problem with alcohol or drugs.
Pursuant to Local Laws 126, 127, and 128 of 2016, certain demographic data is collected voluntarily and anonymously by persons voluntarily seeking social services. This data can be used by agencies and the public to better understand the demographic makeup of client populations and to better understand and serve residents of all backgrounds and identities. The data presented here has been collected through either electronic form or paper surveys offered at the point of application for services. These surveys are anonymous. Each record represents an anonymized demographic profile of an individual applicant for social services, disaggregated by response option, agency, and program. Response options include information regarding ancestry, race, primary and secondary languages, English proficiency, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Idiosyncrasies or Limitations: Note that while the dataset contains the total number of individuals who have identified their ancestry or languages spoke, because such data is collected anonymously, there may be instances of a single individual completing multiple voluntary surveys. Additionally, the survey being both voluntary and anonymous has advantages as well as disadvantages: it increases the likelihood of full and honest answers, but since it is not connected to the individual case, it does not directly inform delivery of services to the applicant. The paper and online versions of the survey ask the same questions but free-form text is handled differently. Free-form text fields are expected to be entered in English although the form is available in several languages. Surveys are presented in 11 languages. Paper Surveys 1. Are optional 2. Survey taker is expected to specify agency that provides service 2. Survey taker can skip or elect not to answer questions 3. Invalid/unreadable data may be entered for survey date or date may be skipped 4. OCRing of free-form tet fields may fail. 5. Analytical value of free-form text answers is unclear Online Survey 1. Are optional 2. Agency is defaulted based on the URL 3. Some questions must be answered 4. Date of survey is automated
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The Department of Internal Affairs compiles voting statistics from local authority elections (local elections), which are held every three years. Local authorities include city, district and regional councils, district health boards (DHBs), local and community boards, and trusts (such as licensing trusts).
The Electoral Commission provides information on turnout at General Elections.
U.S. Government Workshttps://www.usa.gov/government-works
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Number of people who voted in the Mayoral (2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2017) and Presidential (2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016) elections divided by number of qualified voters who are registered to vote in New Orleans.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/9493/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/9493/terms
This data collection consists of responses to a survey of voters in the New York City mayoral election. Respondents were asked which mayoral candidate they voted for, how much they liked that candidate, when they decided on that candidate, which issues and factors most affected their vote, if TV ads influenced their vote, how reports of David Dinkins' personal financial affairs affected their vote, if campaign activities of various governmental leaders affected their vote, if race was a factor in voting, and if they had been recently contacted about voting. Respondents also evaluated Ed Koch's job performance, indicated if they would have voted for Koch had he been on the ballot, expressed opinions of each candidate, and speculated on the performance of David Dinkins and Rudolph Giuliani should one of them be elected. Other items include the city budget deficit, respondent's vote in the 1989 Democratic mayoral primary and in elections involving municipal offices and ballot proposals, and optimism/pessimism regarding the future of the city. Demographic information includes sex, race, age, party preference, political orientation, education, family income, ethnicity, and union membership.
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This fileset contains the supplement, the data and the replication code for the paper "Higher turnout increases incumbency advantages: Evidence from mayoral elections"
Abstract: We analyze the relevance of electoral turnout for incumbency advantages by exploring mayoral elections in the German state of Bavaria. Mayors are elected by majority rule in two-round (runoff) elections. Between the first and second ballot of the mayoral election in March 2020, the state government announced an official state of emergency. In the second ballot, voting in person was prohibited and only postal voting was possible. To construct an instrument for electoral turnout, we use a difference-in-differences strategy by contrasting turnout in the first and second ballot in 2020 with the first and second ballots from previous elections. We use this instrument to analyze the effect of turnout on incumbent vote shares. A 10-percentage point increase in turnout leads to a statistically robust 3.4 percentage point higher vote share for incumbent mayors highlighting the relevance of turnout related incumbency advantages.
This 316th Los Angeles Times Poll is one of a series of surveys undertaken to sample the opinions of voters as they participate in key elections. This exit poll was conducted during the runoff election in Los Angeles for mayor.
Please Note: This dataset is part of the historical CISER Data Archive Collection and is also available at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at https://doi.org/10.25940/ROPER-31093010. We highly recommend using the Roper Center version as they may make this dataset available in multiple data formats in the future.
This data collection focuses on the 1989 New York City mayoral election. Parts 1-3 are telephone surveys conducted from late January through early September, prior to the primary election. In these surveys, respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, what their party designation was, if they intended to vote in the mayoral primary, for whom they would vote if the primary were held that day, toward which candidate they were leaning, and how strongly they supported that candidate. Respondents also were questioned about Ed Koch's performance as mayor, the most important problem facing New York City, the overall quality of life in New York City, personal qualities of a mayoral candidate they liked or disliked, and whether they agreed with a series of statements relating to abortion, the death penalty, and race relations. In Part 4, voters in the primary election were asked to fill out questionnaires as they exited the polling places. Questions asked include whether they voted in the Democratic or Republican primary, for whom they voted, and for which candidate they would vote if the general election were being held that day. Parts 5-8, conducted from late September through early November, are telephone surveys tracking voter opinion prior to the mayoral election. Respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, what their party designation was, and for whom they would vote if the election were held that day. Other topics covered include race relations, the respondent's knowledge and opinion of the candidates Rudolph Giulian and David Dinkins, and factors that would induce the respondent to vote for a candidate. In Part 9, voters in the mayoral general election were asked to complete questionnaires as they exited the polling places. Questions put to respondents included for whom they voted and why, how they had voted on Ballot Question #2 regarding abolishing the Board of Estimate and enlarging the City Council, if they felt their choice for mayor would help to solve New York City's biggest problems and what those problems were. Background information on respondents in this collection includes political alignment, 1985 mayoral vote choice, education, age, religion, race, sex, income, and borough of residence.
The incumbent Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan of the Labour Party won the 2024 London Mayoral Election, ahead of Susan Hall of the Conservatives on **** percent.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/4400/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/4400/terms
This poll, fielded August 22-28, 2005, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the current presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. The focus of this survey was the 2005 New York City mayoral race. Residents of the city were asked to give their opinions of the candidates running for mayor and how those candidates would deal with various issues. Their opinions were also sought about the New York City school system. The candidates mentioned in the survey included current Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Fernando Ferrer, Virginia Fields, Gifford Miller, and Anthony Weiner. A series of questions asked the respondents to give their opinion on the subject of the World Trade Center site, whether Mayor Bloomberg or Governor George Pataki was more responsible for the redevelopment of this site, and if they thought the efforts to redevelop the site were going too quickly, too slowly, or just the right pace. Respondents were also asked to rate the New York City economy and if they thought it was getting better or worse. Questions respondents were asked concerning New York City schools included whether they were satisfied with the public school system, what type of school the respondents' children attended, and their opinion regarding the amount of influence the Bloomberg administration had had on the improvement of test scores in the New York public schools. Respondents were asked to compare neighborhood safety at the time of the survey to that of four years previously, what their opinion was on race relations in the New York City area, and if they approved or disapproved of the way Mayor Bloomberg was handling the redevelopment of downtown Manhattan. Other general topics included the economy, crime, security, and public transportation. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, household income, education level, employment status, political party affiliation, political philosophy, religious affiliation, marital status, borough of residence, and age group.
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The survey formed part of the Leverhulme Foundation's 'Nation and Regions' research programme. A major piece of constitutional reform of the 1997-2001 parliament was the establishment of newly devolved assemblies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The 1997 Labour election manifesto also committed the government to a directly elected mayor and assembly for London. This was intended to be the forerunner of similar arrangements in other English regions. After narrowly winning the referendum, the first elections to the new institutions were held, using proportional representation, in May 2000. The survey was designed to answer several questions about the elections: how were the new institutions perceived? What were the major factors associated with turnout and vote choice - national level considerations and party identity, London issues, support for the new institutions, the personalities of the candidates, or London identity? How well were the new electoral systems understood, and did this affect turnout? A survey conducted by University College London on the re-run of the 2000 London Mayoral election is held at the UK Data Archive (UKDA) under SN 4419. A later survey by the same centre, covering the 2004 London Mayoral election (along with the London Assembly and London Region European Parliament elections held at the same time) is held under SN 5277. Main Topics: The questionnaire covers vote and party identity, a range of policy and institutional issues, London identity, and classificatory items. Telephone numbers to private households were selected using random digit dialling, giving a simple random sample of telephone numbers. One adult was then selected per household (split sample design: half by Kish grid, half by last birthday method).
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Several recently published studies analyze the effects of national conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família and the Mexican Oportunidades, on presidential elections. Most of them show that these programs boost incumbents' electoral support among the poor. This research note is the first scholarly attempt to investigate this phenomenon at a lower-level unit of a federal state, by assessing the impact of a municipal cash transfer program on a mayoral election. Specifically, it investigates whether Renda Mínima, the cash transfer program of the city of Sao Paulo, affected beneficiaries' electoral behavior in favor of the incumbent candidate in the 2004 mayoral election. This note analyzes survey data from CEBRAP/IBOPE and shows that cash transfers did, indeed, affect beneficiaries' behavior in the predicted direction, but only in cases where they did not benefit from any other CCT program, such as the federal Bolsa Família or the São Paulo state Renda Cidadã. These results suggest that the pro-incumbent effect of CCT programs may be diluted by similar programs launched by governments at other tiers of a federation, even if they are led by the same party.
In the Seoul mayoral by-election held in South Korea on April 7, 2021, Oh Se-hoon of the main opposition People Power Party won the race with **** percent of votes, defeating the Democratic Party candidate Park Young-sun by about ** percentage points. The Seoul mayoral by-election recorded a voter turnout of **** percent.
The by-elections were held to fill a total of ** vacant local administrative and legislative posts, including the mayorships of Seoul and Busan.
In the Seoul mayoral local election held in South Korea on June 1, 2022, Oh Se-hoon of the ruling People Power Party won the race with ***** percent of votes, defeating the Democratic Party candidate Song Young-gil by about **** percentage points. The Seoul mayoral local election recorded a voter turnout of **** percent.
Contains data and Stata code for replicating all figures and tables in the article and online appendix.
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Replication data for Mayoral Partisanship and Municipal Fiscal Policy
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
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In this study, we examine whether strategic voting—in which a voter seeks to maximize the expected payoff from casting a ballot—occurred among late voters in the 2018 Taipei City mayoral election. This multi-candidate mayoral contest was noteworthy because ballot-counting started before all the votes had been cast, with preliminary results being leaked to the media. Theoretically, having access to real-time updates of voting figures could have influenced the decision of voters who were still in line waiting to cast their ballots. Analysis and reconstruction of aggregate polling data, however, demonstrate that there was very little (if any) strategic voting among these late voters on election day, even if they had information that might have induced them to vote strategically.
https://data.gov.tw/licensehttps://data.gov.tw/license
Gender of the electorate and the number and ratio of voters in the mayoral election in the direct-administered municipality
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Votes of the list of candidates for the office of mayor, divided by sections of seats throughout the city of Turin for the year 2006.
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3857/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3857/terms
This special topic, conducted September 23-28, 1994, was undertaken to assess public opinion prior to the November 1994 District of Columbia mayoral election. Respondents were polled on whether they were registered to vote in the District of Columbia, the probability that they would vote in the November mayoral election, whom they would vote for (Democrat Marion Barry or Republican Carol Schwartz), whom they were leaning toward, if they leaned toward Schwartz, was that because they liked her or did not want to vote for Marion Barry, and whether they were satisfied with the mayoral candidates. Questions regarding the Democratic primary addressed whether respondents voted in the primary and if so, for whom they voted, the reasons not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, the biggest reason not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, whether Marion Barry's victory in the primary helped or hurt race relations in the District of Columbia and to what degree, whether it was a good or bad thing that Marion Barry won the Democratic primary and would probably be elected mayor and how strongly respondents held their opinions. Respondents were queried on whether they felt that things in the District of Columbia were moving in the right direction, whether the quality of life in the city was improving, worsening, or staying the same, how well Blacks and Whites were getting along in the city, whether race relations were improving, worsening, or staying the same, the biggest problem facing the city, and the suitability of the city as a place to live. Those surveyed were asked whether Marion Barry was a good or bad role model for young people, to rate Marion Barry's ability to handle city issues such as dealing with the United States Congress, improving the image of the mayor's office, attracting new businesses to the city, dealing with problems of drugs and crime, and helping the poor, whether Whites should support Marion Barry to avoid further dividing the city along racial lines, whether Marion Barry winning the Democratic primary was embarrassing to the city, whether they believe he was a changed man, and whether they would have voted for William Lightfoot if he had stayed in the mayoral race. Demographic information includes political party affiliation, which ward the respondent lives in, the length of time the respondent has been a registered voter in the District of Columbia, whether the respondent registered to vote specifically in order to vote for Marion Barry, education, year of birth, ethnicity, religious background, frequency of religious service attendance, whether the respondent would like to move to Virginia or Maryland, whether a household member works for the city government, household income, employment status, and whether an immediate family member, or the respondent, had ever been convicted of a crime or had a problem with alcohol or drugs.