This survey illustrates the differences in satisfaction of the upper, middle and lower class in the United States as of August 2012. 62 percent of upper class respondents stated they feel more financially secure now than they did ten years ago. 44 percent of middle class Americans and 29 percent of lower class Americans agree.

Over ** million Russians aged 20 years and above, or approximately ** percent of the total adult population of the country, had wealth under 10,000 U.S. dollars in 2022. To compare, on average around the globe, the share of residents belonging to this wealth range was measured at **** percent in the same year. Economic inequality in Russia The latest available data by the World Bank recorded Russia’s Gini index, used as a measurement of income or wealth inequality, at **. The organization classified Russia as an upper-middle-income economy. Over ** percent of Russians considered themselves belonging to the middle class in 2020. HNWIs in Russia Approximately *** percent of Russian adults, or ******* residents, owned over *********** U.S. dollars, or were referred to as high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs). In 2021, the total wealth of the adult population in the country reached nearly *** trillion U.S. dollars. A significant portion of it belonged to roughly ***** ultra-high-net-worth individuals (UHNWIs) whose net worth exceeded ** billion U.S. dollars.

This statistic shows a forecast of the distribution of urban households across income classes in China in 2022. In 2022, around ** percent of the Chinese urban households would become upper middle class, while nine percent would be considered as wealthy.

Classic partisan theory posits that political parties translate their electorates’ preferences into policies. Accordingly, the recent changes in left parties’ voter base, from predominantly working-class to middle-class voters, should have resulted in changing policy positions and policy effects of left parties. We test this expectation for economic policies (i.e., subsidies, product market regulation, and privatization) in 16 European countries between 1980 and 2012. We find the expected relationships for subsidies but not for regulation and privatization. This can be explained by the fact that only with regard to subsidies, preferences substantially differ between the working- and the middle-class. Thus, economic policy preferences of voters of left parties diverge less than could be expected. Methodologically, the study suggests that empirically testing the complete causal mechanism of classic partisan theory, assessing voters’ preferences and investigating more than one issue area, are promising ways to study partisan effects on public policies.

Tax morals and economic situation of the self-employed middle class.

Topics: Attitude to government (scales); evaluation of the tax system and possibilities to reduce taxes illegally; attitude to type and amount of punishment for tax offenders; knowledge about one´s own tax rate and progression with additional income; types of taxes paid; utilization of opportunities to save taxes; perceived unfavorable changes of tax regulations in the last few years; tax accountant costs; profitability of tax accountant costs for the business; assessment of management work to determination company taxes; distribution of authority within the company; legal form of the company; turnover development in the past few years; attitude to an increase in company size; housing of the company in a residential building; judgement on one´s situation regarding provision for old age; obstacles to transfer into retirement; judgement on the extent of leisure time for the self-employed; income from capital assets; party preference.

Demography: school education; size of household; religious denomination; age; income; sex

Interviewer rating: willingness of respondent to cooperate; interest in topic; number of contact attempts.

This poll, fielded April 1-5, 2009, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling the presidency and issues such as the economy and foreign policy. A series of questions addressed the Obama Administration's approach to solving economic problems and whether the administration's policies favored the rich, the middle class, or the poor. Respondents gave their opinions of First Lady Michelle Obama, the United States Congress, the Republican and Democratic parties, and whether President Obama or the Republicans in Congress were more likely to make the right decisions about the national economy and national security. Views were sought on President Obama's proposed budget plan, including changes in federal income taxes and government spending, and proposals to give financial assistance to the banking and automotive industries. A series of questions addressed the condition of the national economy, the most important economic problem facing the nation, the financial situation of the respondent's household, and how the recession was affecting their life. Respondents compared their current standard of living with that of their parents at the same age and gave their expectations about the standard of living of their children. Other questions asked respondents what the phrase "American dream" meant to them and whether they had achieved the "American dream" or expected to in their lifetime. Additional topics addressed the bonuses given to AIG insurance company executives, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, international trade, health insurance coverage, and government spending on cancer research. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, marital status, household income, employment status, perceived social class, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, religious preference, whether respondents had children under the age of 18 years, and whether respondents considered themselves to be a born-again Christian.

108 Quarterly Tainan City Employment Counseling Services for Low- and Middle-income Households

Income Protection Insurance Market Outlook

The global income protection insurance market size was valued at USD 8.5 billion in 2023 and is projected to reach USD 13.7 billion by 2032, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.2%. This notable growth is primarily driven by increasing awareness regarding financial security and the need for income sustainability during unforeseen events such as illness or job loss. The rising incidence of chronic diseases, coupled with the unpredictable economic environment, further fuels the demand for such insurance products.

The market is significantly propelled by the growing awareness among consumers about the importance of financial planning and risk management. As individuals become more cognizant of the financial risks posed by sudden income loss due to health issues or job instability, there is an increasing inclination towards income protection insurance. This trend is particularly strong among young professionals and the middle-aged working population who seek to safeguard their financial future. Additionally, the increasing penetration of digital platforms has made it easier for consumers to research and purchase income protection policies, thereby boosting the market's growth.

Another driving factor is the rising prevalence of lifestyle-related diseases and mental health issues, which contribute to an increased likelihood of prolonged work absences. With the growing burden of such diseases, there is a heightened awareness of the need for income protection to cover medical expenses and maintain household income. Furthermore, employers are increasingly offering income protection insurance as part of their employee benefits packages, recognizing its importance in attracting and retaining talent. This trend is particularly notable in industries with high-stress levels and health risks, such as IT, finance, and healthcare.

Economic uncertainties and the increasing volatility in job markets also play a vital role in the growth of the income protection insurance market. The COVID-19 pandemic has exemplified the critical need for financial protection, as many individuals faced unexpected job losses or reduced income. This has led to a surge in demand for income protection insurance as people seek to secure their livelihoods against future economic shocks. Moreover, regulatory changes and government initiatives aimed at promoting insurance penetration and financial literacy are likely to further support market growth.

Accidental Death and Dismemberment Insurance is another critical component of financial protection that complements income protection insurance. While income protection insurance primarily focuses on replacing lost income due to illness or injury, Accidental Death and Dismemberment Insurance provides financial compensation in the event of severe accidents leading to death or significant bodily harm. This type of insurance is particularly valuable for individuals in high-risk occupations or those who engage in activities with a higher likelihood of accidents. It offers peace of mind by ensuring that beneficiaries receive financial support to cover expenses such as medical bills, funeral costs, and ongoing living expenses, thereby safeguarding their financial stability during challenging times.

Regionally, North America and Europe have traditionally dominated the income protection insurance market, driven by high awareness levels and well-established insurance sectors. However, the Asia Pacific region is expected to witness the highest growth rate during the forecast period. This can be attributed to the rapidly increasing middle-class population, rising disposable incomes, and growing awareness of insurance benefits in emerging economies such as China and India. Furthermore, digitalization and advancements in technology are making insurance products more accessible to the broader population in these regions.

Type Analysis

The income protection insurance market can be segmented by type into short-term and long-term income protection insurance. Short-term income protection insurance generally covers income loss for a period ranging from a few months to a couple of years. This type of insurance is typically sought by individuals who require temporary financial support during recovery from illness or injury. It is particularly popular

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

This is a mixed method data collection.

The importance of understanding young people's health and eating habits has been firmly stated by policymakers and there is an ongoing need to improve awareness of the factors which contribute to class inequalities in health between different population groups. There is little empirical research, however, which has looked at how the everyday practices and perceptions of middle-class young people and their families might contribute to class-based inequalities in diet, weight and overall health.

This study aimed to examine the dietary practices and health and weight conceptualisations of BMI-defined obese/overweight and non-obese/overweight young teenagers (aged 13-15 years) from middle-class families. These observations were situated within the 'habitus' of the family by exploring the aforementioned issues from the perspectives of teenagers' parents.

Whilst it is widely accepted that the unequal material circumstances associated with class distinctions influence people's lives and health, it is through attention to the everyday lived experience of deprivation or affluence that it can be seen how class might underpin growing inequalities in health. Bourdieu, in his work on habitus, argued that social distinctions are maintained through the production and control of bodily practices, which are, often, mundane and taken-for-granted. Bourdieu and others postulated that people from middle-class groups may be more likely to value enhanced wellbeing, rather than merely a functional absence of disease. In light of this, some commentators have argued that higher social class groups are protected against obesity because of the value they place on maintaining a socially acceptable thinner body. It is not known how such classed dispositions influence the food and eating practices of young middle-class teenagers and their families.

Further information about this study can be found at the project's ESRC award web page.


Main Topics:

Diet, weight, health, food practices, eating habits, young teenagers, family and social class.

This special topic poll, fielded September 10, 2009, re-interviewed 648 adults first surveyed August 27-31 2009. This continuing series of monthly surveys solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. The dataset includes their responses to call-back questions as well as to selected questions in the original poll (ICPSR 27803) which asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling the presidency, the war in Afghanistan, health care, and the economy. Several questions addressed health care, including whether respondents thought the health care system in the United States worked well, whether Medicare worked well, and whether the government would do a better job than private health care companies in keeping health care costs down and providing medical coverage. Respondents were also asked their opinions on whether President Obama's proposals for reform would increase competition in the private insurance market, the health insurance industry, whether they believed in the possibility of expanding health care coverage without increasing budget deficits or taxes on the middle class, whether President Obama or the Republicans in Congress had better ideas about reforming the health care system, and whether they understood the health care reforms that Congress was considering. Whether President Obama's proposals for reform would increase competition in the private insurance market, whether the health care reform proposed by President Obama would make health care better in the United States and would help the respondent personally, and whether respondents favored the ideas of requiring all Americans to buy health insurance and the government offering everyone a government administered health insurance plan. Information was collected on how respondents thought health care reforms under consideration in Congress would effect the middle class, senior citizens, small businesses, the respondent personally, their health care costs, and the quality of health care. Additional topics that were covered included the pullout of troops from Iraq, credit card debt, how the federal government should use taxpayer's money, personal finances, the best way to discourage obesity, terrorist attacks, the war in Afghanistan, the swine flu, and job security. Respondents were re-interviewed on September 10, 2009, and asked whether they approved of the way Barak Obama was handling health care, if they had listened to the president's address of September 9th, the clarity of his explanation in regard to reform, if they agreed with the proposed reforms, whether Congress would pass and President Obama would sign a bill reforming the system. Questions in regard to budget deficit, expanded health care, regulation of the health insurance industry were also asked. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, education level, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, perceived social class, religious preference, and voter registration status and participation history.

Data set about mental health problems and emotional intelligence among adolescents in Vietnam

This poll, fielded August 27-31, 2009, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling the presidency, foreign policy, the situation in Afghanistan, health care, and the economy. Respondents were asked if they thought things in the country were on the right track, their rating of the national economy, and whether they thought the economy would get better. Respondents were also asked questions about the economic recession, including how long they thought it would last, the advisability of the federal government spending money to stimulate the national economy, whether it was acceptable to raise the deficit to create jobs and stimulate growth, and whether the federal budget deficit affected the respondent's family's financial situation. Several questions addressed health care, including whether respondents thought our health care system worked well, whether Medicare worked well, and whether the government would do a better job than private health care companies in keeping health care costs down and providing medical coverage. Respondents were also asked their opinions on the health insurance industry, whether they believed in the possibility of expanding health care coverage without increasing budget deficits or taxes on the middle class, whether Barack Obama or the Republicans in Congress had better ideas about reforming the health care system, and whether they understood the health care reforms Congress was considering. Information was collected on how respondents thought health care reforms under consideration in Congress would affect the middle class, senior citizens, small businesses, the respondent personally, their health care costs, and the quality of health care. Additional topics that were covered included the pullout of troops from Iraq, major credit cards, credit card debt, how the federal government should use taxpayer's money, how to handle the deficit, personal finances, the best way to discourage obesity, and job security. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, education level, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, perceived social class, religious preference, and voter registration status and participation history.

The dataset is a file of the raw interview scripts with my interviewees during the fieldwork conducted between 2021.6 to 2022.2.

This thesis investigates how urban middle-class working women with two children make sense of work, childcare, and self under the universal two-child policy of China. This thesis also explores how the idea of individual and family interact in these women's construction of a sense of self. On January 1st, 2016, the one-child policy was replaced by the universal two-child policy, under which all married couples in China are allowed to have two children. In the scholarships of motherhood, it is widely documented across cultures that it is a site of patriarchal oppression where women are expected to meet the unrealistic ideal of intensive mothering to be a good mother, suffer from the motherhood wage penalty and face more work-family conflict than fathers. Emprical studies of China also came to similar conclusions and such findings are not only widely regonized in scholarship but is also widespread in popular discourse in China. Despite that marriage and having children is still universal for the generation of the research target, women born in the 1970s and 1980s, due to compounding influence fo the one-child policy, increasing financial burden of raising a child etcs, having only one child has become widely acceptable and normal. Given this context, this study intend to investigate how these middle-class women, who are relatively empowered and resourceful, come to a decision that is seemingly against their own interest. Moreover, unlike in the west where the issue of childbearing and childcaring is mainly an issue of the conjugal couple and the gender realtions is at the center of the discussion, in China, extended family, especially grandparents also play a role in both the decision making process and the subsequent childcare arrangement. Therefore, to study the second-time mothers’ childcare and work experiences in contemporary urban China, we also need to situate them, as individuals, in their family. To investigate how they make sense of childcare and work is also to understand the tension between individual and family. By interviewing twenty-one parents from middle-class family in Guangzhou with a second child under six years old, this study finds that these urban working women with two children consider themselves as an individual unit and full-time paid employment is something that cannot be given up since it is the means of securing that independent self . However, they did not prioritize their personal interest to that of other family members, especially the elder child and thus the decision of having a second child is mainly for the sake of the elder child. Moreover, grandparents played an essential role to provide a childcare safety net, without which, these urban working women would not be able to work full-time and maintain the independent self as they defined it. The portrayal of these women’s experiences reflected the individualization process in China where people are indivdualized without individualism, and family are evoked as strategy to achieve personal as well as family goals. The findings of this study contributs to theories of motherhood by adding an intergenerational perspective to the existing gender perspective and also contributes to the studies of family by understanding the relation and interaction between individual and family in thse women’s construction of sense of self in the context of contemporary China.

In 2024, the average annual per capita disposable income of households in China amounted to approximately 41,300 yuan. Annual per capita income in Chinese saw a significant rise over the last decades and is still rising at a high pace. During the last ten years, per capita disposable income roughly doubled in China. Income distribution in China As an emerging economy, China faces a large number of development challenges, one of the most pressing issues being income inequality. The income gap between rural and urban areas has been stirring social unrest in China and poses a serious threat to the dogma of a “harmonious society” proclaimed by the communist party. In contrast to the disposable income of urban households, which reached around 54,200 yuan in 2024, that of rural households only amounted to around 23,100 yuan. Coinciding with the urban-rural income gap, income disparities between coastal and western regions in China have become apparent. As of 2023, households in Shanghai and Beijing displayed the highest average annual income of around 84,800 and 81,900 yuan respectively, followed by Zhejiang province with 63,800 yuan. Gansu, a province located in the West of China, had the lowest average annual per capita household income in China with merely 25,000 yuan. Income inequality in China The Gini coefficient is the most commonly used measure of income inequality. For China, the official Gini coefficient also indicates the astonishing inequality of income distribution in the country. Although the Gini coefficient has dropped from its high in 2008 at 49.1 points, it still ranged at a score of 46.5 points in 2023. The United Nations have set an index value of 40 as a warning level for serious inequality in a society.

BackgroundDevelopmental delay is a public health problem in low- and middle-income countries. However, there is no summarized evidence in low- and middle-income countries on developmental delay, and primary studies on this issue show varied and inconclusive results. This systematic review and meta-analysis aimed to assess the pooled magnitude of confirmed developmental delay and its determinants among children in low- and middle-income countries.MethodsWe followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) guidelines to write this systematic review and meta-analysis. Primary studies were searched from PubMed, PsycINFO, Hinari, Science Direct, African Journal of Online, Web of Science, and Google Scholar databases. The Newcastle–Ottawa Scale, adapted for the cross-sectional studies, was used to assess the quality of the included studies. Heterogeneity and publication bias were assessed by the I2 and Eggers tests, respectively. Due to the high heterogeneity, the random effects model was used for analysis. Odds ratios (ORs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were used to show the association between developmental delay and its determinants.ResultsThe pooled prevalence of confirmed developmental delay was 18.83, 95% CI (15.53–22.12). In the subgroup analysis, a high prevalence of developmental delay [26.69% (95% CI, 15.78–37.60)] was observed in studies performed in Africa. Maternal education [3.04; 95% CI (2.05, 4.52)] and low birth weight [3.61; 95% CI (1.72, 7.57)] were significant determinants of developmental delay.ConclusionThe pooled prevalence of developmental delay in low- and middle-income countries was high as compared to that in high-income countries. Maternal education level and weight at birth were significantly associated with developmental delays. Therefore, strategies should be designed to decrease the rate of low birth weight and the number of illiterate mothers living in low- and middle-income countries.Systematic review registrationPROSPERO, CRD42024513060.

110 Quarterly Tainan City Employment Counseling Services for Low- and Middle-income Households

Abstract

The Afrobarometer is a comparative series of public attitude surveys that assess African citizen's attitudes to democracy and governance, markets, and civil society, among other topics. The surveys have been undertaken at periodic intervals since 1999. The Afrobarometer's coverage has increased over time. Round 1 (1999-2001) initially covered 7 countries and was later extended to 12 countries. Round 2 (2002-2004) surveyed citizens in 16 countries. Round 3 (2005-2006) 18 countries, Round 4 (2008) 20 countries, Round 5 (2011-2013) 34 countries, and Round 6 (2014-2015) 36 countries. The survey covered 34 countries in Round 7 (2016-2018).

Geographic coverage

National coverage.

Analysis unit

Individual

Universe

Citizens of Nigeria who are 18 years and older

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

Sample size: 1,600 Sampling frame: 2006 Population and Housing Census of the Federal Republic of Nigeria Sample design: Nationally representative, random, clustered, stratified, multi-stage area probability sample Stratification: Region and urban-rural location Stages: PSUs (from strata), start points, households, respondents PSU selection: Probability proportionate to population size (PPPS) Cluster size: 8 households per PSU Household selection: Randomly selected start points, followed by walk pattern using 5/10 interval Respondent selection: Gender quota filled by alternating interviews between men and women; respondents of appropriate gender listed, after which household member draws a numbered card to select individual

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

The Round 7 questionnaire has been developed by the Questionnaire Committee after reviewing the findings and feedback obtained in previous Rounds, and securing input on preferred new topics from a host of donors, analysts, and users of the data. As in previous Rounds, about two-thirds of the items from the Round 6 questionnaire remain the same, and about one-third are new items. In identifying new survey topics, the Questionnaire Committee sought to align the instrument with the global development agenda by incorporating topics that speak to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015. Some of the new survey topics in the R7 questionnaire include: Safety and Security; State capacity; Migration; Closing spaces; Inclusion; Climate change and, the Middle class.

The questionnaire consists of three parts: 1. Part 1 captures the steps for selecting households and respondents, and includes the introduction to the respondent and (pp.1-4). This section should be filled in by the Fieldworker. 2. Part 2 covers the core attitudinal and demographic questions that are asked by the Fieldworker and answered by the Respondent (Q1 – Q100). 3. Part 3 includes contextual questions about the setting and atmosphere of the interview, and collects information on the Fieldworker. This section is completed by the Fieldworker (Q101 – Q123).

Response rate

Outcome rates: - Contact rate: 100% - Cooperation rate: 98.0% - Refusal rate: 1.0% - Response rate: 98.0%

Sampling error estimates

+/- 2% at 95% confidence level

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The broad aim of the research is to investigate the social and economic consequences of the middle class settlement of inner London in recent decades in order to assess whether there are variations between different areas. A subsidiary aim will be to investigate the relationships between the middle class and other social groups in these neighbourhoods and whether, if these differ, the quality of these relationships can be related to the area and the social composition of the groups involved. Have the middle class exacerbated social exclusion in the city as some claim (Smith 1996)? At the heart of the research proposal is the assumption is that it is no longer possible to identify a single middle class and that different groups will have different social, economic, political and cultural interests and, for this reason, will have different relationships to their localities and populations.
More specific objectives are:
to identify what are the dominant patterns of middle-class settlement in inner London and how these are differentiated - by occupational characteristics, by social background, or by age-cohort;
to identify the consequences of middle class settlement particularly in terms of networks, patterns of sociation, the relations between work and non work associations;
to investigate to what extent these social and possibly economic interactions involve other social groups and if so how these variations might be explained;
to identify if possible what one area might learn from another - in other words, are there policy recommendations that can be made to improve the attractiveness of some areas and minimize their negativities?
Main Topics:

The research was centred on the ways in which inner London has changed over recent years and in particular on the process of gentrification. It did this by investigating the consequences of the middle classes upgrading different areas of inner London since the 1970s and examining the consequences of this both for the neighbourhoods concerned and in relation to other non middle class groups. Fieldwork was conducted between 1998 and 2000 in six areas: three south of the river Thames and two north, a sixth area comprised the London Docklands which was subdivided into three. These areas were:
'Telegraph Hill' (New Cross in the London Borough of Lewisham)
Brixton (Herne Hill and Tulse Hill in the London Borough of Brixton)
'Between the Commons' (Battersea in the London Borough of Wandsworth)
'Barnsbury' (in the London Borough of Islington)
'London Fields' (Dalston in the London Borough of Hackney)
Docklands:
'The Isle of Dogs' (in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets)
'Surrey Quays' (in the London Borough of Southwark)
'Britannia Village' (in the London Borough of Newham)
The dataset contains the results of interviews undertaken with respondents drawn from these areas.

Standard Measures
ONS Social Class classification was used.

Childhood wasting is a global problem and is significantly more pronounced in low and middle income countries like Bangladesh. Socio Economic Status (SES) and Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) practices may be significantly associated with wasting. Most previous research is consistent about the role of SES, but the significance of WASH in the context of wasting remains ambiguous. The effect of SES and WASH on weight for length (WHZ) is examined using a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to explicitly describe the direct and indirect role of WASH in the context of SES.A nationally representative survey of 10,478 Bangladeshi children under 5 were examined. An expert defined SEM was used to construct latent variables for SES and WASH. The SEM included a direct pathway from SES to WHZ and an indirect pathway from SES to WHZ via WASH along with regression of relevant covariates on the outcome WHZ and the latent variables. Both SES (p

Income redistribution and changes in redistributive policies are highly contested issues that often have a bearing on societal debate and electoral competition. Using European Social Survey data, we trace trends in public attitudes towards income redistribution in 18 European states from 2002 to 2019, which saw the Great Recession, the 2015 migrant crisis and an increase in income inequality. Although attitudes towards income redistribution were relatively stable, trends presented by countries grouped by welfare regime display considerable variation both among countries and among welfare regimes. We also trace trends in public support for redistribution by income groups and gauge the strength of belief in meritocracy and egalitarianism. The level of redistribution support among middle-income residents is similar to redistribution support of low-income residents, most notably in post-communist and social-democratic regimes. While egalitarianism is most widespread in the Mediterranean regime, meritocracy is most common in liberal and conservative regimes.