According to the 2021 Census, London was the most ethnically diverse region in England and Wales – 63.2% of residents identified with an ethnic minority group.

In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population.

Varied ethnic backgrounds

Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain.

Racism in the United Kingdom

Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.

Census 2021 data: 19 tick-box ethnic groups, by age, sex, and age and sex.

Report from the North Yorkshire Equality and Diversity Strategic Partnership - September 2016

Students from the Chinese ethnic group had the highest entry rate into higher education in every year from 2006 to 2024.

This project is the first census of all local councillors in all four constitutive nations of the UK, conducted in 2018 and 2019. The local level, so important to our democracy, is too often ignored, and political representation is predominantly studied at the national level. The particular importance of local level to ethnic representation cannot be overstated as it is often the first step in politics and political careers for many minority politicians, and a first line of contact for minority individuals and communities in need of help. This project seeks to fill this research gap and to put local representation at the heart of studying how ethnic minorities are politically represented in Britain. Our research design was developed to study the experiences of ethnic minority local councillors from visibly racialised backgrounds of both genders, to further our understandings of the mechanisms that underpin representational inequalities. We collected the ethnicity, gender and political party of every local councillor in the UK by referring to council websites. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. Interviewees were asked about how they became involved in local politics, their views on the extent of demand for greater diversity in local government and their experiences of running for selection and election for local government as well as serving as a local councillor. The collection consists of interview transcripts with 95 ethnic minority local councillors, candidates and activists, or white British councillors in local government leadership positions.Understandings of ethnic inequalities in the UK have developed substantially as a result of the work of The Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity (CoDE). CoDE has successfully carried out an innovative programme of research, pursued challenging scientific objectives, and worked closely with a range of non-academic partners to impact on policy debates and development. In a rapidly evolving political and policy context, we propose a further, ambitious programme of work that takes us in new directions with a distinct focus. We will move beyond nuanced description to understanding processes and causes of ethnic inequalities, and build directly on our established experience in interdisciplinary and mixed methods working. In addition, we will use a co-production approach, working with a range of partners, including key public institutions such as the BBC, universities, political parties, ethnic minority NGOs, activists, and individuals, in order to frame and carry out our research in ways that will maximise our societal impact and lead to meaningful change. Our overarching objectives are to: -Understand how ethnic inequalities develop in a range of interconnected domains -Examine how these processes relate to and are shaped by other social categories, such as gender, class, religion and generation -Understand how ethnic inequalities take shape, and are embedded, in institutional spaces and practices -Work closely with policy and practice partners to meaningfully address enduring ethnic inequalities -Pursue methodological developments with interdisciplinary mixed methods and co-production at their core -Achieve ongoing high quality international academic impact Through a research plan divided into four work packages, we will examine ethnic inequalities in (1) higher education, (2) cultural production and consumption, (3) politics, representation and political parties and (4) pursue policy and institutional impact with our work in these areas. Alongside this, we are also conducting a programme of work on severe mental illness. These work packages will be organised around our ambition to understand, explain and impact on ethnic inequalities through a focus on institutional production of and responses to ethnic inequalities. At the core of our methodological approach is interdisciplinary and mixed methods working. Our quantitative work will be predominantly secondary data analysis, making the best use of the wide range of resources in the UK (e.g. Understanding Society, Destination of Leavers of Higher Education Survey, British Election Study, ONS Longitudinal Studies). Our qualitative work will be based around ethnographic approaches that are attentive to the ways in which social processes play out differently in different sites and institutions. We are informed especially by the approach of institutional ethnography which prioritises an attention to the lived, everyday experience of inequality, but aims to clarify the wider social relations in which such experiences are embedded and by which they are shaped. Thus institutional ethnographies will be developed which begin with exploring the experience of those directly involved in institutional settings as a route to understanding how structures and practices of institutions shape individuals' experiences and practices. Throughout our work we will integrate and mobilise research evidence to engage with a full range of partners in order to influence policy and practice development, public understanding and institutional practice. As well as having academic impact (journal articles, conferences, seminars, newsletters), our findings will be communicated directly to policy and advocacy organisations through a combination of well developed (blogs, Twitter, policy briefings) and emerging (podcasts and live streaming, museum and art exhibitions, online portal for individual narratives) forms of dissemination, and we will work directly with these organisations to achieve change. We hand coded all councillors’ ethnicity based on pictures included on the relevant council website, in cases where we lacked pictures or pictures were not definitive, we performed an online search of local media and councillors’ own professional websites. Finally, we used OriginsInfo software to auto-code the names of all councillors who we hand coded as ethnic minority, or unknown. OriginsInfo operates a proprietary algorithm to compare personal and family names with the ethnic, religious and cultural origin of 5,000,000 names from around the world. OriginsInfo matches forenames and surnames against a stored database of names and classifies them according to their most likely cultural origins by linguistic and religious affiliations. We used semi-structured interviews in order to gain insight into the ways in which ethnic minority councillors make sense of their social locations in their political environments, routes to office including selection and election processes, their experiences of serving on local councils and engaging with the constituents they represent. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of ethnic non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. We conducted 94 semi-structured interviews, the majority of which were with British ethnic minority local councillors in England. Five of our female interviewees were of ethnic minority background who had been candidates for local council or parliament, rather than councillors. We also interviewed two local women activists of minority background working on political representation of women of colour.

Little research has been conducted on how internal migration of different ethnic groups, in and out of areas, contributes to population patterns. Research that has explored migration by ethnicity has compared 'white' with 'non-white' people to discuss patterns of segregation, ethnic concentration and majority population 'ghettos' or 'enclaves'. However, it is likely that there will be variations within the minority ethnic group that will offer important insights to these debates. This research will explore patterns of residential migration within different ethnic groups within England and Wales. Specifically, whether there is a tendency for people from different ethnic groups to move into or out of areas where their own ethnic group has a high or low density. These research questions will be explored through secondary analysis of the 2001 census using a specially commissioned table containing information about migration and ethnicity. Inflows and outflows of individual ethnic groups (as defined by the 2001 census) will be separately measured at the ward level (to assess local level migration). Patterns will be mapped using GIS software. This detailed analysis will help to establish if patterns of internal migration for different ethnic groups are related to the densities of their own and other groups.

During a 2023 survey carried out among more than ***** marketers from the United Kingdom, ** percent of respondents identified as white. Second largest group with *** percent were marketers who identified as Asian or Asian British, followed by *** percent of individuals who identified as Black, African Caribbean or Black British. The remaining *** percent identified as mixed raced or belonging to multiple ethnic groups.

This survey of minority groups was part of a larger project to investigate the patterns, predictors, and consequences of midlife development in the areas of physical health, psychological well-being, and social responsibility. Conducted in Chicago and New York City, the survey was designed to assess the well-being of middle-aged, urban, ethnic minority adults living in both hyper-segregated neighborhoods and in areas with lower concentrations of minorities. Respondents' views were sought on issues relevant to quality of life, including health, childhood and family background, religion, race and ethnicity, personal beliefs, work experiences, marital and close relationships, financial situation, children, community involvement, and neighborhood characteristics. Questions on health explored the respondents' physical and emotional well-being, past and future attitudes toward health, physical limitations, energy level and appetite, amount of time spent worrying about health, and physical reactions to those worries. Questions about childhood and family background elicited information on family structure, the role of the parents with regard to child rearing, parental education, employment status, and supervisory responsibilities at work, the family financial situation including experiences with the welfare system, relationships with siblings, and whether as a child the respondent slept in the same bed as a parent or adult relative. Questions on religion covered religious preference, whether it is good to explore different religious teachings, and the role of religion in daily decision-making. Questions about race and ethnicity investigated respondents' backgrounds and experiences as minorities, including whether respondents preferred to be with people of the same racial group, how important they thought it was to marry within one's racial or ethnic group, citizenship, reasons for moving to the United States and the challenges faced since their arrival, their native language, how they would rate the work ethic of certain ethnic groups, their views on race relations, and their experiences with discrimination. Questions on personal beliefs probed for respondents' satisfaction with life and confidence in their opinions. Respondents were asked whether they had control over changing their life or their personality, and what age they viewed as the ideal age. They also rated people in their late 20s in the areas of physical health, contribution to the welfare and well-being of others, marriage and close relationships, relationships with their children, work situation, and financial situation. Questions on work experiences covered respondents' employment status, employment history, future employment goals, number of hours worked weekly, number of nights away from home due to work, exposure to the risk of accident or injury, relationships with coworkers and supervisors, work-related stress, and experience with discrimination in the workplace. A series of questions was posed on marriage and close relationships, including marital status, quality and length of relationships, whether the respondent had control over his or her relationships, and spouse/partner's education, physical and mental health, employment status, and work schedule. Questions on finance explored respondents' financial situation, financial planning, household income, retirement plans, insurance coverage, and whether the household had enough money. Questions on children included the number of children in the household, quality of respondents' relationships with their children, prospects for their children's future, child care coverage, and whether respondents had changed their work schedules to accommodate a child's illness. Additional topics focused on children's identification with their culture, their relationships with friends of different backgrounds, and their experiences with racism. Community involvement was another area of investigation, with items on respondents' role in child-rearing, participation on a jury, voting behavior, involvement in charitable organizations, volunteer experiences, whether they made monetary or clothing donations, and experiences living in an institutional setting or being homeless. Respondents were also queried about their neighborhoods, with items on neighborhood problems including racism, vandalism, crime, drugs, poor schools, teenag

Labour market status by ethnic group, UK, published quarterly, non-seasonally adjusted. Labour Force Survey. These are official statistics in development.

Key Stage 4 is the stage of the National Curriculum between ages 14 and 16 years. This indicator relates to examinations taken at the end of the Key Stage. Minority ethnic groups measured for the purposes of this indicator include any ethnic group where there are over 30 pupils from that group in any particular cohort. Good performance is typified by higher percentages of pupils attaining 5 A*-C, including English and mathematics, accompanied by a narrowing of the attainment gap between minority ethnic pupils and all pupils.

This study into ethnic minority workers who have experienced problems at work was concerned with understanding more about how individuals went about dealing with the issues they faced. The project explored to whom people turned and what help they received and the extent to which they were able to get a resolution to their problems. This study focused on minority ethnic workers, Kurdish in Hackney, South Asian (originating from the Indian sub-continent) in Ealing and Caribbean in Lambeth. In-depth face-to-face interviews were undertaken with a total of 185 workers - 100 individually and 88 in 16 focus groups (three focus group participants were also interviewed individually) and 64 interviews with ‘key respondents’ who were officials from trade unions, advice agencies and community groups. Focus groups were not transcribed. The minority ethnic groups chosen represent long-established (Caribbean, followed by South Asian) and more recent (Kurdish) minority ethnic communities in the UK. The labour market position of each community is quite distinct, although not homogeneous, ranging from concentrations in local government, the health service and London Transport (Caribbeans in Lambeth); Heathrow airport related employment and heath service (South Asians in Ealing); food processing and small businesses (Kurds in Hackney). The research will theorise the lack of connection between different social actors (ethnic minority workers and trade unions) by considering whether the notion of intersectionality allows for a deeper understanding of how material structures and cultural meanings are interwoven and worked out in practice. The research will attempt to understand the linkages between, and relative significance of, different forms of social divisions as mediated by ethnicity, class, faith, secularism, gender, age, migration, etc. It will also explore whether barriers to engagement exist for some groups of ethnic minority workers in joining or taking part in trade unions and the reason why some workers choose alternative means of accessing support at work. The research will provide analysis of the needs and aspirations of ethnic minority workers, whose social networks, length of time since migration, and other factors, may affect the way support for work-based problems, are accessed. The ethnic groups chosen, located in different areas of London, operating in differing labour markets, allow for a theorisation of how people's life world identities develop specific geographies. The research will also develop theoretical insight into how (and if) these geographical communities form specific social and spatial networks to deal with problems at work. Face-to-face interviews and focus groups were conducted with minority workers in Hackney, Ealing and Lambeth, however only the interviews were transcribed. Key respondents (including advice and advocacy workers, trade union representatives and community organisation workers) were also interviewed.

Data on visible minority by ethnic or cultural origin, age and gender for the population in private households in Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas, census agglomerations and parts.

Key Stage (KS) 2 is the stage of the National Curriculum between ages 8 and 11 years. This indicator relates to tests taken by 11 year olds at the end of KS2. Minority ethnic groups measured for the purposes of this indicator include any ethnic group where there are over 30 pupils from that group in any particular cohort. Pupils attainment is assessed in relation to the National Curriculum and pupils are awarded levels on the National Curriculum scale to reflect their attainment. Good performance is typified by higher percentages accompanied by a narrowing of the attainment gap between minority ethnic pupils and all pupils.

This project is the first census of all local councillors in all four constitutive nations of the UK, conducted in 2018 and 2019. The local level, so important to our democracy, is too often ignored, and political representation is predominantly studied at the national level. The particular importance of local level to ethnic representation cannot be overstated as it is often the first step in politics and political careers for many minority politicians, and a first line of contact for minority individuals and communities in need of help. This project seeks to fill this research gap and to put local representation at the heart of studying how ethnic minorities are politically represented in Britain. Our research design was developed to study the experiences of ethnic minority local councillors from visibly racialised backgrounds of both genders, to further our understandings of the mechanisms that underpin representational inequalities. We collected the ethnicity, gender and political party of every local councillor in the UK by referring to council websites. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. Interviewees were asked about how they became involved in local politics, their views on the extent of demand for greater diversity in local government and their experiences of running for selection and election for local government as well as serving as a local councillor. The collection consists of interview transcripts with 95 ethnic minority local councillors, candidates and activists, or white British councillors in local government leadership positions.

Time-series dataset of the demographic characteristics of the UK ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006, to study ethnic and religious demographic diversity and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population. This dataset is compiled from various existing data sources: 2001 Census, Labour Force Survey (LFS) and International Passenger Survey (IPS) data. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, indirect methods were used to estimate vital rates, including the ‘Own Child’ method applied to LFS household data to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups. Building on previous work, fertility rates of ethnic groups were produced up to 2006, distinguishing between UK-born and foreign-born populations. Migration rates were based on ONS International Migration Statistics (using IPS data), LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions. The results served population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates for the major religious (and non-religious) groups were produced. Datasets include: (1) Calculated fertility estimates for all women aged 15 to 49 in the UK, by 5 years age group, by ethnic group, religion and place of birth (UK/non-UK), based on LFS data; (2) Data on mixed children by ethnic group of the mother; (3) Data on country of birth by ethnic group (all populations); (4) Data on immigration flow by country of origin. This project aims to analyse ethnic and religious demographic diversity, to investigate the potential for convergence of trends over time and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population. Existing statistical sources (especially the 2001 Census, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) Longitudinal Survey) will be used to produce time-series of the demographic characteristics of the ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, the Own Child method applied to LFS and census data will be used to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups. The results will serve population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Migration rates will be based on ONS International Migration Statistics, LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions. Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates and other demographic information for the major religious (and non-religious) groups will be produced with a view to making preliminary projections of their future size. The potential convergence of the demographic characteristics of ethnic and religious groups will be analysed, including mixed unions as an indicator for integration. Derivation from existing data sources: Labour Force Survey data (output from analysis); ONS commissioned tables (census and IPS data).

Citizens of countries with greater ethnic diversity or histories of legalized racial and ethnic discrimination such as the United States and South Africa are more likely to respond that ethnic discrimination is a significant problem in their societies. Meanwhile, those in less ethnically diverse nations such as Japan and South Korea are more likely to respond that ethnic discrimination is not a significant problem in their societies.

This review summarizes the economic impacts of the pandemic on ethnic minorities, focusing on the city of Manchester. It utilizes multiple reporting sources to explore various dimensions of the economic shock in the UK, linking this to studies of pre-COVID-19 economic and ethnic composition in Manchester and in the combined authority area of Greater Manchester. We then make inferences about the pandemic's short-term impact specific to the city region. Greater Manchester has seen some of the highest rates of COVID-19 and as a result faced particularly stringent “lockdown” regulations. Manchester is the sixth most deprived Local Authority in England, according to 2019 English Indices of Multiple Deprivation. As a consequence, many neighborhoods in the city were always going to be less resilient to the economic shock caused by the pandemic compared with other, less-deprived, areas. Particular challenges for Manchester include the high rates of poor health, low-paid work, low qualifications, poor housing conditions and overcrowding. Ethnic minority groups also faced disparities long before the onset of the pandemic. Within the UK, ethnic minorities were found to be most disadvantaged in terms of employment and housing–particularly in large urban areas containing traditional settlement areas for ethnic minorities. Further, all Black, Asian, and Minority ethnic (BAME) groups in Greater Manchester were less likely to be employed pre-pandemic compared with White people. For example, people of Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic backgrounds, especially women, have the lowest levels of employment in Greater Manchester. Finally, unprecedented cuts to public spending as a result of austerity have also disproportionately affected women of an ethnic minority background alongside disabled people, the young and those with no or low-level qualifications. This environment has created and sustained a multiplicative disadvantage for Manchester's ethnic minority residents through the course of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In practice, the government protects ethnic minorities from discrimination. A 100 score is earned where all the following conditions are met: 1) there is an official mechanism that receives and investigates complaints of ethnic discrimination (whether investigations are undertaken independently or in collaboration with other entities), 2) in the last year, the mechanism has been proactive and implemented programs designed to reduce/combat ethnic discrimination (such as conducting sensitization campaigns), and 3) the mechanism is accessible to most members of minority ethnic groups. A 50 score is earned where where any of the following conditions apply: 1) the mechanism exists, but it doesn’t always investigate complaints of ethnic discrimination, 2) it’s not always functional, or 3) some members of minority groups don’t have access to it due to geographic or other limitations. A 0 score is earned where at least one of the following conditions apply: 1) the mechanism to receive complaints of ethnic discrimination doesn’t exist, or 2) it exists but doesn’t investigate and is generally unresponsive. For variable descriptions, please refer to: https://www.africaintegrityindicators.org/data. For the methodology, please refer to: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e971d408be44753edfb976c/t/60a55f343d36117866628867/1621450563745/AII10+-+Methodology.docx+%281%29.pdf.

The Health Survey for England is an annual survey of the health of the population. It has an annually repeating core accompanied by different topic modules each year. The focus of the 2004 report is on the health of minority ethnic groups with an emphasis on cardiovascular disease (CVD). The report also covers the behavioural risk factors associated with CVD such as drinking, smoking and eating habits and health status risk factors such as diabetes, blood pressure, and cholesterol. For children the emphasis is on respiratory health.