Lynching in the United States is estimated to have claimed over 4.7 thousand lives between 1882 and 1968, and just under 3.5 thousand of these victims were black. Today, lynching is more commonly associated with racial oppression, particularly in the south, however, in early years, victims were more commonly white (specifically Mexican), and lynchings were more frequent in western territories and along the southern border. It was only after Reconstruction's end where the lynching of black people became more prevalent, and was arguably the most violent tool of oppression used by white supremacists. Nationwide, the share of the population who was black fluctuated between 10 and 13 percent in the years shown here, however the share of lynching victims who were black was almost 73 percent. North-south divide Of the 4.7 thousand victims of lynching between 1882 and 1968, over 3.5 thousand of these were killed in former-Confederate states. Of the fourteen states where the highest number of lynching victims were killed, eleven were former-Confederate states, and all saw the deaths of at least one hundred people due to lynching. Mississippi was the state where most people were lynched in these years, with an estimated 581 victims, 93 percent of whom were black. Georgia saw the second most lynchings, with 531 in total, and the share of black victims was also 93 percent. Compared to the nationwide average of 73 percent, the share of black victims in former-Confederate states was 86 percent. Texas was the only former-Confederate state where this share (71 percent) was below the national average, due to the large number of Mexicans who were lynched there. Outside of the south Of the non-Confederate state with the highest number of lynching victims, most either bordered the former-Confederate states, or were to the west. Generally speaking, the share of white victims in these states was often higher than in the south, meaning that the majority took place in the earlier years represented here; something often attributed to the lack of an established judiciary system in rural regions, and the demand for a speedy resolution. However, there are many reports of black people being lynched in the former border states in the early-20th century, as they made their way northward during the Great Migration. Between 1882 and 1968, lynchings were rare in the Northeast, although Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island were the only states** without any recorded lynchings in these years.

This dataset tracks annual two or more races student percentage from 2013 to 2023 for Walker-spivey Elementary School vs. North Carolina and Cumberland County Schools

The desire to stabilize coastlines has led to widespread use of hard armoring infrastructure across the globe, however, ecologists and coastal managers have increasingly documented the deleterious effects of armoring on ecological communities. Although many studies have assessed economic and landscape correlates of armoring, few studies incorporate race as a predictor of armoring. Race may be an important force structuring the placement of armoring due to the long history of Black land loss in the US Southeast. Here, we assessed the distribution of armoring in the US state of South Carolina with respect to demographic and housing characteristics using a high spatial resolution data set and a combination of spatial statistics and generalized linear mixed models. We found clusters of high armoring counts in the more urbanized Beaufort and Charleston counties, with these clusters frequently occurring in large-scale, planned communities. We found a positive correlation between armor count and the percentage of White residents and homeowners in a census block group. Both terms showed a similar magnitude of effect, with the number of armoring structures predicted to increase from 1.61 to 7.77 and from 1.14 to 8.97 between CBGs that are 0 to 100% White and homeowners, respectively. These results highlight that racial composition and homeownership are strong predictors of armoring count on private, personal property, which provides critical context for how these structures are distributed and underscores that socioeconomic factors can control where their associated environmental impacts may be concentrated. Methods The data analyzed in this study were originally collected by Jackson (2017). Armoring data was associated with census block groups in ArcPro and then analyzed with respect to demographic data gathered from the Census Bureau via GLMMs in R. A copy of the Jackson 2017 is provided in the "Armoring_Supplemental" folder. Jackson, C. 2017. Mapping Coastal Erosion Hazards Along Sheltered Coastlines in South Carolina 1849 to 2015. South Carolina Department of Health and Environmental Control Office of Ocean and Coastal Resource Management.

Comprehensive demographic dataset for The Palisades, Charlotte, NC, US including population statistics, household income, housing units, education levels, employment data, and transportation with year-over-year changes.

Following the 2016 US Presidential election, immigration enforcement became more aggressive, with variation by state and region depending on local policies and sentiment. Increases in enforcement created an environment of risk for decreased use of health care services among especially among Latino families. of Hispanic ethnicity and/or from Latin American origin (as a group subsequently referred to as Latino). For Latino children with chronic health conditions, avoidance of routine health care can result in significant negative health consequences such as disease progression, avoidable use of acute health care services, and overall increased costs of care. To investigate for changes in visit attendance during the periods before and since increased immigration enforcement, we extracted data on children followed by subspecialty clinics of one healthcare system in the US state of North Carolina during 2015–2019. For each patient, we calculated the proportion of cancelled visits and no-show visits out of all scheduled visits during the 2016–2019 follow-up period. We compared patient characteristics (at the 2015 baseline) according to whether they cancelled or did not show to any visits in subsequent years by clinic and patient factors, including ethnicity. Data were analyzed using multinomial logistic regression of attendance at each visit, including an interaction between visit year and patient ethnicity. Among 852 children 1 to 17 years of age (111 of Latino ethnicity), visit no-show was more common among Latino patients, compared to non-Latino White patients; while visit cancellation was more common among non-Latino White patients, compared to Latino patients. There was no significant interaction between ethnicity and trends in visit no-show or cancellation. Although differences in pediatric specialty clinic visit attendance by patient ethnicity were seen at study baseline, changing immigration policy and negative rhetoric did not appear to impact use of pediatric subspecialty care.

Large-scale, scientist-led, participatory science (citizen science) projects often engage primarily participants who are White, wealthy, and well-educated. Calls to diversify contributory projects are increasingly common, but little research has evaluated the efficacy of suggested strategies for diversification. We engaged participants in Crowd the Tap through facilitator organizations like Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), predominantly White institutions (PWI), high school science classrooms, and corporate volunteer programs. Crowd the Tap is a contributory project focused on identifying and addressing lead contamination in household drinking water in the United States. We investigated how participant diversity with respect to race, ethnicity, and homeownership (a proxy for income) differed between participation facilitated through a partner organization and in unfacilitated participation in which participants came to the project independently. We were also interested in which facilitators were most effective at increasing participant diversity. White and wealthy participants were overrepresented in unfacilitated participation. Facilitation helped increase engagement of people of color, especially Black households, and lower-income households. High schools were particularly effective at engaging Hispanic or Latino participants and HBCUs were important for engaging Black households. Ultimately, our results suggest that engagement through facilitator organizations may be an effective means of engaging diverse participants in large-scale projects. Our results have important implications for the field of participatory science as we seek to identify evidence-based strategies for diversifying project participants. Methods The data was collected through an IRB approved survey in which Crowd the Tap participants submitted data on the types of pipes they had, the age of their home, water aesthetics, and demographic information. As part of this process, participants also indicated if they came to the project through a partner organization (what we call facilitator organizations). We used information on reported types of facilitators, race and ethnicity, and homeownership (as a proxy for income) to investigate how diversity differed across facilitation.