Number of suicides and suicide rates, by sex and age, in England and Wales. Information on conclusion type is provided, along with the proportion of suicides by method and the median registration delay.

In England and Wales, the definition of suicide is a death with an underlying cause of intentional self-harm or an injury or poisoning with undetermined intent. In 2022, the age group with the highest rate of suicide was for those aged 50 to 54 years at 15.3 deaths per 100,000. The age groups 45 to 49 years with 14.5 deaths per 100,000 population had the second highest highest rate of suicides in the UK. Gender difference in suicides The suicide rate among men in England and Wales in 2022 was around three times higher than for women, the figures being 16.4 per 100,000 population for men compared to 5.4 for women. Although among both genders the suicide rate increased in 2021 compared to 2020. Mental health in the UK Over 53 thousand people in England were detained under the Mental Health Act in the period 2020/21. Alongside this, there has also been an increase in the number of workers in Great Britain suffering from stress, depression or anxiety. In 2022/23, around 875 thousand workers reported to be suffering from these work-related issues.

In 2022, the rate of suicides among males was 16.4 per 100,000 population and among females it was 5.4 per 100,000. The rate of suicide has slightly decreased for both genders since the beginning of given time period of the statistic, although recent years has seen an increase again for both men and women. However, the rate of suicide for men has remained significantly higher than for women. Individuals seeking help for mental health issuesIn Great Britain, almost 70 percent have never visited a mental health professional, while eighteen percent consult with one at least once a year. Additionally, almost 60 percent of those with a psychiatric condition do not take any medication to control their condition. Mental health of young peopleThe COVID-19 pandemic had a huge impact of the mental health of many people, particularly young people. The share of all adults reporting to having experienced symptoms of depression doubled during the pandemic compared to before. Although for those in the age group 16 to 39 years, depression prevalence tripled. Among young people that had mental health concerns prior to the pandemic, a significant majority of those surveyed reported that their life had become worse due to the impact of the pandemic and subsequent restrictions.

United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Female data was reported at 4.400 NA in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 4.500 NA for 2015. United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Female data is updated yearly, averaging 4.500 NA from Dec 2000 (Median) to 2016, with 5 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 4.800 NA in 2000 and a record low of 3.900 NA in 2010. United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Female data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.World Bank.WDI: Health Statistics. Suicide mortality rate is the number of suicide deaths in a year per 100,000 population. Crude suicide rate (not age-adjusted).; ; World Health Organization, Global Health Observatory Data Repository (http://apps.who.int/ghodata/).; Weighted average;

United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Male data was reported at 13.500 NA in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 13.100 NA for 2015. United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Male data is updated yearly, averaging 13.100 NA from Dec 2000 (Median) to 2016, with 5 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 13.700 NA in 2000 and a record low of 11.900 NA in 2010. United Kingdom UK: Suicide Mortality Rate: Male data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.World Bank.WDI: Health Statistics. Suicide mortality rate is the number of suicide deaths in a year per 100,000 population. Crude suicide rate (not age-adjusted).; ; World Health Organization, Global Health Observatory Data Repository (http://apps.who.int/ghodata/).; Weighted average;

The suicide rate among females in the United States is highest for those aged 45 to 64 years and lowest among girls aged 10 to 14 and elderly women 75 and over. Although the suicide rate among women remains over three times lower than that of men, rates of suicide among women have gradually increased over the past couple decades. Suicide among women in the United States In 2021, there were around six suicide deaths per 100,000 women in the United States. In comparison, the rate of suicide among women in the year 2000 was about four per 100,000. Suicide rates among women are by far the highest among American Indians or Alaska Natives and lowest among Hispanic and Black or African American women. Although firearms are involved in the highest share of suicide deaths among both men and women, they account for a much smaller share among women. In 2020, the firearm suicide rate among women was 1.8 per 100,000 population, while the rates of suicide for suffocation and poisoning were 1.7 and 1.5 per 100,000, respectively. Suicidal ideation among women Although not everyone who experiences suicidal ideation, or suicidal thoughts, will attempt suicide, suicidal thoughts are a risk factor for suicide. In 2022, just over five percent of women in the United States reported having serious thoughts of suicide in the past year. Suicidal thoughts are more common among women than men even though men have much higher rates of death from suicide than women. This is because men are more likely to use more lethal methods of suicide such as firearms. Women who suffer from substance use disorder are significantly more likely to have serious thoughts of suicide than women without substance use disorder.

The number of railway fatalities caused by suicides or suspected suicides in Great Britain increased from 192 fatalities in 2017/18, to 279 fatalities in 2019/20. Fatalities fell from this peak during the 2017 to 2023 period, to 236 fatalities in 2022/23.

This is qualitative data collection of semi-structured interviews conducted between December 2019-October 2020 within a study that examined how the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman (seek to) effect change in prisons following prisoner suicides and how death investigations could have more impact on prison policy and practice. The study ran from 2019-2021. Internationally, prisoner mortality rates are up to 50% above those in the community. Although prisoner deaths are frequent and have significant implications across a broad range of stakeholder groups, these harms are rarely acknowledged. We address this by examining how the PPO (seek to) effect change in prisons following prisoner suicides and how death investigations could have more impact on prison policy and practice from semi-structured interviews with multisectoral stakeholders. Within this project, 46 semi-structured interviews were undertaken with multisectoral stakeholders: 17 PPO staff (who work across England and Wales from a base in London), 8 prison Governing Governors (representing 8 prisons), 11 regional SCGLs (representing all but two regions nationally) and 9 Coroners (who represent 9 of the 92 separate coroners’ jurisdictions in England and Wales) and bereaved family members (n=1). These professional groups have received limited consideration in previous research despite International laws, e.g. Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights, requiring that all deaths in state detention are independently investigated. In England and Wales, prisoner deaths are externally investigated by at least the police, PPO and Coroner. These police, ombudsman and coroner investigations can be very disruptive and cause uncertainty and anxiety for all involved. The research demonstrates how the harms of prisoner deaths and investigations are broadly unacknowledged and radiate widely. We sought to stimulate both i) more substantive support for all those caught up in prison suicides and death investigations and ii) reconsideration of how prisoner deaths are investigated. For data storage and analysis purposes, the participants were divided into four categories: 1) Prison and Probation Ombudsman staff (PPO); 2) Governing Governors (Governors); 3) Safer Custody Group Leads (SCGLs); 4) Coroners (coroners); 5) bereaved family members (prisoner family). Because of the sensitivity of this research 3 SCGL transcripts have been omitted due to the participants still being identifiable following transcript anonymisation.

Further information about the project and links to publications are available on the University of Nottingham SafeSoc project webpage https://www.safesoc.co.uk

In May 2019, Dutch courts refused to deport an English suspected drug smuggler, citing the potential for inhuman and degrading treatment at HMP Liverpool. This well publicised judgment illustrates the necessity of my FLF: reconceptualising prison regulation, for safer societies. It seeks to save lives and money, and reduce criminal reoffending.

Over 10.74 million people are imprisoned globally. The growing transnational significance of detention regulation was signalled by the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Convention against Torture/OPCAT. Its 89 signatories, including the UK, must regularly examine treatment and conditions. The quality of prison life affects criminal reoffending rates, so the consequences of unsafe prisons are absorbed by our societies. Prison regulation is more urgent than ever. England and Wales' prisons are now less safe than at any point in recorded history, containing almost 83,000 prisoners: virtually all of whom will be released at some point. In 2016, record prison suicides harmed prisoners, staff and bereaved families, draining ~£385 million from public funds. Record prisoner self-harm was seen in 2017, then again in 2018. Criminal reoffending costs £15 billion annually. Deteriorating prison safety poses a major moral, social, economic and public health threat, attracting growing recognition.

Reconceptualising prison regulation is a difficult multidisciplinary challenge. Regulation includes any activity seeking to steer events in prisons. Effective prison regulation demands academic innovation and sustained collaboration and implementation with practitioners from different sectors (e.g. public, voluntary), regulators, policymakers, and prisoners: from local to (trans)national levels. Citizen participation has become central to realising more democratic, sustainable public services but is not well integrated across theory-policy-practice. I will coproduce prison regulation with partners, including the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman, voluntary organisations Safe Ground and the Prison Reform Trust, and (former) prisoners.

This FLF examines three diverse case study countries: England and Wales, Brazil and Canada, developing multinational implications. This approach is ambitious and risky, but critical for challenging...