Four focus groups of 15 individuals each were conducted in greater London and Birmingham in adjacent locales, one diverse, one more homogeneous. Locations were Croydon and Bromley in Greater London, and Lozells and Sutton Coldfield in Greater Birmingham. Participants were paid £30 apiece for their time and recruited by a Recruitment company.
Respondents were asked about perceptions of immigration and residential choice. We explored the 'halo' effect among those in whiter areas living in proximity to diversity, and the 'contact' effect of whites living with minorities in diverse areas. The former is theorised to increase threat perceptions of diversity, the latter to mitigate them.
Questions also explored ethnically motivated 'white flight' or whether social ties and amenities account for ethnic sorting. The link between immigration and issues of fairness, housing, services and employment was also broached.
Locations and dates:
3rd April, East Croydon United Reform Church, 6-7.30pm (diverse area) 8th April, Hayes Village Hall, Bromley, 6-7.30pm (White area)
9th April, Trinity Centre, Sutton Coldfield. 6-7.30pm (White area) 10th April, Lozells Methodist Community Centre, Birmingham, 6-7.30pm (diverse area)
This project advances the hypothesis that ethnic change in England and Wales is associated with white working-class ‘exit,’ ‘voice’, or ‘accommodation’. ‘Voice’ is manifested as a rise in ethnic nationalist voting and anti-immigration sentiment and ‘exit’ as outmigration from, or avoidance of, diverse locales. Once areas reach a threshold of minority population share, however, these initial responses may give way to ‘accommodation’ in the form of decreased ethno-nationalist voting, reduced anti-immigration sentiment and lower white outmigration. In the course of our investigation, we ask the policy-relevant question: do residential integration and minority acculturation calm or fuel white working-class exit and voice? In other words, does contact improve ethnic relations or do ‘good fences make good neighbours’? This research adds to existing scholarship by integrating individual data with a more complex array of contextual variables, blending quantitative methods with focus-group qualitative research.
This statistic shows a ranking of the most diverse centres for retail in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2013, as an index measurement of retail diversity (0.1 being the highest score, equalling maximum diversity). Central London ranked the highest with a score of 0.87 for the variety of retail stores in the area.
In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population.
Varied ethnic backgrounds
Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain.
Racism in the United Kingdom
Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.
http://reference.data.gov.uk/id/open-government-licencehttp://reference.data.gov.uk/id/open-government-licence
This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify households in England and Wales by the diversity in ethnic group of household members in different relationships. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.
Area type
Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.
For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.
Coverage
Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. Data are also available in these geographic types:
Multiple ethnic groups in household (6 categories)
Classifies households by whether members identify as having the same or different ethnic groups.
If multiple ethnic groups are present, this identifies whether they differ between generations or partnerships within the household.
https://www.thereachstudy.com/information-for-researchers.htmlhttps://www.thereachstudy.com/information-for-researchers.html
REACH is an accelerated cohort study of adolescent mental health in two inner city London boroughs, Lambeth and Southwark. The study aims to investigate the impact of social, psychological, and biological risk and protective factors on the occurrence and persistence of mental health problems over time in large, ethnically diverse cohorts of adolescents.
REACH has recruited three cohorts—age 11–12 (cohort 1; school year 7), 12–13 (cohort 2; year 8) and 13–14 (cohort 3; year 9) from 12 mainstream secondary schools in the two boroughs. These boroughs are among the most densely-populated, socioeconomically and ethnically diverse areas in England,13–15 and have high rates of adult mental health problems. To investigate novel questions on the developmental origins of mental health problems in adolescents, extensive data is collected at each time point. Participants provide detailed information, each year, about their mental health, social circumstances, and experiences via questionnaires. A subset (approx. 20%) of participants also complete face-to-face interviews and cognitive assessments.
This collection consists of transcripts of paired interviews of 127 speakers aged 4–40, 5 age groups; working-class Londoners from Hackney, Haringey and Islington of different ethnicities, c. 1.6 million words. Multi-ethnic and multilingual cities throughout northern Europe are spawning new varieties of their national languages. ‘Multicultural London English’ (MLE) is a case in point. Baptised ‘Jafaican’ by the media, this new variety of English combines pronunciations from the immigrants’ languages with features we can trace to Cockney, as well as to general developments in the South of England. Young people of all ethnicities tend to say ‘fehs’ and ‘coht’ for face and coat, instead of the traditional ‘fice’ and ‘cowt’. Like young speakers everywhere, Londoners say ‘I WAS LIKE “that’s stupid”. But they also use ‘THIS IS ME: “let’s go home”’, rarely found elsewhere. We wanted to establish how MLE arose. We recorded not only teenagers but also children as young as 4 and adults. Unexpectedly, MLE was quite well established among the youngest children, suggesting they acquired it from peers and older children, not their parents, who were mostly not first-language English speakers. Young adults used it, but less consistently than teenagers. Older adults did not, probably because they grew up before it had become established. We investigated whether MLE was similar across ethnicities and districts: perceptually, listeners could not distinguish ethnicity with any certainty, while more MLE-sounding voices were likely to be thought to be from London. We conclude that this multi-ethnic variety emerges because children select from a ‘pool’ of linguistic features they hear around them, giving rise to a new, possibly permanent, way of speaking. We argue this is a distinct form of language change.
London has long been considered by linguists as a motor of change in the English language in Britain. The investigators’ ESRC-funded studies from the early 90s to 2007 show that, while there is widespread ‘levelling’ in the south-east, leading to greater uniformity in accent and grammar, there are new, largely minority ethnic-based changes emerging in inner-city London. The present project investigates whether and how young children acquire these new features, how they are maintained or accentuated in adolescence, and whether they are maintained in adulthood. If they are, this will have consequences for the development of spoken English in Britain. The research asks: Are there different ‘ethnic’ Englishes in London, or is the new variety, dubbed ‘Multicultural London English’ (MLE), relatively uniform across ethnicities, including ‘Anglos’? Do Londoners change their speech across the lifespan? What features enter into MLE, and which don’t? Do Londoners detect any ethnic affiliation for the features? Are there rhythmic differences in the speech of Londoners? The project will record, mainly in pairs, at least 112 people from the northern inner city, ages ranging from 4 to 40 and the ethnic balance reflecting the local population. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses will be performed.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset presents the median household incomes over the past decade across various racial categories identified by the U.S. Census Bureau in London. It portrays the median household income of the head of household across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. It also showcases the annual income trends, between 2013 and 2023, providing insights into the economic shifts within diverse racial communities.The dataset can be utilized to gain insights into income disparities and variations across racial categories, aiding in data analysis and decision-making..
Key observations
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.
Racial categories include:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for London median household income by race. You can refer the same here
According to the 2021 Census, the population of England and Wales was more diverse in younger generations than in older ones. As of this year, approximately 73 percent of Generation Alpha in England and Wales, the youngest generation, belonged to the white ethnic group, compared with 95 percent of the Pre-War generation.
The ward profiles and ward atlas provide a range of demographic and related data for each ward in Greater London. They are designed to provide an overview of the population in these small areas by presenting a range of data on the population, diversity, households, life expectancy, housing, crime, benefits, land use, deprivation, and employment.
Indicators included here are population by age and sex, land area, projections, population density, household composition, religion, ethnicity, birth rates (general fertility rate), death rates (standardised mortality ratio), life expectancy, average house prices, properties sold, housing by council tax band, tenure, mortgage and landlord home repossession, employment and economic activity, Incapacity Benefit, Income Support and JobSeekers Allowance claimant rates, dependent children receiving child-tax credits by lone parents and out-of-work families, National Insurance Number registration rates for overseas nationals (NINo), GCSE results, pupil absence, crime rates (by type of crime), fires, ambulance call outs, road casualties, happiness and well-being, land use, access to public transport (PTALs), access to public greenspace, access to nature, air emissions / quality, car use, bicycle travel, Indices of Deprivation, and election turnout.
The **Ward Profiles **present key summary measures for the most recent year, using both Excel and InstantAtlas mapping software. This is a useful tool for displaying a large amount of data for numerous geographies, in one place.
The Ward Atlas presents a more detailed version of the data including trend data and generally includes the raw numbers as opposed to percentages or rates.
The Instant Atlas reports use HTML5 technology, which can be used in modern browsers, including on Apple machines, but will not function on older browsers.
WARD PROFILES
Compare the ward measure against the Borough, London and National average.
WARD ATLAS
Access the raw data for all London wards.
Tips:
- To view data just for one borough*, use the filter tool.
- The legend settings can be altered by clicking on the pencil icon next to the Wards tick box within the map legend.
- The wards can be ranked in order by clicking at the top of the indicator column of the data table.
Note: Additional indicator information and sources are included within the spreadsheet and Instant Atlas report.
Other profiles available include LSOA and MSOA atlases.
Data from these profiles were used to create the Well-being scores tool.
These profiles were created using the most up to date information available at the time of collection (February 2014).
This is a late July 2013 YouGov political tracker survey combining data on attitudes to race and immigration with questions on mobility history as well as voting intention, media consumption and other background variables. Data is also geocoded to ward level and ward-level census variables appended.
The quantitative research will be based on ONS longitudinal survey and census data, as well the large-scale Citizenship Surveys and Understanding Society surveys. We will identify individual respondents from the quantitative research and explore their responses through qualitative work, in the form of three focus groups - two in Greater London, one in Birmingham. These will probe connections between respondents' local and national identities, their intentions to move neighbourhood, and their opinions on immigration, interethnic relations, community cohesion and voting behaviour.
In the past decade in Britain, the 'white working-class' has been the focus of unprecedented media and policy attention. While class is a longstanding discursive category, the prefix 'white' is an important rider. We live in an era of global migration. Population pressure from the global South, and demand for workers in the developed North, will power what some term a 'third demographic transition' involving significant declines in the white majority populations of the western world (Coleman 2010). In the UK, the upsurge in diversity arguably presents a greater challenge for the working-class part of the white British population than for the middle class. Why? First, because for lower-status members of dominant groups, their ethnic identity tends to be their most prestigious social identity (Yiftachel 1999). Second, minorities tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds and are therefore more likely to compete for housing and jobs with the white working class. Finally, because the white working-class is less comfortable navigating the contours of the new global knowledge economy than the middle class, it is more attached to existential securities rooted in the local and national context (Skey 2011). How might the white working class respond to increasing diversity?
Drawing upon Albert O. Hirschman's classic book Exit, Voice and Loyalty (1970), we posit three possible responses: 'exit', 'voice' and 'accommodation.' The first possibility is white 'exit': geographic segregation, or, in the extreme, 'white flight'. A second avenue is 'voice': spearheading an identity politics based on opposition to immigration and voting for white nationalist parties. A third possibility is accommodation, in which members of the white working-class become more comfortable with elevated levels of ethnic diversity in their neighbourhood and nation.
From exploratory research and existing literature, we suggest that a three-stage pattern of voice, exit and accommodation may be a useful way of thinking about white working-class responses to diversity in the UK. In other words, initial diversity meets strong white working-class resistance, expressed in attitudes and voting. This is followed by a degree of white out-migration, and then by a decline in anti-immigration sentiment and far right voting. Yet these broad patterns require finer-grained analysis that takes both individual characteristics and local context into account. This project will test these propositions through quantitative and qualitative research.
There are three major dimensions of white working class attitudes and behaviour we seek to explain. Namely, whether members of the white working-class: 1) are more likely than other groups to leave or avoid areas with large or growing minority populations; 2) oppose immigration more strongly if they reside in diverse or ethnically changing wards and local authorities; and 3) support far right parties more if they reside in diverse or ethnically changing wards and local authorities.
A central question we seek to answer is whether inter-ethnic contact reduces white working-class antagonism toward minorities (the contact hypothesis), or whether increased diversity leads to white flight, leaving relatively tolerant whites remaining in diverse neighbourhoods. The latter, 'hydraulic' process mimics the contact hypothesis but does not signify increased accommodation.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset presents the median household income across different racial categories in London. It portrays the median household income of the head of household across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to gain insights into economic disparities and trends and explore the variations in median houshold income for diverse racial categories.
Key observations
Based on our analysis of the distribution of London population by race & ethnicity, the population is predominantly White. This particular racial category constitutes the majority, accounting for 89.24% of the total residents in London. Notably, the median household income for White households is $63,590. Interestingly, White is both the largest group and the one with the highest median household income, which stands at $63,590.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.
Racial categories include:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for London median household income by race. You can refer the same here
As of 2023, the population density in London was by far the highest number of people per square km in the UK, at 5,690. Of the other regions and countries which constitute the United Kingdom, North West England was the next most densely populated area at 533 people per square kilometer. Scotland, by contrast, is the most sparsely populated country or region in the United Kingdom, with only 70 people per square kilometer. UK population over 67 million According to the official mid-year population estimate, the population of the United Kingdom was just almost 67.6 million in 2022. Most of the population lived in England, where an estimated 57.1 million people resided, followed by Scotland at 5.44 million, Wales at 3.13 million and finally Northern Ireland at just over 1.9 million. Within England, the South East was the region with the highest population at almost 9.38 million, followed by the London region at around 8.8 million. In terms of urban areas, Greater London is the largest city in the United Kingdom, followed by Greater Manchester and Birmingham in the North West and West Midlands regions of England. London calling London's huge size in relation to other UK cities is also reflected by its economic performance. In 2021, London's GDP was approximately 494 billion British pounds, almost a quarter of UK GDP overall. In terms of GDP per capita, Londoners had a GDP per head of 56,431 pounds, compared with an average of 33,224 for the country as a whole. Productivity, expressed as by output per hour worked, was also far higher in London than the rest of the country. In 2021, London was around 33.2 percent more productive than the rest of the country, with South East England the only other region where productivity was higher than the national average.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset presents the median household income across different racial categories in London township. It portrays the median household income of the head of household across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to gain insights into economic disparities and trends and explore the variations in median houshold income for diverse racial categories.
Key observations
Based on our analysis of the distribution of London township population by race & ethnicity, the population is predominantly White. This particular racial category constitutes the majority, accounting for 95.79% of the total residents in London township. Notably, the median household income for White households is $79,583. Interestingly, White is both the largest group and the one with the highest median household income, which stands at $79,583.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.
Racial categories include:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for London township median household income by race. You can refer the same here
The areas of focus include: Victimisation, Police Activity, Defendants and Court Outcomes, Offender Management, Offender Characteristics, Offence Analysis, and Practitioners.
This is the latest biennial compendium of Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System and follows on from its sister publication Statistics on Women and the Criminal Justice System, 2017.
This publication compiles statistics from data sources across the Criminal Justice System (CJS), to provide a combined perspective on the typical experiences of different ethnic groups. No causative links can be drawn from these summary statistics. For the majority of the report no controls have been applied for other characteristics of ethnic groups (such as average income, geography, offence mix or offender history), so it is not possible to determine what proportion of differences identified in this report are directly attributable to ethnicity. Differences observed may indicate areas worth further investigation, but should not be taken as evidence of bias or as direct effects of ethnicity.
In general, minority ethnic groups appear to be over-represented at many stages throughout the CJS compared with the White ethnic group. The greatest disparity appears at the point of stop and search, arrests, custodial sentencing and prison population. Among minority ethnic groups, Black individuals were often the most over-represented. Outcomes for minority ethnic children are often more pronounced at various points of the CJS. Differences in outcomes between ethnic groups over time present a mixed picture, with disparity decreasing in some areas are and widening in others.
Open Government Licence 3.0http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/
License information was derived automatically
The ward profiles and ward atlas provide a range of demographic and related data for each ward in Greater London. They are designed to provide an overview of the population in these small areas by presenting a range of data on the population, diversity, households, life expectancy, housing, crime, benefits, land use, deprivation, and employment. Indicators included here are population by age and sex, land area, projections, population density, household composition, religion, ethnicity, birth rates (general fertility rate), death rates (standardised mortality ratio), life expectancy, average house prices, properties sold, housing by council tax band, tenure, property size (bedrooms), dwelling build period and type, mortgage and landlord home repossession, employment and economic activity, Incapacity Benefit, Housing Benefit, Household income, Income Support and JobSeekers Allowance claimant rates, dependent children receiving child-tax credits by lone parents and out-of-work families, child poverty, National Insurance Number registration rates for overseas nationals (NINo), GCSE results, A-level / Level 3 results (average point scores), pupil absence, child obesity, crime rates (by type of crime), fires, ambulance call outs, road casualties, happiness and well-being, land use, public transport accessibility (PTALs), access to public greenspace, access to nature, air emissions / quality, car use, bicycle travel, Indices of Deprivation, and election turnout. The Ward Profiles present key summary measures for the most recent year, using both Excel and InstantAtlas mapping software. This is a useful tool for displaying a large amount of data for numerous geographies, in one place. The Ward Atlas presents a more detailed version of the data including trend data and generally includes the raw numbers as opposed to percentages or rates. The Instant Atlas reports use HTML5 technology, which can be used in modern browsers, including on Apple machines, but will not function on older browsers. WARD PROFILES Compare the ward measure against the Borough, London and National average. WARD ATLAS Access the raw data for all London wards. WARD ATLAS FOR 2014 BOUNDARIES In May 2014, ward boundaries changed in Hackney, Kensington and Chelsea, and Tower Hamlets. This version of the ward atlas gives data for these new wards, as well as retaining data on the unchanged wards in the rest of London for comparison purposes. Data for boroughs has also been included. Very few datasets have been published for the new ward boundaries, so the majority of data contained in this atlas have been modelled using a method of proportion of households from the old boundaries that are located in the new boundaries. Therefore, the data contained in this atlas are indicative only. Instant Atlas for 2014 Ward Atlas Tips: - Select a new indicator from the Data box on the left. Select the theme, then indicator and then year to show the data. - To view data just for one borough*, use the filter tool. - Some legend settings can be altered by clicking on the cog icon next to the Wards tick box within the map legend. - The wards can be ranked in order by clicking at the top of the indicator column of the data table. Note: Additional indicator information and sources are included within the spreadsheet and Instant Atlas report. OTHER SMALL AREA PROFILES Other profiles available include Borough, LSOA and MSOA atlases. Data from these profiles were used to create the Well-being scores tool. *The London boroughs are: City of London, Barking and Dagenham, Barnet, Bexley, Brent, Bromley, Camden, Croydon, Ealing, Enfield, Greenwich, Hackney, Hammersmith and Fulham, Haringey, Harrow, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Islington, Kensington and Chelsea, Kingston upon Thames, Lambeth, Lewisham, Merton, Newham, Redbridge, Richmond upon Thames, Southwark, Sutton, Tower Hamlets, Waltham Forest, Wandsworth, Westminster. These profiles were created using the most up to date information available at the time of collection (September 2015).
http://reference.data.gov.uk/id/open-government-licencehttp://reference.data.gov.uk/id/open-government-licence
This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents aged 5 years and over in England and Wales by ethnic group, by provision of unpaid care, and by general health. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.
The ONS did not ask people aged under five years whether they provided unpaid care, so this variable counts usual residents aged five years and over. Read more about this quality notice.
Area type
Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.
For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.
Lower tier local authorities
Lower tier local authorities provide a range of local services. There are 309 lower tier local authorities in England made up of 181 non-metropolitan districts, 59 unitary authorities, 36 metropolitan districts and 33 London boroughs (including City of London). In Wales there are 22 local authorities made up of 22 unitary authorities.
Coverage
Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. However, you can choose to filter areas by:
Ethnic group
The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity or physical appearance.
Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.
Unpaid care
An unpaid carer may look after, give help or support to anyone who has long-term physical or mental ill-health conditions, illness or problems related to old age.
This does not include any activities as part of paid employment.
This help can be within or outside of the carer's household.
General health
A person's assessment of the general state of their health from very good to very bad. This assessment is not based on a person's health over any specified period of time.
Ethnic diversity in creative industries differed by sector in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2019. The IT, software, and computer services sector employed a share of 14 percent of individuals with BAME background, while the games sector counted for 10 percent of BAME employees.
Employment within the creative industries in the UK
The number of employees in the creative industries has increased in the UK, rising from nearly 1.6 million workers in 2011 to over two million in 2018. The highest increase in the number of employees was observed within the IT, software and computer services sector, with 250 thousand more individuals employed in 2018 compared to 2011. Over the same period, the number of employees within museums, galleries, and libraries remained at similar levels.
Racism in the UK
A survey conducted by YouGov in June 2020 revealed that 44 percent of individuals in Great Britain believed that the UK was a fairly racist society, while eight percent considered the UK ‘very racist’. In addition, nearly half of the respondents over 65 years old thought that the UK was a racist society, with 43 percent saying it was a ‘fairly racist’ society and four percent believing it was a very racist one. In comparison, 47 percent of the 18-24 year old respondents thought that the UK was a fairly racist society and 14 percent believed it to be very racist.
Open Government Licence 3.0http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/
License information was derived automatically
National and subnational mid-year population estimates for the UK and its constituent countries by administrative area, age and sex (including components of population change, median age and population density).
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.
Number of people belonging to a visible minority group as defined by the Employment Equity Act and, if so, the visible minority group to which the person belongs. The Employment Equity Act defines visible minorities as 'persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour.' The visible minority population consists mainly of the following groups: South Asian, Chinese, Black, Filipino, Latin American, Arab, Southeast Asian, West Asian, Korean and Japanese.
Four focus groups of 15 individuals each were conducted in greater London and Birmingham in adjacent locales, one diverse, one more homogeneous. Locations were Croydon and Bromley in Greater London, and Lozells and Sutton Coldfield in Greater Birmingham. Participants were paid £30 apiece for their time and recruited by a Recruitment company.
Respondents were asked about perceptions of immigration and residential choice. We explored the 'halo' effect among those in whiter areas living in proximity to diversity, and the 'contact' effect of whites living with minorities in diverse areas. The former is theorised to increase threat perceptions of diversity, the latter to mitigate them.
Questions also explored ethnically motivated 'white flight' or whether social ties and amenities account for ethnic sorting. The link between immigration and issues of fairness, housing, services and employment was also broached.
Locations and dates:
3rd April, East Croydon United Reform Church, 6-7.30pm (diverse area) 8th April, Hayes Village Hall, Bromley, 6-7.30pm (White area)
9th April, Trinity Centre, Sutton Coldfield. 6-7.30pm (White area) 10th April, Lozells Methodist Community Centre, Birmingham, 6-7.30pm (diverse area)
This project advances the hypothesis that ethnic change in England and Wales is associated with white working-class ‘exit,’ ‘voice’, or ‘accommodation’. ‘Voice’ is manifested as a rise in ethnic nationalist voting and anti-immigration sentiment and ‘exit’ as outmigration from, or avoidance of, diverse locales. Once areas reach a threshold of minority population share, however, these initial responses may give way to ‘accommodation’ in the form of decreased ethno-nationalist voting, reduced anti-immigration sentiment and lower white outmigration. In the course of our investigation, we ask the policy-relevant question: do residential integration and minority acculturation calm or fuel white working-class exit and voice? In other words, does contact improve ethnic relations or do ‘good fences make good neighbours’? This research adds to existing scholarship by integrating individual data with a more complex array of contextual variables, blending quantitative methods with focus-group qualitative research.