According to the 2021 Census, London was the most ethnically diverse region in England and Wales – 63.2% of residents identified with an ethnic minority group.

In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population. Varied ethnic backgrounds Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain. Racism in the United Kingdom Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.

The latest population figures produced by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) on 28 June 2018 show that an estimated 534,800 people live in Bradford District – an increase of 2,300 people (0.4%) since the previous year.

Bradford District is the fifth largest metropolitan district (in terms of population) in England, after Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield and Manchester although the District’s population growth is lower than other major cities.

The increase in the District’s population is largely due to “natural change”- there have been around 3,300 more births than deaths, although this has been balanced by a larger number of people leaving Bradford to live in other parts of the UK than coming to live here and a lower number of international migrants. In 2016/17 the net internal migration was -2,700 and the net international migration was 1,700.

A large proportion of Bradford’s population is dominated by the younger age groups. More than one-quarter (29%) of the District’s population is aged less than 20 and nearly seven in ten people are aged less than 50. Bradford has the highest percentage of the under 16 population in England after the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham, Slough Borough Council and Luton Borough Council.

The population of Bradford is ethnically diverse. The largest proportion of the district’s population (63.9%) identifies themselves as White British. The district has the largest proportion of people of Pakistani ethnic origin (20.3%) in England.

The largest religious group in Bradford is Christian (45.9% of the population). Nearly one quarter of the population (24.7%) are Muslim. Just over one fifth of the district’s population (20.7%) stated that they had no religion.

There are 216,813 households in the Bradford district. Most households own their own home (29.3% outright and 35.7% with a mortgage). The percentage of privately rented households is 18.1%. 29.6% of households were single person households.

Information from the Annual Population Survey in December 2017 found that Bradford has 228,100 people aged 16-64 in employment. At 68% this is significantly lower than the national rate (74.9%). 91,100 (around 1 in 3 people) aged 16-64, are not in work. The claimant count rate is 2.9% which is higher than the regional and national averages.

Skill levels are improving with 26.5% of 16 to 74 year olds educated to degree level. 18% of the district’s employed residents work in retail/wholesale. The percentage of people working in manufacturing has continued to decrease from 13.4% in 2009 to 11.9% in 2016. This is still higher than the average for Great Britain (8.1%).

National and subnational mid-year population estimates for the UK and its constituent countries by administrative area, age and sex (including components of population change, median age and population density).

The project utilised a survey methodology, collecting paper and pen survey responses from participants at three time points over the period of a school year. At each time point, the survey explored the relationship between contact experiences and social and soft educational outcomes. The Diversity Effect Project examined the ways in which intergroup interaction experiences happen amongst youth attending ethnically diverse secondary schools, the impact of these interactions on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes, and how teachers might intervene to promote more intergroup relations in the school classroom. Working alongside teachers in each of the four schools involved in the project, the research also designed a bespoke 4-week intervention that aimed to promote more positive social attitudes and better educational outcomes for youth. Within each school, the intervention was implemented either by half of the classes or by all classes. The effectiveness of the intervention was assessed using the third survey time point. The dataset comprises the survey responses from the three matched time points enabling users to examine changes over time as well as the effects of the intervention on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes.

Multiculturalism is a feature of almost every society and yet the value of diversity is highly contested. Despite its potential riches as a means to challenge stereotypes and add cultural value, it is sometimes viewed as a societal problem, associated with tensions, segregation and a clashing of cultures. By focusing on diversity as a problem, however, we have neglected to fully understand how and when diversity is associated with positive outcomes or how these can be embraced. The proposed project aims to address this gap in the literature by addressing under what conditions diversity is associated with social cohesion and educational achievement through the lens of intergroup contact theory. It will examine the extent of ethnic segregation in formal (classroom) and informal (cafeteria) spaces in secondary schools in Bristol, a diverse city in the United Kingdom, to enable an understanding of the relationship between observed behaviours, attitudes and achievement and to establish what can be done to intervene and promote more positive outcomes for all learners. The project will provide both theoretical and methodological contributions. Theoretically, the research will shed light on the compatibility of diversity, education and social attitudes addressing the ESRC strategic priority to promote a Vibrant and Fair Society. Whilst there has been much research which has examined the effects of diversity on wider society and educational outcomes (often in the U.S.), to date these effects have not been evaluated through the lens of intergroup contact theory taking into consider the nature and quality of the interactions occurring within and outside the classroom. As such, the project will develop a new theoretical approach which brings together perspectives from multiple disciplines to gain a holistic understanding of the diversity effect. Methodologically, the project will provide two main innovations. First, it will integrate multiple quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques longitudinally, moving beyond mere self-report of attitudes which is currently a focus in UK social science research on diversity, and in doing so provide a new, multilevel dataset for further research. This will include observations of seating behaviour in different spaces within the target schools, social network analysis and advanced statistical analysis of longitudinal questionnaire responses. Second, it will move beyond observations of the effects and develop a short and easy to implement intervention which will have potential to be scaled up and used across the UK and beyond. To achieve this, the project will work with teachers and other stakeholders in the design, execution, and dissemination of the research at different stages throughout and after the project. The project has potential for wide impact. The findings will inform understandings of diversity and how to best promote intergroup relations and academics for all learners beyond the social psychology and education audiences. This will deepen the evidence base that can inform policy and practice in the UK and internationally. Both local actors as well as international organisations have become increasingly interested in the effects of diversity on society. Examining the value of ethnic diversity will provide valuable lessons for schools and wider society informing strategies to reduce the likelihood of ethnic tensions.

The Area Level Index of Age Diversity (ALIAD) is based on the Simpson's Index of Diversity. It is commonly used in ecological studies to quantify the biodiversity of a habitat as it takes into account both the richness, i.e. the number of species present, and the evenness, i.e. the abundance of each species, within an environment. As species richness and evenness increase, so diversity increases. The index represents the probability that two randomly selected individuals will belong to different groups. It ranges from 0 and 100, with higher values representing greater diversity. ALIAD was computed for each Lower Super Output Area (LSOA) in England and Wales (E&W), each Data Zone (DZ) in Scotland and each Super Output Area (SOA) in Northern Ireland from 2002 to 2019. It is based on the mid-year population estimates (MYPE) for each area for each year. This is information is freely available in accordance with version 3.0 of the Open Government Licence. However, the different national statistical agencies compute MYPE for different age groups. In England and Wales estimates are provided for single-year age groups, i.e. the number of people aged 0, 1, 2, 3, etc. In Scotland estimates are provided for quinary age groups, i.e. the number of people aged 0-4, 5-9, 10-14, etc. In Northern Ireland (NI) estimates are provided for four larger age groups, i.e. 0-15, 16-39, 40-64 and 65+. It was decided to match the age groups to the NI classification as i) this would provide the greatest geographical coverage, ii) the estimates ought to be more robust and iii) in discussions with policy and practice stakeholders these age groups were seen as more meaningful than single-year or quinary age groups. An exact match was possible between the E&W and NI age groups. However, because of the use of quinary age groups it is not possible to get an exact match for all age groups in Scotland. Hence, the age groups used on Scotland are 0-14, 15-39, 40-64 and 65+.
The final dataset contains the computed ALIAD values for each of the 34,753 LSOAs, the 6,976 DZs and the 890 SOAs from 2002-2019. ALIAD has a range of 0-100. On this scale 0 would represent total age concentration, i.e. every member of the area is in the same age group, and 100 would represent complete age diversity within the area.

There is evidence that Britain is becoming more and more generationally divided. A major part of this is that the places where we live have become increasingly 'age segregated'. This means younger people tend to live in places where there are more younger people and older people tend to live in places where there are more older people. Deep generational divisions can have implications for social cohesion and effective societal functioning. Policy makers are concerned that this could have negative health, economic, social and political costs. Indeed, a recent report by the Resolution Foundation estimated that age-segregation could cost the UK economy £6 billion per year. However, there is currently no research in Britain that has been able to directly test whether living in areas with a greater mix of ages has an impact on people. By linking information on the number of people in different age groups at the local level with information from a long running survey, our project will be the first to do this. We will create a new measure, called the 'area level index of age diversity', for all the residential areas in Great Britain (these are called Lower Super Output Areas in England and Wales and Data Zones in Scotland). Unlike existing measures which tend to focus just on younger versus older adults, this new measure will use information from people of all ages to get a better idea of the mix of age groups in an area. The first thing we intend to do with this information is to produce a series of maps of Britain to show which local areas are more or less age diverse. This information will be very useful for local government, councils, city planners and the like. Once we have done this, we will then link our new measure of age diversity to information on around 50,000 people living in Britain who have been part of a long running study (called the UK Household Longitudinal Survey). This will enable us to see whether living in areas that have people from a wide (or narrow) range of age groups impacts on people's health (e.g. whether the person has an illness or chronic condition), well-being (e.g. loneliness), civic participation (e.g. whether someone volunteers or not), and neighbourhood quality (e.g. whether people trust their neighbours). Our findings will provide a much needed evidence base on the extent of local area level age diversity in Britain and what effect (if any) this has on people's lives.

According to the 2021 Census, there were 30.4 million (51.0%) women and girls and 29.2 million (49.0%) men and boys in England and Wales.

In 2025, Moscow was the largest city in Europe with an estimated urban agglomeration of 12.74 million people. The French capital, Paris, was the second largest city in 2025 at 11.35 million, followed by the capitals of the United Kingdom and Spain, with London at 9.84 million and Madrid at 6.81 million people. Istanbul, which would otherwise be the largest city in Europe in 2025, is excluded as it is only partially in Europe, with a sizeable part of its population living in Asia. Europe’s population is almost 750 million Since 1950, the population of Europe has increased by approximately 200 million people, increasing from 550 million to 750 million in these seventy years. Before the turn of the millennium, Europe was the second-most populated continent, before it was overtaken by Africa, which saw its population increase from 228 million in 1950 to 817 million by 2000. Asia has consistently had the largest population of the world’s continents and was estimated to have a population of 4.6 billion. Europe’s largest countries Including its territory in Asia, Russia is by far the largest country in the world, with a territory of around 17 million square kilometers, almost double that of the next largest country, Canada. Within Europe, Russia also has the continent's largest population at 145 million, followed by Germany at 83 million and the United Kingdom at almost 68 million. By contrast, Europe is also home to various micro-states such as San Marino, which has a population of just 30 thousand.

The census is undertaken by the Office for National Statistics every 10 years and gives us a picture of all the people and households in England and Wales. The most recent census took place in March of 2021.The census asks every household questions about the people who live there and the type of home they live in. In doing so, it helps to build a detailed snapshot of society. Information from the census helps the government and local authorities to plan and fund local services, such as education, doctors' surgeries and roads.Key census statistics for Leicester are published on the open data platform to make information accessible to local services, voluntary and community groups, and residents. There is also a dashboard available that shows data relating to the wards of Leicester. Further information about the census and full datasets can be found on the ONS website - https://www.ons.gov.uk/census/aboutcensus/censusproductsEthnicityThis dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.Definition: The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity or physical appearance.Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.This dataset includes data relating to the electoral wards of Leicester City.

The three-year project, funded by the ESRC, looked at the social and political life of the city to test whether the utopian ideal of the Open City exists in real life, and explore issues of race, migration, mobility and living with diversity. It explores how the city accommodates new forms of urban life, through the social configuration of its spaces and places, and looks at the ways urban government at the city-wide and borough scales reflect, promote or limit the idea of the Open City.

The concept of the Open City has been developed by architects, planners and theorists to describe a place of social integration, cultural diversity and collective identity, where different cultures and lifestyles co-exist and interaction leads to enrichment. It contrasts with urban spaces where commercial malls, gated communities and poor transport networks drive increased fragmentation and new diversities are characterised by dynamics of intolerance and antagonism.

The project investigated the assumption that the open city is the good city, or not, by examining the real lived experienced of the open and closed dimensions of city life.

The collection consists of the following data: - Hilgrove Housing Estate Household Survey Data - 130 Households, data includes the raw survey data, the survey questionnaire, and the survey data analysis report including survey methodology. - Ethnographic notes: Estates - Hilgrove and Chalcots Estate residents. Data include two field diaries extensive field work in North Camden 2021-2023. - Ethnographic notes: Cycling - 9 Refugee and Asylum seeking women . Data include two field diaries from arts-based co-production project taking place during the summer of 2022 with women seeking asylum given bicycles by The Bike Project in London. - Participatory mapping - Hilgrove and Chalcots Estate residents. Data include two maps generated from workshops with local residents discussing their ideas of neighborhood boundaries and locations, and the agenda for the workshop.

For urbanists such as Saskia Sassen and Richard Sennett, the open city is incomplete, errant, conflictual, and non-linear. Unlike the closed city, which is full of metaphorical and literal boundaries and walls. This project explores these dimensions of city life, not as a dichotomy, but as a series of lived problematics, both social and political. The central dilemmas we will research relate to this overarching concern: what are the limits of the open city? This prompts specific issues. How open has the city been? How do people negotiate the open and closed aspects of their lives? What are the politics of living with others in the city? This project is concerned with the ways that the turbulent micro- and macro-politics of city life enables people to live together. It explores older questions of social cohesion and newer questions of neighbourliness by exploring the ways that people move back and forward between everyday civility or indifference to forms of hospitality and community as well as the everyday issues that make a difference to patterns of co-existence and dwelling in the city. As a city that is constantly being remade by its inhabitants, as well as experiencing considerable and on-going development, with pressures on public services and resources in housing, education and employment, London is an exemplary place to examine how people dwell or co-exist and even thrive in the city. In London, constant change affords people the opportunity to make different temporal and spatial claims over belonging to the city while also providing many everyday and structural sites of friction. This is arguably unique, yet London is comprised of ordinary places and ways of living, situated in unexceptional wider social and spatial arrangements, that enable wider lessons to be drawn. Given this, the key research questions are: (1) In what ways has the city enabled or circumscribed practices of welcoming, generosity and solidarity within it? (2) in what ways does the city shape urban dwelling in times of perceived rapid social change? (3) How do people negotiate the variable (building, street, neighbourhood, city, national and transnational) geographies of settlement and mobility in their everyday lives? (4) How do old and new social cleavages play out in these social and spatial arrangements - and how can city government, and other civic actors, manage those cleavages? Using a multi-scalar, mixed methods approach, the project will be able to explore the dynamics of London life at the city-wide, borough and street / tower block scales, using a blend of historical, qualitative, quantitative and online techniques. This will enable the project to understand the specificity of each case study site in ways that address the unique histories and geography of each location, while also drawing together the ways that the issues which emerge in each site around housing and other resources (e.g. the diverse and competing claims to belonging and ownership or the different space-times of city life) cut across specific locations. The project will draw on and utilise social media and digital methods to understand the relationship between physical, virtual and imagined spaces. The project has been designed in collaboration with a range of stakeholders in London, including the Greater London Authority, Camden Council, and social movements such as City of Sanctuary. These stakeholders have all identified the question of migration into, and within, the city as a critical issue that urgently needs to be rethought. This project seeks to go beyond the various policies and politics of migration by looking at population churn, transformations in old and new forms of ethnic and racial difference, and spatial mobility to address the contemporary politics of the city. More, it builds on historical analysis to engage and synthesise a number of strands of social science disciplinary thinking to analyse and inform developments in policy and urban theory.

The census is undertaken by the Office for National Statistics every 10 years and gives us a picture of all the people and households in England and Wales. The most recent census took place in March of 2021.The census asks every household questions about the people who live there and the type of home they live in. In doing so, it helps to build a detailed snapshot of society. Information from the census helps the government and local authorities to plan and fund local services, such as education, doctors' surgeries and roads.Key census statistics for Leicester are published on the open data platform to make information accessible to local services, voluntary and community groups, and residents. There is also a dashboard published showcasing various datasets from the census allowing users to view data for Leicester and compare this with national statistics.Further information about the census and full datasets can be found on the ONS website - https://www.ons.gov.uk/census/aboutcensus/censusproductsEthnicityThis dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.Definition: The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity or physical appearance.Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.This dataset includes data relating to Leicester City and England overall.

The map data is derived from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) for the years ranging from 1992 to 2006. The map shows the countries that participated in the Convention on Biological Diversity by year. From UNEP: "The Convention on Biological Diversity promotes conservation of biodiversity among nations through scientific and technological cooperation, access to financial and genetic resources, and transfer of ecologically sound technologies." Online resource: http://geodata.grid.unep.ch URL original source: http://www.biodiv.org/world/parties.asp

Data was collected over 3 years. In the first year individual interviews were had with policy leaders. In years' 1 and 2 network events and focus group data were collected from young leaders. Years' 2 and 3 saw individual interviews with young leaders. Finally, year 3 saw school-based studies involving interviews and focus groups with young leaders and teachers.Global Cities are internationally important sites of migration, diversity and innovation. As top 10 Global Cities, London, New York and Toronto are key places to explore educational trends. For example, London and other Global Cities are experiencing headteacher shortages due to headteacher retirements and teacher disinterest in leadership. As a result, leaders are taking up deputy and headteacher roles before they are 38 – younger than ever. This marks the entrance of a new generation of school leaders most of whom are from GenerationX (GenX) born between 1960-80. While GenXers are often described as flexible, globally engaged, technologically savvy, accepting of diversity and collaborative, there is little previous research related to age and leadership.

To explore this next generation of leaders, city-based Advisory Groups policy/practice experts and cohorts of 35-45 GenX leaders will be recruited for annual meetings. Annual leader interviews will examine career development; challenges and opportunities; relationships between age, experience, gender, ethnicity, nationality and leadership; and, school-level leadership practices. Outcomes will include City-based leadership profiles, policy briefs, within and across city interview analysis and school-level studies. Evidence will support policy and programme decision-makers and the leaders themselves. Findings, including reports, papers and resources, will be available at: www.globalcityleaders.org.

This dataverse contains interviews and photographs of fieldwork around historical city-water relationship in Coventry (UK) and Rotterdam (NL) in the second half of the 20th century. Most of the photographs contain images of urban waterways in both cities between 2019 and 2020.

36.1% of white undergraduate students got a first class degree in the 2021 to 2022 academic year, compared with 17.3% of black students.

In 2020/21 there were approximately 696,000 Polish nationals living in the United Kingdom, the highest non-British population at this time. Indian and Irish were the joint second-largest nationalities at approximately 370,000 people.

London remained the most expensive city for hotel accommodations in the United Kingdom, with an average nightly rate of 158 British pounds in 2024. This figure stood in stark contrast to Milton Keynes, where travelers found rooms for less than half that price at 71 British pounds per night. How expensive is accommodation in the United Kingdom? While London was highest on the list for hotel room prices, it did not command the highest average nightly Airbnb rates in the United Kingdom. Edinburgh topped the list with an average price of 185 British pounds per night, significantly higher than London's 137 British pounds. Interestingly, even smaller UK cities like St Andrews showed competitive nightly hotel rates among selected small cities in the United Kingdom, reaching 159 British pounds per night in April 2024. Occupancy rates and accommodation preferences Despite high prices in some areas, the UK’s hotel industry in the country has thrived in recent years. In May 2024, the monthly hotel occupancy rate in the United Kingdom reached 80 percent, surpassing levels seen in the previous four years. Edinburgh, the second most expensive city for hotels, saw 58 percent of its visitors choosing hotels, motels, or inns as their preferred accommodation type in Edinburgh in 2023. The Scottish capital's popularity was further evidenced by comparing the annual average room occupancy rate of hotels in Scotland, with its region's nearly 85 percent in 2024, outperforming even Greater Glasgow's robust 76 percent

According to the source, when looking at average hotel prices per night in selected medium cities in the United Kingdom, Bath recorded the highest average price at 138 British pounds as of April 2024. In contrast, Ipswich had the lowest average cost per night in the ranking at 78 British pounds.

The median age of the population in London was 35.7 years in 2024, the lowest median age among regions of the United Kingdom. By contrast, South West England had a median age of 43.7, the highest in the UK.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents aged 16 years and over in England and Wales by NS-SEC and by age. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.

As Census 2021 was during a unique period of rapid change, take care when using this data for planning purposes. Read more about this quality notice.

Estimates for single year of age between ages 90 and 100+ are less reliable than other ages. Estimation and adjustment at these ages was based on the age range 90+ rather than five-year age bands. Read more about this quality notice.

Area type

Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.

For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.

Lower tier local authorities

Lower tier local authorities provide a range of local services. There are 309 lower tier local authorities in England made up of 181 non-metropolitan districts, 59 unitary authorities, 36 metropolitan districts and 33 London boroughs (including City of London). In Wales there are 22 local authorities made up of 22 unitary authorities.

Coverage

Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. However, you can choose to filter areas by:

• country - for example, Wales
• region - for example, London
• local authority - for example, Cornwall
• health area – for example, Clinical Commissioning Group
• statistical area - for example, MSOA or LSOA

National Statistics Socio-economic Classification (NS-SeC)

The National Statistics Socio-economic Classification (NS-SEC) indicates a person's socio-economic position based on their occupation and other job characteristics.

It is an Office for National Statistics standard classification. NS-SEC categories are assigned based on a person's occupation, whether employed, self-employed, or supervising other employees.

Full-time students are recorded in the "full-time students" category regardless of whether they are economically active.

Age

A person’s age on Census Day, 21 March 2021 in England and Wales. Infants aged under 1 year are classified as 0 years of age.