In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population.

Varied ethnic backgrounds

Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain.

Racism in the United Kingdom

Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.

This dataset represents ethnic group (19 tick-box level) by highest level qualification, for England and Wales combined. The data are also broken down by age and by sex.

The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity, or physical appearance. Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.

Total counts for some population groups may not match between published tables. This is to protect the confidentiality of individuals' data. Population counts have been rounded to the nearest 5 and any counts below 10 are suppressed, this is signified by a 'c' in the data tables.

"Asian Welsh" and "Black Welsh" ethnic groups were included on the census questionnaire in Wales only, these categories were new for 2021.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021. This dataset shows population counts for usual residents aged 16+ Some people aged 16 years old will not have completed key stage 4 yet on census day, and so did not have the opportunity to record any qualifications on the census.

These estimates are not comparable to Department of Education figures on highest level of attainment because they include qualifications obtained outside England and Wales.

For quality information in general, please read more from here.

Ethnic Group (19 tick-box level)

These are the 19 ethnic group used in this dataset:

• Asian, Asian British or Asian Welsh
  • Bangladeshi
  • Chinese
  • Indian
  • Pakistani
  • Other Asian
• Black, Black British, Black Welsh, Caribbean or African
  • African
  • Caribbean
  • Other Black
• Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
  • White and Asian
  • White and Black African
  • White and Black Caribbean
  • Other Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
• White
  • English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or British
  • Gypsy or Irish Traveller
  • Irish
  • Roma
  • Other White
• Other ethnic group
  • Arab
  • Any other ethnic group

No qualifications

No qualifications

Level 1

Level 1 and entry level qualifications: 1 to 4 GCSEs grade A* to C , Any GCSEs at other grades, O levels or CSEs (any grades), 1 AS level, NVQ level 1, Foundation GNVQ, Basic or Essential Skills

Level 2

5 or more GCSEs (A* to C or 9 to 4), O levels (passes), CSEs (grade 1), School Certification, 1 A level, 2 to 3 AS levels, VCEs, Intermediate or Higher Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Intermediate Diploma, NVQ level 2, Intermediate GNVQ, City and Guilds Craft, BTEC First or General Diploma, RSA Diploma

Apprenticeship

Apprenticeship

Level 3

2 or more A levels or VCEs, 4 or more AS levels, Higher School Certificate, Progression or Advanced Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Advance Diploma, NVQ level 3; Advanced GNVQ, City and Guilds Advanced Craft, ONC, OND, BTEC National, RSA Advanced Diploma

Level 4 +

Degree (BA, BSc), higher degree (MA, PhD, PGCE), NVQ level 4 to 5, HNC, HND, RSA Higher Diploma, BTEC Higher level, professional qualifications (for example, teaching, nursing, accountancy)

Other

Vocational or work-related qualifications, other qualifications achieved in England or Wales, qualifications achieved outside England or Wales (equivalent not stated or unknown)

Middlesbrough’s current population was estimated to be 140,398 in 2016 by the Office of National Statistics (Mid-year population estimates 2016). With a total area of 5,387 hectares, Middlesbrough is the smallest and second most densely-populated local authority area in the north east. Significant changes in the population demographics of Middlesbrough since the 2001 Census highlight an increasingly diverse and ageing population in the town.Age[1]Middlesbrough has a younger population than both the national and regional averages, however there has been significant growth in the ageing population since Census 2001.20.58% of Middlesbrough’s resident population are Children and Young People aged 0 to 15 years. This is higher than the England rate of 19.05% and the north east rate of 17.74%.63.56% are ‘working age’ between 16 and 64 years. This is higher than both the England rate of 63.07% and the north east rate of 63.01%.15.90% are ‘older people’ aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 17.88% and the north east rate of 19.25%.Gender [2]50.85% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be female. This is in line with both the England rate of 50.60% and the north east rate of 50.92%49.15% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be male. This is in line with the England rate of 49.40% and the north east rate of 49.08%.Women in Middlesbrough live longer than men, with 17.62% of women are aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 19.75% and the north east rate of 21.43%The gender breakdown of Council employment figures is 70.57% women and 29.42% men. This is not reflective of the wider labour market figures of 47% and 53% respectively[3] though it is broadly comparable with the employment levels in other local authorities.[4]Sexual Orientation[5]Office for National Statistics has estimated that 94.6% of Middlesbrough’s population identify as heterosexual or straight, with 1.2% identifying as gay or lesbian, 0.4% identify as bisexual, as a result of the Annual Population Survey 2016. This is higher than the north east region and England.Ethnic Diversity[6]Middlesbrough is the most ethnically diverse local authority area in the Tees Valley, with a British Minority Ethnic population of 11.7% identified at Census 2011, an increase of 86% since 2001 and which is projected to grow further.88.18% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were classed as White (with various sub-groups) this was lower than the north east rate of 93.63% but higher than the England rate of 79.75%. Middlesbrough is the second most ethnically diverse local authority in the north east, behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 81.92% classed as White.7.78% were classed as Asian/Asian British (with sub-groups), this is higher than the north east rate of 2.87% but slightly lower albeit in lien with the England rate of 7.82%. Again, Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (9.67%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.71% of the population were identified as Mixed/Multiple ethnic groups (with sub-groups), this was higher than the north east rate of 0.86% but slower than the national rate of 2.25%. Middlesbrough had the highest percentage of this group in the north east.1.25% of the population were identified as Black/Africa/Caribbean/Black British, this was higher than the north east rate of 0.51% but lower than the England rate of 3.48%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (1.84%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.08% of the population were identified as Other Ethnic Group, this was higher than both the England rate of 1.03% and the north east rate of 0.43%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 1.46%, however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.8.2% of Middlesbrough’s total population were born outside of the UK as at census 2011, this was lower than the England rate of 8.21% but almost double the north east rate of 4.95%. Middlesbrough has the highest percentage of residents born outside of the UK in the Tees Valley, however it is second behind Newcastle upon Tyne in the north east.15.74% of Asylum seekers in the north east were reported to be resident in Middlesbrough in the period October to December 2017 (Q4). Newcastle upon Tyne has the highest rate with 23.66%, followed by Stockton-on-Tees with 19.73%, this places Middlesbrough third in the north east and second in the Tees Valley.ONS reports a rise in the number of Non-British nationals per 1,000 of the resident population, with 51.1 in 2011 and 72.5 in 2015. This is higher than the north east with 27.7 rising to 34.3 and lower than England at 83.5 rising to 93.2Gender Identity[7]The Gender Identity Research & Education Society (GIRES) estimates that about 1% of the British population are gender nonconforming to some degree. The numbers of Trans boys and Trans girls are about equal. The number of people seeking treatment is growing every year.Based on GIRES estimate, around 1,400 members of Middlesbrough’s population could be gender nonconforming, however this is an estimate.Whilst there is a requirement for data on gender identity, there are currently no means for recording it. The Office for National Statistics is currently considering the addition of a question on Gender Identity for the 2021 Census, however at this time it is under consultation as to how it will be added and worded to best suit this group of the population.Religion and Belief71.59% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were identified as having religion in the 2011 census. This is higher than both England with 68.09% and the north east with 70.52%22.25% of the population were identified as having no religion, this was lower than both England with 24.74% and the north east with 23.40%.6.16% of the population did not state their religion, this was lower than England with 7.18%, but higher than the north east with 6.08%.63.23% of the population were identified as Christian, this was higher than England with 59.38% but lower than the north east with 67.52%.7.05% of the population were identified as Muslim, this was higher than both England with 5.02% and the north east with 1.80%. Middlesbrough has the highest Muslim population in the north east and the Tees Valley.The remaining proportion of the population were identified as Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh and ‘Other religion’ each accounting for less than 1% of the population. This trend is seen in the England and north east averages.

The project utilised a survey methodology, collecting paper and pen survey responses from participants at three time points over the period of a school year. At each time point, the survey explored the relationship between contact experiences and social and soft educational outcomes. The Diversity Effect Project examined the ways in which intergroup interaction experiences happen amongst youth attending ethnically diverse secondary schools, the impact of these interactions on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes, and how teachers might intervene to promote more intergroup relations in the school classroom. Working alongside teachers in each of the four schools involved in the project, the research also designed a bespoke 4-week intervention that aimed to promote more positive social attitudes and better educational outcomes for youth. Within each school, the intervention was implemented either by half of the classes or by all classes. The effectiveness of the intervention was assessed using the third survey time point. The dataset comprises the survey responses from the three matched time points enabling users to examine changes over time as well as the effects of the intervention on social attitudes and soft educational outcomes.

Multiculturalism is a feature of almost every society and yet the value of diversity is highly contested. Despite its potential riches as a means to challenge stereotypes and add cultural value, it is sometimes viewed as a societal problem, associated with tensions, segregation and a clashing of cultures. By focusing on diversity as a problem, however, we have neglected to fully understand how and when diversity is associated with positive outcomes or how these can be embraced. The proposed project aims to address this gap in the literature by addressing under what conditions diversity is associated with social cohesion and educational achievement through the lens of intergroup contact theory. It will examine the extent of ethnic segregation in formal (classroom) and informal (cafeteria) spaces in secondary schools in Bristol, a diverse city in the United Kingdom, to enable an understanding of the relationship between observed behaviours, attitudes and achievement and to establish what can be done to intervene and promote more positive outcomes for all learners. The project will provide both theoretical and methodological contributions. Theoretically, the research will shed light on the compatibility of diversity, education and social attitudes addressing the ESRC strategic priority to promote a Vibrant and Fair Society. Whilst there has been much research which has examined the effects of diversity on wider society and educational outcomes (often in the U.S.), to date these effects have not been evaluated through the lens of intergroup contact theory taking into consider the nature and quality of the interactions occurring within and outside the classroom. As such, the project will develop a new theoretical approach which brings together perspectives from multiple disciplines to gain a holistic understanding of the diversity effect. Methodologically, the project will provide two main innovations. First, it will integrate multiple quantitative and qualitative methods and techniques longitudinally, moving beyond mere self-report of attitudes which is currently a focus in UK social science research on diversity, and in doing so provide a new, multilevel dataset for further research. This will include observations of seating behaviour in different spaces within the target schools, social network analysis and advanced statistical analysis of longitudinal questionnaire responses. Second, it will move beyond observations of the effects and develop a short and easy to implement intervention which will have potential to be scaled up and used across the UK and beyond. To achieve this, the project will work with teachers and other stakeholders in the design, execution, and dissemination of the research at different stages throughout and after the project. The project has potential for wide impact. The findings will inform understandings of diversity and how to best promote intergroup relations and academics for all learners beyond the social psychology and education audiences. This will deepen the evidence base that can inform policy and practice in the UK and internationally. Both local actors as well as international organisations have become increasingly interested in the effects of diversity on society. Examining the value of ethnic diversity will provide valuable lessons for schools and wider society informing strategies to reduce the likelihood of ethnic tensions.

This collection consists of transcripts of paired interviews of 127 speakers aged 4–40, 5 age groups; working-class Londoners from Hackney, Haringey and Islington of different ethnicities, c. 1.6 million words. Multi-ethnic and multilingual cities throughout northern Europe are spawning new varieties of their national languages. ‘Multicultural London English’ (MLE) is a case in point. Baptised ‘Jafaican’ by the media, this new variety of English combines pronunciations from the immigrants’ languages with features we can trace to Cockney, as well as to general developments in the South of England. Young people of all ethnicities tend to say ‘fehs’ and ‘coht’ for face and coat, instead of the traditional ‘fice’ and ‘cowt’. Like young speakers everywhere, Londoners say ‘I WAS LIKE “that’s stupid”. But they also use ‘THIS IS ME: “let’s go home”’, rarely found elsewhere. We wanted to establish how MLE arose. We recorded not only teenagers but also children as young as 4 and adults. Unexpectedly, MLE was quite well established among the youngest children, suggesting they acquired it from peers and older children, not their parents, who were mostly not first-language English speakers. Young adults used it, but less consistently than teenagers. Older adults did not, probably because they grew up before it had become established. We investigated whether MLE was similar across ethnicities and districts: perceptually, listeners could not distinguish ethnicity with any certainty, while more MLE-sounding voices were likely to be thought to be from London. We conclude that this multi-ethnic variety emerges because children select from a ‘pool’ of linguistic features they hear around them, giving rise to a new, possibly permanent, way of speaking. We argue this is a distinct form of language change.

London has long been considered by linguists as a motor of change in the English language in Britain. The investigators’ ESRC-funded studies from the early 90s to 2007 show that, while there is widespread ‘levelling’ in the south-east, leading to greater uniformity in accent and grammar, there are new, largely minority ethnic-based changes emerging in inner-city London. The present project investigates whether and how young children acquire these new features, how they are maintained or accentuated in adolescence, and whether they are maintained in adulthood. If they are, this will have consequences for the development of spoken English in Britain. The research asks: Are there different ‘ethnic’ Englishes in London, or is the new variety, dubbed ‘Multicultural London English’ (MLE), relatively uniform across ethnicities, including ‘Anglos’? Do Londoners change their speech across the lifespan? What features enter into MLE, and which don’t? Do Londoners detect any ethnic affiliation for the features? Are there rhythmic differences in the speech of Londoners? The project will record, mainly in pairs, at least 112 people from the northern inner city, ages ranging from 4 to 40 and the ethnic balance reflecting the local population. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses will be performed.

The project data comprise socio-economic surveys of street proprietors, data visualisation of the surveys and additional spatial mappings, and focus group workshops. The first phase of this project incorporates qualitative, face-to-face surveys conducted in 2015, on Rookery Road (Birmingham); Stapleton Road (Bristol); Narborough Road (Leicester); and Cheetham Hill (Manchester). In total, the face-to-face surveys across four streets incorporate 910 units, 596 retail units, 68 vacant units, and 351 surveyed proprietors. The survey focuses on: when, how and why migrant proprietors arrive on these specific streets; the type and duration of shop activity; whether proprietors live locally; whether local and global networks are integral to economic activity; and the types of skill sets proprietors have, such as language, qualification, work experience and additional business interests. Data visualisations were then developed to highlight relationships between key data, and additional drawings were made to highlight the spatial composition of the street. The Phase 1 survey of these four streets was conducted by Suzanne Hall, Robin Finlay and Julia King. The second phase in 2016, conducted with Social Life, incorporates data on scoping discussions and focus group workshops on Rookery Road (Birmingham) and Narborough Road (Leicester) with proprietors, local interest groups, representative and elected leaders and local authorities. The focus group discussions included how traders and local businesses impact on the changing city, both through how people organise themselves economically and collectively beyond their own personal lives, and how they negotiate with the city around them.

The ‘Super-diverse streets’ project is an ESRC-funded exploration of the intersections between city streets, global migration and urban marginalisation. The research is a comparative analysis across UK cities and aims to examine the economic and social life of high streets, and how urban retail economies and spaces are shaped by and shape urban migration. The four high streets include: Rookery Road (Birmingham); Stapleton Road (Bristol); Narborough Road (Leicester); and Cheetham Hill (Manchester). Each street is selected for its location in an ethnically diverse as well as comparatively deprived urban locale, to engage with what kinds of street economies emerge in places where jobs are hard to come by, and the impacts of historic state under investment are hard-felt. Furthermore, Birmingham, Bristol, Leicester and Manchester are amongst UK cities that have the highest percentage of ‘country of birth’ citizens from outside of the UK, after London. The research is widely disseminated through the ‘Super-diverse Streets’ project website with mappings and visualisations and concise reports as well as a You Tube video on ‘Migrant Streets’ and a Royal Geographical Society educational podcast on ‘Diverse Places and Ordinary Streets'. Publications include journal articles and book chapters, and a research monograph is planned.

National and subnational mid-year population estimates for the UK and its constituent countries by administrative area, age and sex (including components of population change, median age and population density).

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents aged 5 years and over in England and Wales by ethnic group, by provision of unpaid care, and by general health. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.

The ONS did not ask people aged under five years whether they provided unpaid care, so this variable counts usual residents aged five years and over. Read more about this quality notice.

Area type

Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.

For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.

Lower tier local authorities

Lower tier local authorities provide a range of local services. There are 309 lower tier local authorities in England made up of 181 non-metropolitan districts, 59 unitary authorities, 36 metropolitan districts and 33 London boroughs (including City of London). In Wales there are 22 local authorities made up of 22 unitary authorities.

Coverage

Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. However, you can choose to filter areas by:

• country - for example, Wales
• region - for example, London
• local authority - for example, Cornwall
• health area – for example, Clinical Commissioning Group
• statistical area - for example, MSOA or LSOA

Ethnic group

The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity or physical appearance.

Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.

Unpaid care

An unpaid carer may look after, give help or support to anyone who has long-term physical or mental ill-health conditions, illness or problems related to old age.

This does not include any activities as part of paid employment.

This help can be within or outside of the carer's household.

General health

A person's assessment of the general state of their health from very good to very bad. This assessment is not based on a person's health over any specified period of time.

Qualitative dataset including redacted (anonymised) transcripts of entry and exit interviews in the Smart Urban Intermediaries research project. The purpose of this study was to understand and contribute to the work of people who make a difference in urban neighbourhoods. The UK strand of the project focussed on Birmingham and Glasgow, and this data collection is exclusively from that strand. There were also strands in Amsterdam and Copenhagen, but not funded by ESRC.European cities face complex challenges that demand smart solutions. This project puts urban intermediaries, those people who can bring people and resources together in innovative ways, at the heart of smart urban development and sets out to understand how they create social innovation. We carried out fieldwork in four European cities (Birmingham, Copenhagen, Glasgow and Amsterdam) where we developed collaborative working groups, or 'local labs', which were sources of data as well as sites for learning across projects, fields of practice, cities and countries. The project contributes to understand how intermediaries innovate and generate smart urban development that addresses community priorities, needs and aspirations. This dataset includes 40 interviews with 20 urban practitioners from public, third and community sectors in the UK. Our cross-national qualitative research design was developed to gain insights into the practices of urban practitioners in four North-Western European cities. We started from a broad interest in practices of agents who were reputed to ‘make a difference’ (Durose et al., 2016). We wanted to empirically understand how they developed, sustained and adapted their work practices. We first identified neighbourhoods where urban development had been targeted, for example through government-led interventions, often related to socio-economic disadvantage, or a reputation for community action. We drew upon the insight of our co-operation partners (national and local organisations knowledgeable in the field of urban governance and regeneration), which informed our selection of Balsall Heath and Sparkbrook (Birmingham), Govan (Glasgow), Nieuw-West (Amsterdam) and Nord Vest (Copenhagen) as our four anchor neighbourhoods. We started by using a ‘snowballing’ technique, initially informed by our co-operation partners, to generate a database of approximately 200 potential participants across the four neighbourhoods. We then worked iteratively to identify urban practitioners to participate in the study. In doing so, we aimed to ensure diversity in both position – including, for example, active citizens, community leaders, elected representatives, front-line workers, social entrepreneurs and artists, as well as relationship to the neighbourhood, for example, living or being professionally engaged there. We recruited a cohort of practitioners that was gender balanced and reflected the neighbourhoods in terms of ethnic diversity. The cohort was more ethnically diverse in Birmingham and Amsterdam than in Glasgow and Copenhagen, reflecting the demographic profile of those cities. Across the sample, there was an under-representation of younger people, which may reflect the time taken to establish a repertoire of practice, but may also be seen as a limitation of the research. We shadowed and interviewed 40 practitioners across the four neighbourhoods over a 30-month period. Before and after the shadowing phase, we conducted semi-structured interviews to understand what these practitioners do, how they do it and what enables and hinders them in making a difference. Across the research period, we brought practitioners together locally and cross-nationally in series of interactive workshops to reflect on emerging insights from the research. This resulted in a dataset including notes on around 640 hours of shadowing, 80 reflective conversations, 20 interactive workshops and a total of 80 interviews. This dataset comprises the part of the data that can be shared in open access, namely, the transcripts of the entry and exit interviews. The dataset deposited here only includes material from the UK strand of the project (Birmingham and Glasgow) due to different consortium funders for the Danish and Dutch strands.

In 2023, the population of the United Kingdom reached 68.3 million, compared with 67.6 million in 2022. The UK population has more than doubled since 1871 when just under 31.5 million lived in the UK and has grown by around 8.2 million since the start of the twenty-first century. For most of the twentieth century, the UK population steadily increased, with two noticeable drops in population occurring during World War One (1914-1918) and in World War Two (1939-1945). Demographic trends in postwar Britain After World War Two, Britain and many other countries in the Western world experienced a 'baby boom,' with a postwar peak of 1.02 million live births in 1947. Although the number of births fell between 1948 and 1955, they increased again between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, with more than one million people born in 1964. Since 1964, however, the UK birth rate has fallen from 18.8 births per 1,000 people to a low of just 10.2 in 2020. As a result, the UK population has gotten significantly older, with the country's median age increasing from 37.9 years in 2001 to 40.7 years in 2022. What are the most populated areas of the UK? The vast majority of people in the UK live in England, which had a population of 57.7 million people in 2023. By comparison, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland had populations of 5.44 million, 3.13 million, and 1.9 million, respectively. Within England, South East England had the largest population, at over 9.38 million, followed by the UK's vast capital city of London, at 8.8 million. London is far larger than any other UK city in terms of urban agglomeration, with just four other cities; Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, and Glasgow, boasting populations that exceed one million people.

The ward profiles and ward atlas provide a range of demographic and related data for each ward in Greater London. They are designed to provide an overview of the population in these small areas by presenting a range of data on the population, diversity, households, life expectancy, housing, crime, benefits, land use, deprivation, and employment.

Indicators included here are population by age and sex, land area, projections, population density, household composition, religion, ethnicity, birth rates (general fertility rate), death rates (standardised mortality ratio), life expectancy, average house prices, properties sold, housing by council tax band, tenure, mortgage and landlord home repossession, employment and economic activity, Incapacity Benefit, Income Support and JobSeekers Allowance claimant rates, dependent children receiving child-tax credits by lone parents and out-of-work families, National Insurance Number registration rates for overseas nationals (NINo), GCSE results, pupil absence, crime rates (by type of crime), fires, ambulance call outs, road casualties, happiness and well-being, land use, access to public transport (PTALs), access to public greenspace, access to nature, air emissions / quality, car use, bicycle travel, Indices of Deprivation, and election turnout.

The **Ward Profiles **present key summary measures for the most recent year, using both Excel and InstantAtlas mapping software. This is a useful tool for displaying a large amount of data for numerous geographies, in one place.

The Ward Atlas presents a more detailed version of the data including trend data and generally includes the raw numbers as opposed to percentages or rates.

The Instant Atlas reports use HTML5 technology, which can be used in modern browsers, including on Apple machines, but will not function on older browsers.

WARD PROFILES

Compare the ward measure against the Borough, London and National average.

Excel

PDF

Instant Atlas HTML5

WARD ATLAS

Access the raw data for all London wards.

Excel

Instant Atlas HTML5

Tips:

1. - Select a new indicator from the Data box on the left. Select the theme, then indicator and then year to show the data.

2. - To view data just for one borough*, use the filter tool.

3. - The legend settings can be altered by clicking on the pencil icon next to the Wards tick box within the map legend.

4. - The wards can be ranked in order by clicking at the top of the indicator column of the data table.

Note: Additional indicator information and sources are included within the spreadsheet and Instant Atlas report.

OTHER SMALL AREA PROFILES

Other profiles available include LSOA and MSOA atlases.

Data from these profiles were used to create the Well-being scores tool.

• The London boroughs are: City of London, Barking and Dagenham, Barnet, Bexley, Brent, Bromley, Camden, Croydon, Ealing, Enfield, Greenwich, Hackney, Hammersmith and Fulham, Haringey, Harrow, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Islington, Kensington and Chelsea, Kingston upon Thames, Lambeth, Lewisham, Merton, Newham, Redbridge, Richmond upon Thames, Southwark, Sutton, Tower Hamlets, Waltham Forest, Wandsworth, Westminster.

These profiles were created using the most up to date information available at the time of collection (February 2014).

This research project aimed to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The project began with secondary quantitative analysis of the Home Office Citizenship Survey. The main part of the research was a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were used in 60 families with at least one child and usually two parents. In 24 of these families, children kept oral diaries and took photographs of places and events with religious significance. Observations were also carried out by researchers of formal education.

The proposed research aims to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The topic of religious nurture is of interest in relation to all faiths, but given the diversity of schools of thought and ethnic groups amongst British Muslims, there is a strong argument for a detailed study of Islam in particular. Since there has already been attention paid by researchers to Muslim adolescents and 'young people' in recent years, the intention for this proposed project is to focus on families with children of primary school age and younger. The research questions are as follows: - How do different family members negotiate religious nurture in the context of a non-Muslim society? - How do children understand their religion? - How does religious nurture differ according to children's age, perceived stage and gender? - How does religious nurture differ between families according to religious traditions, ethnic backgrounds and social class? - How does religious nurture fit with parents' attempts to transmit ethnic and national identities to children? - How important is ritual to religious nurture? Are there particular places that have religious significance? - Is there evidence of increasing secular influences on Islamic beliefs and practices in Muslim families? - Is there evidence that ideas of spirituality and personal well-being are meaningful to Muslim families? The first task will be secondary quantitative analysis of existing government survey data (including the Home Office's Citizenship Survey). This analysis will both be of substantive interest in its own right and will also inform the sampling strategy for the main element of the research project, which is a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. This particular location has been chosen because its diverse Muslim population is fairly representative of the range of Muslim traditions and different ethnic groups in the UK. The qualitative research will consist of the following elements: - In 60 families there will be semi-structured interviews with at least one child and usually with two parents (although other family members would also be invited to take part) - In 30 of these families, children will be asked to keep oral diaries (via digital recorders) and to take photographs of places and events with religious significance - In 15 of these families there will also be some observation by the researchers of everyday religious practices. As well as being presented to academic audiences via a book, journals and conferences, there will be a public event to launch the research for a non-academic audience and a 'family day' for people who participated in the research, which will include child-friendly activities and entertainment. There will also be presentations at practice/policy conferences that are geared towards Muslim organisations and people working with children and families. The principal applicant has relevant experience in research on gender, family welfare and children's national and ethnic identities. The co-applicant has conducted research on various aspects of British Islam and is the Director of the Centre for the Study of Islam in the UK.

This dataset has been supplied by the project ‘Understanding and Enhancing the Community Value of Traditional Retail Markets in UK cities’ (Project Reference: ES/P010547/1) conducted by the University of Leeds, the Open University, the National Market Traders Federation, and the New Economics Foundation. The dataset contains interview transcripts, workshop notes, and focus group transcripts that are applicable for qualitative analysis, and survey data that is applicable for statistical analysis.

The qualitative dataset includes transcripts of interviews, workshops, and focus groups about the community value of Traditional Retail Markets (TRM); the context and particularities of Bury Market, Grainger Market, and Queen’s Market; and the market users’ everyday life experiences of these three markets. The quantitative dataset includes the responses of Bury Market, Grainger Market, and Queen’s Market users regarding the economic, social, and cultural value of these markets from a user perspective.

Supporting documentation for the qualitative data includes a Data listing, Information sheets, Consent forms, and Topic guides (Full list in ReadMe file). Supporting documentation for the quantitative data includes Recruitment leaflets, Information sheets, Questionnaires, and Variables description (Full list in ReadMe file). More information about the project can be found at https://trmcommunityvalue.leeds.ac.uk/.

Traditional Retail Markets (TRM) have played a significant role in UK’s towns and cities for centuries but their central community role is threatened by radical changes in retail trends, public sector cuts and, more recently, the increased pressures created by the COVID-19 crisis. Our study provides a new way to understand the community value which traditional markets offer, which we have defined as constituted by three interconnected dimensions: 1. Economic: TRMs as places that provide affordable food, products and services as well as create opportunities for low-cost business start-ups. 2. Social: TRMs as platforms for social mobility and the development of community ties and trust leading to better social inclusion. 3. Cultural: TRMs as spaces for experiencing a diversity of cultures and ethnicities and provide a sense of place for migrants, ethnic minorities and generally vulnerable citizens.

Between February 2018 and September 2021, this project has collected and analysed qualitative and quantitative data to propose a new understanding of the community value that markets can bring about. In addition to reviewing industry, academic, community, media and policy publications to understand the current national and international public discourse around traditional markets, we developed a mixed methods, collaborative and action-oriented research approach. We interviewed over 50 experts and ran workshops with policymakers, market traders, market operators and managers, and representatives from charity organisations and community groups. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of market users’ experiences, we surveyed 1500 market users and run 6 focus groups in three case-study markets: Bury Market, Grainger Market, and Queen's Market.

To extend the potential of this study and have a real societal impact, we have co-produced our research with non-academic partners from the TRM sector (National Market Traders Federation, NMTF) and experts in community economics (New Economics Foundation, NEF). In this way, we have developed usable outputs and tools to support the work of all the groups we have worked with.

The Leicester Household Survey is designed to capture information on the composition, characteristics, attitudes, and behaviour of private households and individuals to help shape council services, make decisions based on evidence about the local population, and to gain a better understanding of the needs of residents.To explore the survey by topic and demographic characteristics, please use the Response Analysis tab above.The specific aims of the survey are to: better understand local characteristics alongside census data meet local government needs for relevant data to support decision making allow wellbeing and financial circumstances within households to be analysed be understandable and useful to stakeholders and partners The survey took place in Autumn 2021. 3,272 valid responses, age 18+ with a Leicester postcode, were collected. Around 60% of responses were submitted online. The remaining 40% of responses were collected by fieldworkers who targeted areas or groups with low response rates.

The sample was reasonably representative of Leicester’s adult population by ethnicity, deprivation, housing tenure, and broad area of the city.The themes of the survey were:

About your household Health and wellbeing Money and finances Digital access and internet use News and information Leicester City Council and youThis dataset presents the results of the Leicester Household Survey for the city overall and three demographic categories: Ethnicity, Age, and Housing tenure.Results for small ethnic groups (Chinese, Mixed, Other) have been suppressed as some information will be based on fewer than five responses.Some results may not sum to 100 due to rounding.