Prior to the arrival of European explorers in the Americas in 1492, it is estimated that the population of the continent was around sixty million people. Over the next two centuries, most scholars agree that the indigenous population fell to just ten percent of its pre-colonization level, primarily due to the Old World diseases (namely smallpox) brought to the New World by Europeans and African slaves, as well as through violence and famine.

Distribution

It is thought that the most densely populated region of the Americas was in the fertile Mexican valley, home to over one third of the entire continent, including several Mesoamerican civilizations such as the Aztec empire. While the mid-estimate shows a population of over 21 million before European arrival, one estimate suggests that there were just 730,000 people of indigenous descent in Mexico in 1620, just one hundred years after Cortes' arrival. Estimates also suggest that the Andes, home to the Incas, was the second most-populous region in the Americas, while North America (in this case, the region north of the Rio Grande river) may have been the most sparsely populated region. There is some contention as to the size of the pre-Columbian populations in the Caribbean, as the mass genocides, forced relocation, and pandemics that followed in the early stages of Spanish colonization make it difficult to predict these numbers.

Varying estimates Estimating the indigenous populations of the Americas has proven to be a challenge and point of contention for modern historians. Totals from reputable sources range from 8.4 million people to 112.55 million, and while both of these totals were published in the 1930s and 1960s respectively, their continued citation proves the ambiguity surrounding this topic. European settlers' records from the 15th to 17th centuries have also created challenges, due to their unrealistic population predictions and inaccurate methodologies (for example, many early settlers only counted the number of warriors in each civilization). Nonetheless, most modern historians use figures close to those given in the "Middle estimate" shown here, with similar distributions by region.

Abstract

Estimated at 10 to 20 percent of the 109 million population in Philippines, Indigenous Peoples (IPs) are among the poorest and most marginalized, although they live in regions with vast natural resources. The lack of representation of IPs in official surveys and administrative data prevents an accurate assessment of their living conditions and the socio-economic challenges they face. This silences their voice, obscures state accountability towards them, and limits their agency to take on a more active role in society. The few available data and anecdotal evidence reveal that IPs face important inequalities of opportunity in several human development dimensions, which are likely aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the extent of these inequalities is not well understood, due to scant data and research on IPs. The lack of surveys with information on ethnicity has also made it difficult to examine the type and extent of inequalities among and within ethnic groups in the country, as well as the impact of intersectionality with gender, disability, and place of residence on their inclusion. This represents a significant challenge when creating public policy at the national level or poverty reduction programs at the local level, as IPs remain unnoticed, unaccounted for, and ultimately deprived of their rights and any real benefit.

Therefore, reliable data on IPs is urgently needed, particularly in this COVID-19 era where IPs can be disproportionately disadvantaged due to legacies of inequality and exclusion. Hence, to collect data and inform evidence-based policy/decision making to better target the needs of IPs, the World Bank commissioned this first ever IP-specific household (HH) survey in Philippines to Philippine Survey and Research Center, Inc. (PSRC).

The main objective of this quantitative household survey is to improve the current understanding about the Indigenous Peoples (IPs) population in the Philippines, and eventually, craft strategies when addressing inequality or representation of the group. Specifically, the study aims to: 1. Collect as much data and inform evidence-based policy/decision making to better target the needs of IPs; 2. Gauge a better view/understanding of the IPs’ poverty, socio-economic condition and the exercise of their rights; 3. Add current knowledge into the ongoing World Bank Advisory Services and Analytics on the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines.

Geographic coverage

Selected IP areas in the Philippines

Analysis unit

Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and Non-Indigenous Peoples (NIPs) with the following specifications: • Male/Female • 18 years old and above

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

Stratified multi-stage area probability sampling was employed as follows: • Stratification: The sample was stratified by region and by locale (i.e., urban/rural) • First Stage: Independent random selection of PSUs (barangays) within the strata • Second Stage: Selection of SSUs (households) within the sampled PSUs

A household is defined as a social unit consisting of a person or a group of persons who sleep in the same housing unit and have a common arrangement in the preparation and consumption of food. Household is often comprised of individuals related by blood . Other members of households not related to the household head by blood such as helper, borders, and non relatives can be included as member of the household as long they prepare and consume food together and do not go home to the fa mily more than once in a week. The domain was the Philippines’ 17 administrative regions. Using the Indigenous Peoples (IP) household population from the 2020 Census, the following information were computed: • Proportion of IP household population from Census for each region • Proportion of each region out of total IP household population

To manage cost and timings, sampling coverage was focused on regions greater than or about 3% from both information above and IP household population of at least 250,000. The 2,400 sample was then split into these regions to arrive at the desired area cuts: • CAR • Other Selected Luzon Regions (Cagayan Valley, MIMAROPA) • Western Visayas • Other Mindanao Regions (Zamboanga Peninsula, Northern Mindanao, Davao, SOCCSKSARGEN, CARAGA) • BARMM

From the sample of 2,400, there were 240 PSUs across the 10 covered regions. The 240 PSUs covered were split proportionately across the 10 regions using the IP household population. The table below shows the sampling breakdown at regional level.

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

Available in the English language but conducted in either English or Tagalog

Response rate

To achieve 2,400 completed interviews, 12,131 households were approached/ knocked. Of the 12,131 households knocked, 2,273 refused, 3,028 gave no reply or door locked, and 4,430 were not eligible given the specific requirements that we were looking for. The response rate among eligible interviews is 51%. Response rate is higher in Luzon and lowest in Mindanao.

Indigenous Peoples, because of their subordination and distinctiveness from mainstream cultures and polities, have been and still are subjected to gross human rights violations, systematic racism, discrimination, and dispossession. The experiences of Indigenous Peoples in Asia are very similar to the social and political processes observed by indigenous peoples in other parts of the world. They also share historical experience of political domination, discrimination and exploitation through processes of colonization and nation-state building. Many Indigenous Peoples are among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of people in the world in terms of human security and attained level of basic needs. This is largely due to the denial of their rights to lands, territories and resources. They continue to struggle to have their collective rights over their lands, territories and resources; their ways of living, their customary institutions and laws to be respected and recognized by the states. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) and Indigenous Peoples Major Group for Sustainable Development (IPMG) dedicate this publication to the Indigenous Peoples in Asia, including Indigenous women, youths, elders and Indigenous person with disabilities who continue to assert and defend their rights to lands, territories and resources as central to achieving sustainable development for all. We hope that this publication would generate greater awareness and attention to the recognition and protection of the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Asia and beyond.

Indigenous Peoples, because of their subordination and distinctiveness from mainstream cultures and polities, have been and still are subjected to gross human rights violations, systematic racism, discrimination, and dispossession. The experiences of Indigenous Peoples in Asia are very similar to the social and political processes observed by indigenous peoples in other parts of the world. They also share historical experience of political domination, discrimination and exploitation through processes of colonization and nation-state building. Many Indigenous Peoples are among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of people in the world in terms of human security and attained level of basic needs. This is largely due to the denial of their rights to lands, territories and resources. They continue to struggle to have their collective rights over their lands, territories and resources; their ways of living, their customary institutions and laws to be respected and recognized by the states. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) and Indigenous Peoples Major Group for Sustainable Development (IPMG) dedicate this publication to the Indigenous Peoples in Asia, including Indigenous women, youths, elders and Indigenous person with disabilities who continue to assert and defend their rights to lands, territories and resources as central to achieving sustainable development for all. We hope that this publication would generate greater awareness and attention to the recognition and protection of the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Asia and beyond.

This year’s edition of The Indigenous World takes a closer look at Indigenous Peoples’ rights in conservation efforts. In times of a global climate and biodiversity crisis, focusing on the protection of nature is crucial and, increasingly, studies show that Indigenous Peoples are among the most effective guardians of nature. This has been recognised by some international processes, as we will see further below. However, the reports in this edition show a disturbing global picture of conservation efforts ignoring Indigenous Peoples, their rights and knowledge. Many of the reports in this year’s edition also note the drastic ramifications COVID-19 and skyrocketing living costs have had on Indigenous Peoples worldwide throughout 2022, including food insecurity and hunger, declining incomes and increased crime rates. Furthermore, national efforts aimed at economic recovery, and at addressing the energy crisis, have had negative consequences for Indigenous Peoples as the pressure of natural resource extraction on their lands has increased.

The headwaters of the Amazon Basin harbor most of the world’s last indigenous peoples who have limited contact with encroaching colonists. Knowledge of the geographic distribution of these isolated groups is essential to assist with the development of immediate protections for vulnerable indigenous settlements. We used remote sensing to document the locations of 28 isolated villages within the four Brazilian states of Acre, Amazonas, Roraima, and Rondônia. The sites were confirmed during previous over-flights and by image evidence of thatched-roof houses; they are estimated to host over 1,700 individuals. Locational data were used to train maximum entropy models that identified landscape and anthropogenic features associated with the occurrence of isolated indigenous villages, including elevation, proximity to streams of five different orders, proximity to roads and settlements, proximity to recent deforestation, and vegetation cover type. Isolated villages were identified at mid elevations, within 20 km of the tops of watersheds and at greater distances from existing roads and trails. We further used model results, combined with boundaries of the existing indigenous territory system that is designed to protect indigenous lands, to assess the efficacy of the existing protected area network for isolated peoples. Results indicate that existing indigenous territories encompass all of the villages we identified, and 50% of the areas with high predicted probabilities of isolated village occurrence. Our results are intended to help inform policies that can mitigate against future external threats to isolated peoples.

The Indigenous World is the unique result of a collaborative effort between Indigenous and non-indigenous activists and scholars who voluntarily document and report on the situation of Indigenous Peoples’ rights. This yearly overview serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced throughout 2023. The Indigenous World 2024 includes a special focus on Indigenous Peoples’ rights to lands, territories and resources, which in many ways is at the centre of the Indigenous Peoples’ struggle.

In 2019, the Global Indigenous Data Alliance (GIDA) developed and published the CARE Principles for Indigenous Data Governance (Collective Benefit, Authority to Control, Responsibility, Ethics) to complement the FAIR principles for open scientific data management (Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, Reusable) (Wilkinson et al., 2016; Carroll et al., 2020, Carroll S. R. et al., 2021). FAIR are data-centric, focusing on the attributes of data objects themselves. The CARE Principles serve as high-level guidance toward more equitable creation, collection, use, and storage of Indigenous data that focuses on the people to whom data relate, and the purpose for which those data are collected, analyzed, and used. In the six years since their original publication, the CARE Principles have garnered significant interest and induced uptake, informing policy and processes across many institutions, governments, organizations, communities, Tribal Nations, and other data-related entities. There has also been interest in applying the principles and framework beyond Indigenous contexts (Lipphardt et al 2021; Suchikova and Nazarovets 2025).

The page gives update information on Lao ethnic groups known as Lao highlanders or Lao Soung. Most Lao Soung grow upland rice, maize, and opium traditionally. Major ethnic groups among Lao Soung are Hmong and Mien.

This award funds a workshop to bring together indigenous cultural representatives from the great river basins of the Yukon and the Amazon with environmental scientists to share information and formulate plans for research on themes that highlight the long-term sustainability of rivers and the health and well-being of the people who live along them. Although the Amazon is a long way from the Arctic, their is a good argument for the need to connect the communities of river systems around the globe in order to better understand the effects of resource development, urbanization, and environmental change on these important fresh water systems. Although the global environmental change signal is strongest in the Arctic it is having an effect on other global river systems. And while urbanization and resource development may have a larger signal in the Amazon in all but the Russian arctic, these processes are spreading across the Circumpolar North. The PI and his collaborators view this workshop as a starting point a larger network of Indigenous Peoples and scientists working together to increase our understanding of these fresh water systems and ensure their long term sustainability and sustainable use. It is the vision of the research team that future workshops will include the Lena, Nile, Ganges, Yangtze, Gironde, Mississippi and the McKenzie Rivers and ultimately the Ocean Peoples of Polynesia. The five-day workshop will be held in Timpia, Peru, fall 2013 with the specific goals to: gather and compare observations and experiences from workshop participants around issues of water and rivers, and how they have been impacted by landscape and environmental change; seek consensus among the participants about specific kinds of capacity development and action around water issues that may be needed to address community needs; introduce and train participants in methods of community-based water monitoring; introduce and train participants in methods of digital media and storytelling; identify methods for developing and maintaining community and information exchange among workshop participants, including the possible establishment of a global network centered around indigenous communities and rivers. Additional subjects explored during the workshop will be indigenous narratives of how rivers may have changed due to landscape and environmental change, both contemporary and traditional, in order to gain more insights into how communities have responded to these challenges and their dynamic effects on local social and cultural systems. Also discussed by workshop participants will be how modern science contributes tools and additional perspectives to understanding changes in the riverine environment. And, how science and traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) can work together for the benefit of indigenous communities. The workshop will include strong participation from both indigenous communities and the scientific community and thus will increase the participation of highly underrepresented groups in science. This project supports a workshop that would bring together indigenous cultural representatives from the great river basins of the Yukon and the Amazon in a workshop to share information and formulate shared plans for action around the common theme of health and protection of rivers and the people who live along them. The workshop would include a total of approximately 8-10 participants, including representatives of YRITWC Alaska Native communities, the Urubamba Machiguenga communities. The workshop will also include several staff representatives of the YRITWC, ACEER, Woods Hole Research Center and Planetwalk. This five-day workshop would be held in Timpia, Peru during fall 2012, no arctic fieldwork is conducted.

Abstract Objectives: we aimed to identify etiological factors for low birth weight (LBW), prematurity and intrauterine growth restriction (IUGR) in the Indigenous Population. Methods: for this systematic review, publications were searched in Medline/PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science, and Lilacs until April 2018. The description in this review was based on the PRISMA guideline (Study protocol CRD42016051145, registered in the Centre for Reviews and Dissemination at University of York). We included original studies that reported any risk factor for one of the outcomes in the Indigenous Population. Two of the authors searched independently for papers and the disagreements were solved by a third reviewer Results: twenty-four studies were identified, most of them were from the USA, Canada and Australia. The factors associated were similar to the ones observed in the non-indigenous including unfavorable obstetric conditions, maternal malnutrition, smoking, and maternal age at the extremes of childbearing age, besides environmental factors, geographic location, and access to health care in indigenous communities. Conclusions: etiologic factors for LBW in Indigenous Population have been receiving little attention, especially in Latin America. The three outcomes showed common causes related to poverty and limited access to healthcare. New studies should ensure explicit criteria for ethnicity, quality on the information about gestational age, and the investigation on contextual and culture-specific variables.

Following the arrival of Spanish colonizers in 1519, namely Hernando Cortes and his 600 conquistadors, the indigenous population of the Mexican valley saw a dramatic decline. In the first two years of conquest, thousands of indigenous Americans perished while fighting the European invaders, including an estimated 100,000 who died of violence or starvation during Cortes' siege of the Aztec capital city, Tenochtitlan (present-day Mexico City), in 1520. However, the impact of European violence on population decline pales in comparison to the impact of Old World diseases, which saw the indigenous population of the region drop from roughly 22 million to less than two million within eight decades.. Virgin soil pandemics Almost immediately after the Spanish arrival, a wave of smallpox swept across the indigenous populations, with some estimates suggesting that five to eight million natives died in the subsequent pandemic between 1519 and 1520. This outbreak was not an isolated incident, with the entire indigenous population of the Americas dropping by roughly ninety percent in the next two centuries. The Mexican valley specifically, which was the most populous region of the pre-Columbian Americas, suffered greatly due to virgin soil pandemics (where new diseases are introduced to biologically defenseless populations). In the Middle Ages, the majority of Europeans contracted smallpox as children, which generally granted lifelong immunity. In contrast, indigenous Americans had never been exposed to these diseases, and their populations (of all ages) declined rapidly. Cocoliztli Roughly three decades after the smallpox pandemic, another pandemic swept across the valley, to a more devastating effect. This was an outbreak of cocoliztli, which almost wiped out the entire population, and was followed by a second pandemic three decades later. Until recently, historians were still unsure of the exact causes of cocoliztli, with most hypothesizing that it was a rodent-borne disease similar to plague or an extreme form of a haemorrhagic fever. In 2018, however, scientists in Jena, Germany, studied 29 sets of teeth from 16th century skeletons found in the Oaxaca region of Mexico (from a cemetery with known links to the 1545 pandemic); these tests concluded that cocoliztli was most likely an extreme and rare form of the salmonella bacterium, which caused paratyphoid fever. These pandemics coincided with some of the most extreme droughts ever recorded in North America, which exacerbates the spread and symptoms of this disease, and the symptoms described in historical texts give further credence to the claim that cocoliztli was caused by salmonella.

For centuries, Indigenous peoples across Eurasia and North American have maintained harmonious relations with bears with whom they share the world, honoring this relationship through elaborate ceremonies. At present, this website describes the bear ceremonies of Siberian people, the Mansi and the Khanty, through a rich narrative illustrated by photos, videos, and audio recordings. The content is in both English and Russian.

Between 2021 to 2022, the research project aims to reach out to Native American and First Nations communities in the United States and Canada, whose concern has been indicated by the unique Grizzly Bear Treaty of 2016, initiated by the Piikani First Nation of Canada and signed by representatives of more than a hundred tribes. The hope is that the website might provide the focus for a future, multidisciplinary Indigenous-led forum on sharing the world with bears and other-than-human persons.

Impoverishment by projects whose raison d’etre is to reduce poverty is unacceptable, yet it occurs in many projects, time and time again... Unfortunately, while we battle against the long existing poverty -the poverty inherited, so to say, from yesterday- our complex world continually triggers processes that also pauperize some people, create new poverty, today and tomorrow.

Prior to the civil war in the 1990’s ethnic tension caused many rivalries between groups. This was common between the Temne, with their allies the Limba, and the Mende, with their allies the Sherbro, Kissi, and Gola groups. Even with this history of ethnic conflict it does not appear to be a significant factor that contributed to the civil war as the war focused on control of diamond mines. With the civil war over for more than a decade the country is relatively peaceful. There are no serious ethnic conflicts or rivalries. Limba – Limba populations are found in other West African countries although 90% reside in Sierra Leone. The majority are Muslim, having been introduced to Islam in the late nineteenth century. This is much later than their neighbors. To prevent too much Westernization, the Limba often send their children to Islamic schools. Mande – The Mande are a large ethnic group in West Africa that is comprised of many smaller groups. The Mande people speak a variety of Mande languages. Most practice agriculture, animal husbandry, and trade. They practice a patrilineal society having the eldest male serve as lineage head. With so many Mande groups spread over West Africa there is much variation among language and culture. Mel – The Mel within Sierra Leone are comprised of the Gola and the Kissi. Similar to other West Africa groups, the Gola participate in secret societies. The most important occurs around the age of puberty and these societies seek to socialize youth with Gola culture. The Kissi are increasingly becoming culturally influenced by the Mende people. Soso - The Soso were introduced to Islam in the seventeenth century and they are now overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim, of the Maliki School. Many still perform ritual ceremonies from indigenous religions. They are often influenced by neighboring groups. Temne – The Temne are one of the largest ethnic groups in the country. While the capital of Freetown is home to many groups, the largest number of people belong to the Temne ethnicity. The majority are Muslim, having been introduced to Islam in the seventeenth century. Some Temne still practice indigenous religions or incorporate them into their practice of Islam. Similar to other groups in the country, the Temne also have secret socieites. The Temne use these socieites to learn about the Temne culture. Although many have convertered to Islam or Christianity, it is common to incorporate indigenous religious beliefs. Attribute Table Field DescriptionsISO3-International Organization for Standardization 3-digit country codeADM0_NAME-Administration level zero identification / namePEOPLEGP_1-People Group level 1PEOPLEGP_2-People Group level 2PEOPLEGP_3-People Group level 3PEOPLEGP_4-People Group level 4PEOPLEGP_5-People Group level 5ALT_NAMES-Alternative names or spellings for a people groupCOMMENTS-Comments or notes regarding the people groupSOURCE_DT-Source one creation dateSOURCE-Source oneSOURCE2_DT-Source two creation dateSOURCE2-Source twoCollectionThis feature class was constructed by referencing and combining information from Murdock’s Map of Africa (1959) with other anthropological literature pertaining to Sierra Leone ethnicity. The information was then processed through DigitalGlobe’s AnthropMapper program to generate more accurate ethnic coverage boundaries. Anthromapper uses geographical terrain features, combined with a watershed model, to predict the likely extent of ethnic and linguistic influence.Metadata and data pertaining to the feature class was collected from the review of Murdock’s Map of Africa (1959) in conjunction with information from anthropological research pertaining to ethnicity in northern Africa. While efforts were made to secure the accuracy of the geographic location of existing ethnicities, many are transient in nature and continue to migrate. Further, it should be stressed that ethnic groups listed represent the prominent people groups in Sierra Leone; however, numerous subgroups may exist below this tier. The data included herein have not been derived from a registered survey and should be considered approximate unless otherwise defined. While rigorous steps have been taken to ensure the quality of each dataset, DigitalGlobe is not responsible for the accuracy and completeness of data compiled from outside sources.Sources (HGIS)Anthromapper. DigitalGlobe, September 2014.Gonen, Amiram. The Encyclopedia of the Peoples of the World. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1993.Levinson, David. Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Africa and the Middle East. Boston: G.K. Hall and Co., 1995.Murdock, George Peter. Tribal Map of Africa from Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., January 1959.Olson, James S. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Westport: Greenworod Press, 1996.The Diagram Group. Encyclopedia African Peoples. London: Diagram Visual Information, 2000.Yakan, Mohamad Z. Almanac of African Peoples and Nations. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1999.Sources (Metadata)Gonen, Amiram. The Encyclopedia of the Peoples of the World. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1993.Levinson, David. Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Africa and the Middle East. Boston: G.K. Hall and Co., 1995.Murdock, George Peter. Tribal Map of Africa from Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., January 1959.Notholt, Stuart A. Fields of Fire: An atlas of ethnic conflict. London: Stuart Notholt Communications Ltd, 2008.Olson, James S. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Westport: Greenworod Press, 1996.The Diagram Group. Encyclopedia African Peoples. London: Diagram Visual Information, 2000.University of Iowa Museum of Art, “Sierra Leone; Gola or Vai peoples, Lansana Ngumoi”. January 2006. Accessed December 2014. http://uima.uiowa.edu.Yakan, Mohamad Z. Almanac of African Peoples and Nations. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1999.

It is valuable to extend genotyping studies of Helicobacter pylori to strains from indigenous communities across the world to better define adaption, evolution, and associated diseases. We aimed to genetically characterize both human individuals and their infecting H. pylori from indigenous communities of Mexico, and to compare them with those from other human groups. We studied individuals from three indigenous groups, Tarahumaras from the North, Huichols from the West and Nahuas from the center of Mexico. Volunteers were sampled at their community site, DNA was isolated from white blood cells and mtDNA, Y-chromosome, and STR alleles were studied. H. pylori was cultured from gastric juice, and DNA extracted for genotyping of virulence and housekeeping genes. We found Amerindian mtDNA haplogroups (A, B, C, and D), Y-chromosome DYS19T, and Amerindian STRs alleles frequent in the three groups, confirming Amerindian ancestry in these Mexican groups. Concerning H.pylori cagA phylogenetic analyses, although most isolates were of the Western type, a new Amerindian cluster neither Western nor Asian, was formed by some indigenous Mexican, Colombian, Peruvian and Venezuelan isolates. Similarly, vacA phylogenetic analyses showed the existence of a novel Amerindian type in isolates from Alaska, Mexico and Colombia. With hspA strains from Mexico and other American groups clustered within the three major groups, Asian, African or European. Genotyping of housekeeping genes confirmed that Mexican strains formed a novel Asian-related Amerindian group together with strains from remote Amazon Aborigines. This study shows that Mexican indigenous people with Amerindian markers are colonized with H. pylori showing admixture of Asian, European and African strains in genes known to interact with the gastric mucosa. We present evidence of novel Amerindian cagA and vacA alleles in indigenous groups of North and South America.

(UNCLASSIFIED) There are three main ethnolinguistic groups that made up ethnicity in Liberia; Mel, Mande, and Kru. The ethnic mix of Liberia has contributed to a rich culture as well as ethnic tension. It is common for politics in West Africa to divide along ethnic lines. Ethnic tension along with poor economic and social conditions and political instability were the leading causes for the two recent civil wars in the country. This first began in 1989 when the National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor, rose up against the Kran dominant government lead by Samuel Doe. The first civil war ended in 1997 with Charles Taylor formally voted into power. During the civil war Taylor commonly targeted Muslim Mande populations and the Kran for being the two groups most associated with the Doe regime. The opposition to Taylor retaliated by attacking Christian sites. Taylor’s regime was chaotic which led to a second civil war that began in 1999 with full scale war in 2003; a cease fire was signed the same year which ended the civil war. The actions during both civil wars show how politics and ethnicity go hand in hand and can produce ethnoreligious violence. Many in Liberia participate in secret societies known as hale, this is the most controlling and unifying force in Liberian culture with most participants belonging to one or more societies. They are both religious and political in nature and lay out acceptable and unacceptable behavior. There are numerous different hale societies offering regulations on how someone should act in society. The two most important hale societies are the men’s Poro and the female’s Sande, with participants joining at puberty to be taught the ideals of manhood and womanhood. Initiations are secret and performed in the forest. Reports state that initiation into the Sande society often includes female genital mutilation while boys undergo circumcisions in the Poro society. Belonging to either the Poro or Sande society is so important among traditional communities that those who do not join are not considered a member of the village, clan, or tribe. Mande - The Mande people group is the largest ethnicity in Liberia and has multiple subgroups. Agriculture, trade, and animal husbandry are common economic activities among the Mande people. They are patrilineal and the oldest male serves as the lineage head. Class structure is also common among Mande people typically consisting of royal, noble, commoner, artisan, and former slave classes. The largest Mande subgroup are the Kpelle and alone they account for 20.3 percent of the total Liberian population. The Kpelle organize themselves into many chiefdoms each of which are led by a paramount chief. While mass conversion to Christianity happened in the nineteenth century many still practice indigenous belief systems either alone or in combination with Christianity. Mel - The Mel group in Liberia is comprised of the Kissi and the Gola, 4.8 percent and 4.4 percent of the population respectively. Most Kissi are either Christian, animists, or a combination of the two. A small population, roughly 9 percent, is Muslim. Most are subsistence farmers or urban laborers. During the first civil war they were in conflict with the Kran. Kru – The Kru are organized based on patrilineal relationships and divided in many subgroups. As with many other ethnic groups in the region, while many have converted to Christianity there is still a significant portion that still adheres to indigenous beliefs or incorporates them into Christianity. Indigenous beliefs are passed through folklores and proverbs. Attribute Table Field DescriptionsISO3 - International Organization for Standardization 3-digit country code ADM0_NAME - Administration level zero identification / name PEOPLEGP_1 - People Group level 1 PEOPLEGP_2 - People Group level 2 PEOPLEGP_3 - People Group level 3 PEOPLEGP_4 - People Group level 4 PEOPLEGP_5 - People Group level 5 ALT_NAMES - Alternative names or spellings for a people group COMMENTS - Comments or notes regarding the people group SOURCE_DT - Source one creation date SOURCE - Source one SOURCE2_DT - Source two creation date SOURCE2 - Source two CollectionThe feature class was constructed by combining information from Murdock’s Map of Africa (1959) with other anthropological literature pertaining to Liberian ethnicity. The information was then processed through DigitalGlobe’s AnthropMapper program to generate more accurate ethnic coverage boundaries. Anthromapper uses geographical terrain features, combined with a watershed model, to predict the likely extent of ethnic and linguistic influence. The data included herein have not been derived from a registered survey and should be considered approximate unless otherwise defined. While rigorous steps have been taken to ensure the quality of each dataset, DigitalGlobe is not responsible for the accuracy and completeness of data compiled from outside sources.Sources (HGIS)Anthromapper. DigitalGlobe, September 2014.Gonen, Amiram. The Encyclopedia of the Peoples of the World. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1993.Levinson, David. Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Africa and the Middle East. Boston: G.K. Hall and Co., 1995.Minority Rights Group International. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples, “Liberia Overview.” January 2005. Accessed September 23, 2014. http://www.minorityrights.org/directory.Murdock, George Peter. Tribal Map of Africa from Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., January 1959.Olson, James S. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Westport: Greenworod Press, 1996.The Diagram Group. Encyclopedia African Peoples. London: Diagram Visual Information, 2000.Yakan, Mohamad Z. Almanac of African Peoples and Nations. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1999.Sources (Metadata)Central Intelligence Agency. The World FactBook, “Liberia.” June 20, 2014. Accessed September 22, 2014. https://www.cia.gov/index.html.Gonen, Amiram. The Encyclopedia of the Peoples of the World. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1993.Humanitarian News and Analysis, “Liberia: FGM continues in rural secrecy.” September 24, 2008. Accessed September 23, 2014. http://www.irinnews.org/.Levinson, David. Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Africa and the Middle East. Boston: G.K. Hall and Co., 1995.Olson, James S. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Westport: Greenworod Press, 1996.The Diagram Group. Encyclopedia African Peoples. London: Diagram Visual Information, 2000.Vogel, Health. Blogging without Maps: a Journey through Liberia, “Societies within Society – The Secret Societies of Liberia.” June 16, 2012. Accessed September 23, 2014. http://bloggingwithoutmaps.blogspot.com/.Yakan, Mohamad Z. Almanac of African Peoples and Nations. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1999.

Out of the approximate 370 million total indigenous peoples in the world, 185 million are estimated to be women. Indigenous peoples are disproportionately suffering from a multitude of discrimination and oppression based on their ethnicity, location and economic status; rendering them part of the poorest of the poor, most politically disempowered and culturally and socially discriminated. In addition to this, indigenous women are suffering from triple discrimination; for being women, being indigenous and as indigenous women and are, subsequently, obstructed from exercising their individual and collective rights. This article discusses the roles and contributions as well as the challenges and concerns of indigenous women.

Indigenous communities in Cambodia are legally recognized and should thus have been protected by the Land Law and the Forestry Law, entitling them to communal land titles. A number of national and international instruments including the Cambodian Land Law of 2001, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the ILO Convention no. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and the World Bank Safeguard Policy recognize both collective and individual Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Indigenous peoples are estimated to be managing more than 4 million hectares of Cambodia’s forests, lands and ecosystems, and have preserved stable environmental conditions in many other parts of the country. Over the last two decades, however, at least 2.1 million hectares of the country’s land have been transferred to more than 300 ELCs or companies from various countries, for commercial large-scale agricultural investments, in the form of Economic Land Concessions. Indeed, with each of these concessions, the government is allowed to lease up to 10,000 hectares of state land for up to 99 years – a program that currently affects between 400,000 and 700,000 Cambodians. As many of these concessions are situated in areas populated by indigenous peoples, the latter have been particularly impacted by these policies. This paper will examine the failure of current policies of the Cambodian government, the World Bank and the UN, as those policies have led to a loss in culture, community cohesion and traditional governance structures of indigenous peoples that, as we shall see, have not been fully protected.

This dataset comprises interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018 with health service users, health professionals and health system managers in the Rio Negro Indigenous Health District, Amazonas State, Brazil. It focuses in particular on the primary health care services covering approximately 30 communities in the Middle Tiquié region. The Unequal Voices project – Vozes Desiguais in Portuguese – aimed to strengthen the evidence base on the politics of accountability for health equity via multi-level case studies of health systems in Brazil and Mozambique. The project conducted examined the trajectories of change in the political context and in patterns of health inequalities in Brazil and Mozambique, and carried out four cases studies to compare the operation of different accountability regimes across the two countries and between different areas within each country. The case studies tracked shifts in accountability relationships among managers, providers and citizens and changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts. In each country the research team studied one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services.Health inequities - that is, inequalities in health which result from social, economic or political factors and unfairly disadvantage the poor and marginalised - are trapping millions of people in poverty. Unless they are tackled, the effort to fulfill the promise of universal health coverage as part of the fairer world envisaged in the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals may lead to more waste and unfairness, because new health services and resources will fail to reach the people who need them most. In Mozambique, for example, the gap in infant mortality between the best-performing and worst-performing areas actually increased between 1997 and 2008, despite improvements in health indicators for the country as a whole. However, while many low- and middle-income countries are failing to translate economic growth into better health services for the poorest, some - including Brazil - stand out as having taken determined and effective action. One key factor that differentiates a strong performer like Brazil from a relatively weak performer like Mozambique is accountability politics: the formal and informal relationships of oversight and control that ensure that health system managers and service providers deliver for the poorest rather than excluding them. Since the mid-1990s, Brazil has transformed health policy to try to ensure that the poorest people and places are covered by basic services. This shift was driven by many factors: by a strong social movement calling for the right to health; by political competition as politicians realised that improving health care for the poor won them votes; by changes to health service contracting that changed the incentives for local governments and other providers to ensure that services reached the poor; and by mass participation that ensured citizen voice in decisions on health priority-setting and citizen oversight of services. However, these factors did not work equally well for all groups of citizens, and some - notably the country's indigenous peoples - continue to lag behind the population as a whole in terms of improved health outcomes. This project is designed to address the ESRC-DFID call's key cross-cutting issue of structural inequalities, and its core research question "what political and institutional conditions are associated with effective poverty reduction and development, and what can domestic and external actors do to promote these conditions?", by comparing the dimensions of accountability politics across Brazil and Mozambique and between different areas within each country. As Mozambique and Brazil seek to implement similar policies to improve service delivery, in each country the research team will examine one urban location with competitive politics and a high level of economic inequality and one rural location where the population as a whole has been politically marginalised and under-provided with services, looking at changes in power relationships among managers, providers and citizens and at changes in health system performance, in order to arrive at a better understanding of what works for different poor and marginalised groups in different contexts. As two Portuguese-speaking countries that have increasingly close economic, political and policy links, Brazil and Mozambique are also well-placed to benefit from exchanges of experience and mutual learning of the kind that Brazil is seeking to promote through its South-South Cooperation programmes. The project will support this mutual learning process by working closely with Brazilian and Mozambican organisations that are engaged in efforts to promote social accountability through the use of community scorecards and through strengthening health oversight committees, and link these efforts with wider networks working on participation and health equity across Southern Africa and beyond. This dataset comprises interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018 with health service users, indigenous leaders, health professionals and health system managers in the Rio Negro Indigenous Health District, Amazonas State, Brazil. It focuses in particular on the primary health care services covering approximately 30 communities in the Middle Tiquié region, and on the process of indigenous political mobilisation to secure accountability for inadequate state response to a malaria outbreak in the region. Interviewee sampling was purposive and made use of snowballing. The collections includes a mix of transcripts and summary notes from individual and group interviews. All material are in Portuguese.