In 2023, half of Generation Z in the United States were white. In comparison, 48 percent of Gen Alpha were white in that year, making it the first generation that does not have a majority white population in the United States.

Millennials were the largest generation group in the United States in 2024, with an estimated population of ***** million. Born between 1981 and 1996, Millennials recently surpassed Baby Boomers as the biggest group, and they will continue to be a major part of the population for many years. The rise of Generation Alpha Generation Alpha is the most recent to have been named, and many group members will not be able to remember a time before smartphones and social media. As of 2024, the oldest Generation Alpha members were still only aging into adolescents. However, the group already makes up around ***** percent of the U.S. population, and they are said to be the most racially and ethnically diverse of all the generation groups. Boomers vs. Millennials The number of Baby Boomers, whose generation was defined by the boom in births following the Second World War, has fallen by around ***** million since 2010. However, they remain the second-largest generation group, and aging Boomers are contributing to steady increases in the median age of the population. Meanwhile, the Millennial generation continues to grow, and one reason for this is the increasing number of young immigrants arriving in the United States.

In 2023, the greatest share of players by ethnic group in the National Football League (NFL) were black or African American athletes, constituting just over ** percent of players within the NFL. Despite the large population of Hispanic or Latino people within the United States, there is a substantial underrepresentation within the NFL, with only *** percent of players identifying as such. National Football League The National Football League (NFL) is a professional American football league that was established in 1920 and now consists of 32 clubs divided into two conferences, the National Football Conference (NFC) and the American Football Conference (AFC). The league culminates in the Super Bowl, the NFL's annual championship game. As the league’s championship game, the Super Bowl has grown into one of the world's largest single-day sporting events, attracting high television ratings and generating billions of dollars in consumer spending. NFL revenues The NFL is one of the most profitable sports leagues in the world, generating a staggering **** billion U.S. dollars in 2022. This total revenue of all ** NFL teams has constantly increased over the past 15 years and, although this figure dropped significantly in 2020, this was largely as a result of the impact of coronavirus (COVID-19) containment measures. This significant drop in revenue demonstrates one of the primary impacts of COVID-19 on professional sports leagues. NFL franchises As a result of this profitability in non-pandemic times, the franchises of the NFL are attributed extremely high market values. The Dallas Cowboys were by far the most valuable franchise in the NFL, with a market value of **** billion US dollars in 2023. The high value of NFL franchises can be seen clearly when compared to those of the NBA, MLB, and NHL. Franchises within the NFL had an average market value of approximately *** billion U.S. dollars in 2023.

Many U.S.-born descendants of Mexican immigrants do not identify as Mexican or Hispanic in response to the Hispanic origin question asked in the Census and other government surveys. Analyzing microdata from the 2000 U.S. Census and the 2001-2019 American Community Surveys, we show that the age at arrival of Mexican immigrants exerts an important influence on ethnic identification not only for these immigrants themselves but also for their U.S.-born children. Among Mexican immigrants who arrived as children, the rate of “ethnic attrition”—i.e., not self-identifying as Mexican or Hispanic—is higher for those who migrated at a younger age. Moreover, the children of these immigrants exhibit a similar pattern: greater ethnic attrition among children whose parents moved to the United States at a younger age. We unpack the relative importance of several key mechanisms—parental English proficiency, parental education, family structure, intermarriage, and geographic location—through which the age at arrival of immigrant parents influences the ethnic identification of their children. Intermarriage turns out to be the primary mechanism: Mexican immigrants who arrived at a very young age are more likely to marry non-Hispanics, and the rate of ethnic attrition is dramatically higher among children with mixed ethnic backgrounds. Prior research demonstrates that arriving at an early age hastens and furthers the integration of immigrants. We show here that this pattern also holds for ethnic identification and that the resulting differences in ethnic attrition among first-generation immigrants are transmitted to their second-generation children.

The ‘Pathways to inclusion’ project used existing secondary data sources to study the influence of ‘family capital’ (e.g. aggregated measures of resources at the family/parental level) on socio-economic and civic-political outcomes for young people in the UK and Canada. The information deposited contains the scripts that allowed generating measures of UK family capital as part of the project, which were constructed from the Millennium Cohort Study and Understanding Society. Generating these scores allowed us to explore the impact of various forms of family capital on the observed outcomes and investigate how family capital is affected by other characteristics.

Social cohesion is perceived as an important social goal within academic and policy circles. A crucial precondition to this goal is social inclusion, i.e. ensuring that individuals become full members of society by accessing societal resources and institutions (i.e. schools; the labour market; civic and political life). In recent decades, fast-growing ethnic diversity has led to intensifying policy and academic debates on how this is affecting processes of social inclusion and cohesion. Examining the factors influencing ethnic inclusion has thus increased in importance but has often focussed on specific, separate spheres - e.g. socio-economic, cultural or spatial. Recent research has shown, however, that exclusion (i.e. a lack of inclusion) in the socio-economic sphere is linked to exclusion in civic-political arenas for certain minority groups. This calls for further research on the dynamics of ethnic inclusion into the economic and civic-political spheres, the interplay of these two spheres, and how these lifelong processes are shaped by family influences. Given this, our aim with this project is to take a collaborative, comparative, and policy-oriented approach to investigate the patterns of ethnic minority inclusion within British and Canadian socio-economic and civic-political institutions over time and assess the role that family capital plays in determining the inclusion trajectories of individuals. We use the best available data sources (including Understanding Society; the Millennium Cohort Study; in Britain and National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth in Canada) and the most sophisticated longitudinal statistical analyses to do so. Our research team, which includes investigators at the University of Manchester, McGill University and the Runnymede Trust, has extensive experience to address the following questions: 1. What are the pathways to inclusion of ethnic minorities into British and Canadian institutions? We are interested in identifying and defining outcomes of socio-economic and civic-political inclusion; the interplay of inclusion in these two spheres; whether outcomes observed at one point in time vary over time (i.e. pathways); whether outcomes and pathways are consistent across ethnic, gender, generational and class lines; and whether there are similarities and differences in the inclusion outcomes and pathways in comparison to the 'majority' population. 2. What role does family capital (financial, human, social and cultural) play? We wish to explore the impact of various forms of family capital on the observed outcomes and pathways of inclusion as well as the points in individuals' lives where these family influences are most important. We also seek to shed light on how the role of family capital is affected by family structure and characteristics as well as the composition of the local areas in which families are embedded. 3. What are the best ways to address the differentials in family influences? Drawing on the full body of evidence from data analysis (as described above) and feedback from research and policy stakeholders, we want to reflect on how issues of exclusion linked to varying levels of family capital could be tackled by policy makers, with an emphasis on identifying the most effective measures of family capital. 4. Do different policy environments generate different types of outcomes? We wish to explore the role that varying policy context (i.e. Canada and Britain) may play on inclusion outcomes and pathways and on the role of the family capital, with a focus on building a strong evidence base for shaping policy debates. Outputs of the project will be made available to a wide-ranging audience via diverse dissemination and impact activities such as the publication of policy briefings, press releases, and dissemination events.