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Dependent children living in multi-generational family households and overcrowding of multi-generational family households.
This statistic shows the share of people living in a multigenerational household in the United States between 1950 and 2016. In 2016, one fifth of Americans were living in a multigenerational household, which rose from only 12 percent in 1980.
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Data on household type of private households and structural type of dwelling for private dwellings occupied by usual residents, Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations, 2021, 2016 and 2011 censuses.
This statistic shows the number of people living in a multigenerational household in the United States in 2012 and 2016, by type. In 2016, **** million people were living in a multigenerational household with two adult generations, up from **** million in 2012.
Household low-income status using low-income measures (before and after tax) by household type (multigenerational, couple, lone parent, with and without children), age of members, number of earners, and year.
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The data on relationship to householder were derived from answers to Question 2 in the 2015 American Community Survey (ACS), which was asked of all people in housing units. The question on relationship is essential for classifying the population information on families and other groups. Information about changes in the composition of the American family, from the number of people living alone to the number of children living with only one parent, is essential for planning and carrying out a number of federal programs.
The responses to this question were used to determine the relationships of all persons to the householder, as well as household type (married couple family, nonfamily, etc.). From responses to this question, we were able to determine numbers of related children, own children, unmarried partner households, and multi-generational households. We calculated average household and family size. When relationship was not reported, it was imputed using the age difference between the householder and the person, sex, and marital status.
Household – A household includes all the people who occupy a housing unit. (People not living in households are classified as living in group quarters.) A housing unit is a house, an apartment, a mobile home, a group of rooms, or a single room that is occupied (or if vacant, is intended for occupancy) as separate living quarters. Separate living quarters are those in which the occupants live separately from any other people in the building and which have direct access from the outside of the building or through a common hall. The occupants may be a single family, one person living alone, two or more families living together, or any other group of related or unrelated people who share living arrangements.
Average Household Size – A measure obtained by dividing the number of people in households by the number of households. In cases where people in households are cross-classified by race or Hispanic origin, people in the household are classified by the race or Hispanic origin of the householder rather than the race or Hispanic origin of each individual.
Average household size is rounded to the nearest hundredth.
Comparability – The relationship categories for the most part can be compared to previous ACS years and to similar data collected in the decennial census, CPS, and SIPP. With the change in 2008 from “In-law” to the two categories of “Parent-in-law” and “Son-in-law or daughter-in-law,” caution should be exercised when comparing data on in-laws from previous years. “In-law” encompassed any type of in-law such as sister-in-law. Combining “Parent-in-law” and “son-in-law or daughter-in-law” does not represent all “in-laws” in 2008.
The same can be said of comparing the three categories of “biological” “step,” and “adopted” child in 2008 to “Child” in previous years. Before 2008, respondents may have considered anyone under 18 as “child” and chosen that category. The ACS includes “foster child” as a category. However, the 2010 Census did not contain this category, and “foster children” were included in the “Other nonrelative” category. Therefore, comparison of “foster child” cannot be made to the 2010 Census. Beginning in 2013, the “spouse” category includes same-sex spouses.
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This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify households in England and Wales by number of multi-generational households by household tenure. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.
There is evidence of people incorrectly identifying their type of landlord as ”Council or local authority” or “Housing association”. You should add these two categories together when analysing data that uses this variable. Read more about this quality notice.
Area type
Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.
For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.
Coverage
Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. Data are also available in these geographic types:
Multiple generations in household
Households where people from across more than two generations of the same family live together. This includes households with grandparents and grandchildren whether or not the intervening generation also live in the household.
Tenure of household
Whether a household owns or rents the accommodation that it occupies.
Owner-occupied accommodation can be:
Rented accommodation can be:
This information is not available for household spaces with no usual residents.
In 2024, 34.59 percent of all households in the United States were two person households. In 1970, this figure was at 28.92 percent. Single households Single mother households are usually the most common households with children under 18 years old found in the United States. As of 2021, the District of Columbia and North Dakota had the highest share of single-person households in the United States. Household size in the United States has decreased over the past century, due to customs and traditions changing. Families are typically more nuclear, whereas in the past, multigenerational households were more common. Furthermore, fertility rates have also decreased, meaning that women do not have as many children as they used to. Average households in Utah Out of all states in the U.S., Utah was reported to have the largest average household size. This predominately Mormon state has about three million inhabitants. The Church of the Latter-Day Saints, or Mormonism, plays a large role in Utah, and can contribute to the high birth rate and household size in Utah. The Church of Latter-Day Saints promotes having many children and tight-knit families. Furthermore, Utah has a relatively young population, due to Mormons typically marrying and starting large families younger than those in other states.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/36406/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/36406/terms
The study National Survey of American Life: Multi-Generational and Caribbean Cross-Section Studies also known as the Family Connections Across Generations and Nations is a follow-up to the National Survey of American Life (NSAL): Coping With Stress in the 21st Century, the baseline study which interviewed 6,200 adults and 1,200 adolescents in households of African Americans, non-Hispanic Whites, and Blacks of Caribbean descent. This study examines influences of family life on people's satisfaction with their lives and their health and general well-being. Specifically, it investigates family and inter-generational processes, with a special emphasis on contextual and structural influences on relationships as they affect individual and family health and well-being across, and within, ethnically and nationally diverse population samples. Categories of variables include sections on neighborhood, health, social support, depression, social support, mental health episodes (such as depression and mania), substance use, tobacco use, discrimination, and interviewer observations. Demographic variables include the race and ethnicity of the respondent and their spouse, racial background of parents, education, employment, volunteerism, and family income.
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This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify households in England and Wales by number of multi-generational households by bedroom occupancy rating. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.
Area type
Census 2021 statistics are published for a number of different geographies. These can be large, for example the whole of England, or small, for example an output area (OA), the lowest level of geography for which statistics are produced.
For higher levels of geography, more detailed statistics can be produced. When a lower level of geography is used, such as output areas (which have a minimum of 100 persons), the statistics produced have less detail. This is to protect the confidentiality of people and ensure that individuals or their characteristics cannot be identified.
Coverage
Census 2021 statistics are published for the whole of England and Wales. Data are also available in these geographic types:
Multiple generations in household
Households where people from across more than two generations of the same family live together. This includes households with grandparents and grandchildren whether or not the intervening generation also live in the household.
Occupancy rating for bedrooms
Whether a household's accommodation is overcrowded, ideally occupied or under-occupied. This is calculated by comparing the number of bedrooms the household requires to the number of available bedrooms.
The number of bedrooms the household requires is calculated according to the Bedroom Standard, where the following should have their own bedroom:
An occupancy rating of:
In Turkey, the share of extended-family households continuously declined from 2014 to 2022. In 2023, there was a slight increase in the figures, which added up to **** percent. In comparison, extended-family households held a share of nearly ** percent in 2014.
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Household low-income status using low-income measures (before and after tax) by household type (multigenerational, couple, lone parent, with and without children), age of members, number of earners, and year.
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Abstract This article aims at getting to know the impact of longevity on the multigenerational family, and it is a result of the survey "The multigenerational family in Caxias do Sul", carried out in the Working Group on Aging of the University of Caxias do Sul, from 2004 to 2006. Sampling consisted of 27 multigenerational families in the municipality of Caxias do Sul, RS, Brazil, with the participation of three people from different generations of the same family, representing 81 people who make up an intentional, oriented and convenient sampling. Methodology used was content analysis and dialectical approach. Survey results intend to contribute to the discussion of the problems the family faces when living with elderly people, and the difficulties the latter have in living together with their family. To know these challenges and propose alternatives to face them in order to qualify people's relationships individually and in the family itself as an institution is a necessity regarded as relevant.
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Response proportions for household interview and individual older person interview1, at household level, by site.
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Associations between household status (no care vs incident care, chronic care and care exit) and out of pocket healthcare expenditure, catastrophic healthcare spending, and not engaging in education or paid work to care for an older adult.
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SELECTED SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSEHOLDS BY TYPE - DP02 Universe - Total households Survey-Program - American Community Survey 5-year estimates Years - 2020, 2021, 2022 The responses to this question were used to determine the relationships of all persons to the householder, as well as household type (married couple family, nonfamily, etc.). From responses to this question, we were able to determine numbers of related children, own children, unmarried partner households, and multigenerational households. We calculated average household and family size. When relationship was not reported, it was imputed using the age difference between the householder and the person, sex, and marital status.
A dataset of a survey of intergenerational relations among 2,044 adult members of some 300 three- (and later four-) generation California families: grandparents (then in their sixties), middle-aged parents (then in their early forties), grandchildren (then aged 16 to 26), and later the great-grandchildren as they turn age 16, and further surveys in 1985, 1988, 1991, 1994, 1997 and 2001. This first fully-elaborated generation-sequential design makes it possible to compare sets of parents and adult-children at the same age across different historical periods and addresses the following objectives: # To track life-course trajectories of family intergenerational solidarity and conflict over three decades of adulthood, and across successive generations of family members; # To identify how intergenerational solidarity, and conflict influence the well-being of family members throughout the adult life course and across successive generations; # To chart the effects of socio-historical change on families, intergenerational relationships, and individual life-course development during the past three decades; # To examine women''s roles and relationships in multigenerational families over 30 years of rapid change in the social trajectories of women''s lives. These data can extend understanding of the complex interplay among macro-social change, family functioning, and individual well-being over the adult life-course and across successive generations. Data Availability: Data from 1971-1997 are available through ICPSR as Study number 4076. * Dates of Study: 1971-2001 * Study Features: Longitudinal * Sample Size: ** 345 Three-generational families ** 2,044 Adults (1971 baseline) Link: * ICPSR: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/04076
This layer is symbolized to show the approximate percentage of households that are multigenerational households. Multigenerational households are households with three or more generations. These households include either (1) a householder, a parent or parent-in-law of the householder, and an own child of the householder, (2) a householder, an own child of the householder, and a grandchild of the householder, or (3) a householder, a parent or parent-in-law of the householder, an own child of the householder, and a grandchild of the householder. The householder is a person in whose name the home is owned, being bought, or rented, and who answers the survey questionnaire as person 1.Other fields included are estimates of mothers - females 18 to 64 with own children (biological, adopted, or step children) - by various race/ethnic groups, and by age group of children. Age groups were defined by the COVID vaccine age groups: 12 to 17, 5 to 11, and 0 to 4. We also included estimates for mothers of children in more than one of these groups.Data prep steps:Data downloaded on 4/5/22 from FTP site.All fields were calculated from the Census Bureau's 2016-2020 5-year American Community Survey Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) using this SAS program.Using the SAS-ArcGIS Bridge, the data table created in SAS was read into ArcGIS Pro and joined to this layer is PUMA, obtained from Living Atlas. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, a Public Use Micro-sample Area (PUMA) is a "non-overlapping, statistical geographic areas that partition each state or equivalent entity into geographic areas containing no fewer than 100,000 people each." The resulting layer in Pro was then published to ArcGIS Online.Disclaimer: All estimates here contain a margin of error. While they are not explicitly calculated and provided on this layer currently, we can and will add additional fields to provide the margins of error if the need arises.
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IntroductionBased on questions about impairments and activity limitations, the American Community Survey shows that roughly 13% of the U.S. population is experiencing disability. As most people live in households with other persons, this study explores disability at the household level. Considering the literature on household decision-making, solidarity, and capabilities in disability, this analysis of the household context of disability takes into account residential settings, household composition, and urban–rural differences.MethodThe 2015–2019 ACS Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS), which shows persons with disability (PwD) and persons without disability (PwoD), also indicates household membership, used here to separately identify PwoD as those living in households with persons with disability (PwoD_HHwD) and those in households without any household member with disability (PwoD_HHwoD). Relationship variables reveal the composition of households with and without disabilities. An adaption of Beale's rural–urban continuum code for counties is used to approximate rural–urban differences with ACS PUMS data.ResultsSolo living is two times as common among persons with disability than among persons without disability, and higher in rural than urban areas. In addition to 43 million PwD, there are another 42 million PwoD_HHwD. Two times as many persons are impacted by disability, either of their own or that of a household member, than shown by an analysis of individual-level disability. For family households, differences in the composition of households with and without disabilities are considerable with much greater complexities in the makeup of families with disability. The presence of multiple generations stands out. Adult sons or daughters without disability play an important role. Modest urban–rural differences exist in the composition of family households with disability, with a greater presence of multigenerational households in large cities.DiscussionThis research reveals the much wider scope of household-level disability than indicated by disability of individuals alone. The greater complexity and multigenerational makeup of households with disability imply intergenerational solidarity, reciprocity, and resource sharing. Household members without disability may add to the capabilities of persons with disabilities. For the sizeable share of PwD living solo, there is concern about their needs being met.
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Dependent children living in multi-generational family households and overcrowding of multi-generational family households.