Prior to the arrival of European explorers in the Americas in 1492, it is estimated that the population of the continent was around sixty million people. Over the next two centuries, most scholars agree that the indigenous population fell to just ten percent of its pre-colonization level, primarily due to the Old World diseases (namely smallpox) brought to the New World by Europeans and African slaves, as well as through violence and famine.

Distribution

It is thought that the most densely populated region of the Americas was in the fertile Mexican valley, home to over one third of the entire continent, including several Mesoamerican civilizations such as the Aztec empire. While the mid-estimate shows a population of over 21 million before European arrival, one estimate suggests that there were just 730,000 people of indigenous descent in Mexico in 1620, just one hundred years after Cortes' arrival. Estimates also suggest that the Andes, home to the Incas, was the second most-populous region in the Americas, while North America (in this case, the region north of the Rio Grande river) may have been the most sparsely populated region. There is some contention as to the size of the pre-Columbian populations in the Caribbean, as the mass genocides, forced relocation, and pandemics that followed in the early stages of Spanish colonization make it difficult to predict these numbers.

Varying estimates Estimating the indigenous populations of the Americas has proven to be a challenge and point of contention for modern historians. Totals from reputable sources range from 8.4 million people to 112.55 million, and while both of these totals were published in the 1930s and 1960s respectively, their continued citation proves the ambiguity surrounding this topic. European settlers' records from the 15th to 17th centuries have also created challenges, due to their unrealistic population predictions and inaccurate methodologies (for example, many early settlers only counted the number of warriors in each civilization). Nonetheless, most modern historians use figures close to those given in the "Middle estimate" shown here, with similar distributions by region.

About this dataset

Context

This list ranks the 1 cities in the Colonial Heights city, VA by Non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) population, as estimated by the United States Census Bureau. It also highlights population changes in each cities over the past five years.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 5-Year Estimates, including:

• 2019-2023 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2018-2022 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2017-2021 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2016-2020 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2015-2019 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates

Variables / Data Columns

• Rank by Non-Hispanic Native American Population: This column displays the rank of cities in the Colonial Heights city, VA by their Non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) population, using the most recent ACS data available.
• cities: The cities for which the rank is shown in the previous column.
• Non-Hispanic Native American Population: The Non-Hispanic Native American population of the cities is shown in this column.
• % of Total cities Population: This shows what percentage of the total cities population identifies as Non-Hispanic Native American. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• % of Total Colonial Heights city Non-Hispanic Native American Population: This tells us how much of the entire Colonial Heights city, VA Non-Hispanic Native American population lives in that cities. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• 5 Year Rank Trend: TThis column displays the rank trend across the last 5 years.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

In the past four centuries, the population of the Thirteen Colonies and United States of America has grown from a recorded 350 people around the Jamestown colony in Virginia in 1610, to an estimated 346 million in 2025. While the fertility rate has now dropped well below replacement level, and the population is on track to go into a natural decline in the 2040s, projected high net immigration rates mean the population will continue growing well into the next century, crossing the 400 million mark in the 2070s. Indigenous population Early population figures for the Thirteen Colonies and United States come with certain caveats. Official records excluded the indigenous population, and they generally remained excluded until the late 1800s. In 1500, in the first decade of European colonization of the Americas, the native population living within the modern U.S. borders was believed to be around 1.9 million people. The spread of Old World diseases, such as smallpox, measles, and influenza, to biologically defenseless populations in the New World then wreaked havoc across the continent, often wiping out large portions of the population in areas that had not yet made contact with Europeans. By the time of Jamestown's founding in 1607, it is believed the native population within current U.S. borders had dropped by almost 60 percent. As the U.S. expanded, indigenous populations were largely still excluded from population figures as they were driven westward, however taxpaying Natives were included in the census from 1870 to 1890, before all were included thereafter. It should be noted that estimates for indigenous populations in the Americas vary significantly by source and time period. Migration and expansion fuels population growth The arrival of European settlers and African slaves was the key driver of population growth in North America in the 17th century. Settlers from Britain were the dominant group in the Thirteen Colonies, before settlers from elsewhere in Europe, particularly Germany and Ireland, made a large impact in the mid-19th century. By the end of the 19th century, improvements in transport technology and increasing economic opportunities saw migration to the United States increase further, particularly from southern and Eastern Europe, and in the first decade of the 1900s the number of migrants to the U.S. exceeded one million people in some years. It is also estimated that almost 400,000 African slaves were transported directly across the Atlantic to mainland North America between 1500 and 1866 (although the importation of slaves was abolished in 1808). Blacks made up a much larger share of the population before slavery's abolition. Twentieth and twenty-first century The U.S. population has grown steadily since 1900, reaching one hundred million in the 1910s, two hundred million in the 1960s, and three hundred million in 2007. Since WWII, the U.S. has established itself as the world's foremost superpower, with the world's largest economy, and most powerful military. This growth in prosperity has been accompanied by increases in living standards, particularly through medical advances, infrastructure improvements, clean water accessibility. These have all contributed to higher infant and child survival rates, as well as an increase in life expectancy (doubling from roughly 40 to 80 years in the past 150 years), which have also played a large part in population growth. As fertility rates decline and increases in life expectancy slows, migration remains the largest factor in population growth. Since the 1960s, Latin America has now become the most common origin for migrants in the U.S., while immigration rates from Asia have also increased significantly. It remains to be seen how immigration restrictions of the current administration affect long-term population projections for the United States.

Graph and download economic data for Population Estimate, Total, Hispanic or Latino, American Indian and Alaska Native Alone (5-year estimate) in Colonial Heights City, VA (B03002015E051570) from 2009 to 2023 about Colonial Heights City, VA; American Indian; Richmond; AK; latino; hispanic; estimate; VA; 5-year; persons; population; and USA.

The European colonization of the Americas and Oceania introduced new diseases to biologically defenseless societies, and this resulted in a significant population decline among the indigenous populations in the early years of settlement. In the first two centuries of the Americas' colonization alone, the indigenous population dropped to just 10 percent of its pre-colonial level, with smallpox considered to have been the most destructive. Additionally, the indigenous populations of the Caribbean and Tasmania were virtually all wiped out. Growth through migration It was only through European settlement and the importation of African slaves that the population of the Americas began growing in the 18th century, while European and (to a lesser extent) Asian migration to both continents then saw this increase further between 1820 and 1950. However, growth peaked in Latin America and the Caribbean during the late-1900s, due to their relatively later demographic development. International comparison Compared to the rest of the world, annual average growth rates in these colonized and settled regions were much higher, due to high rates of migration and the fact that their starting populations were much smaller. While much of Africa and Asia was also colonized by Europeans, it was less likely to be settled in the same manner, and these populations were also familiar with the diseases carried by Europeans. The most significant demographic developments for these continents was the onset of their demographic transitions, which coincided with the periods of population growth.

Colonial Heights City, VA - Population Estimate, Total, Not Hispanic or Latino, American Indian and Alaska Native Alone (5-year estimate) in Colonial Heights city, VA was 52.00000 Persons in January of 2023, according to the United States Federal Reserve. Historically, Colonial Heights City, VA - Population Estimate, Total, Not Hispanic or Latino, American Indian and Alaska Native Alone (5-year estimate) in Colonial Heights city, VA reached a record high of 103.00000 in January of 2015 and a record low of 0.00000 in January of 2011. Trading Economics provides the current actual value, an historical data chart and related indicators for Colonial Heights City, VA - Population Estimate, Total, Not Hispanic or Latino, American Indian and Alaska Native Alone (5-year estimate) in Colonial Heights city, VA - last updated from the United States Federal Reserve on September of 2025.

The initial contact of European populations with indigenous populations of the Americas produced diverse admixture processes across North, Central, and South America. Recent studies have examined the genetic structure of indigenous populations of Latin America and the Caribbean and their admixed descendants, reporting on the genomic impact of the history of admixture with colonizing populations of European and African ancestry. However, relatively little genomic research has been conducted on admixture in indigenous North American populations. In this study, we analyze genomic data at 475,109 single-nucleotide polymorphisms sampled in indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest in British Columbia and Southeast Alaska, populations with a well-documented history of contact with European and Asian traders, fishermen, and contract laborers. We find that the indigenous populations of the Pacific Northwest have higher gene diversity than Latin American indigenous populations. Among the Pacific Northwest populations, interior groups provide more evidence for East Asian admixture, whereas coastal groups have higher levels of European admixture. In contrast with many Latin American indigenous populations, the variance of admixture is high in each of the Pacific Northwest indigenous populations, as expected for recent and ongoing admixture processes. The results reveal some similarities but notable differences between admixture patterns in the Pacific Northwest and those in Latin America, contributing to a more detailed understanding of the genomic consequences of European colonization events throughout the Americas.

Native Americans derive from a small number of Asian founders who likely arrived to the Americas via Beringia. However, additional details about the intial colonization of the Americas remain unclear. To investigate the pioneering phase in the Americas we analyzed a total of 623 complete mtDNAs from the Americas and Asia, including 20 new complete mtDNAs from the Americas and seven from Asia. This sequence data was used to direct high-resolution genotyping from 20 American and 26 Asian populations. Here we describe more genetic diversity within the founder population than was previously reported. The newly resolved phylogenetic structure suggests that ancestors of Native Americans paused when they reached Beringia, during which time New World founder lineages differentiated from their Asian sister-clades. This pause in movement was followed by a swift migration southward that distributed the founder types all the way to South America. The data also suggest more recent bi-directional gene flow between Siberia and the North American Arctic.

Genetic diversity of present American populations results from very complex demographic events involving different types and degrees of admixture. Through the analysis of lineage markers such as mtDNA and Y chromosome it is possible to recover the original Native American haplotypes, which remained identical since the admixture events due to the absence of recombination. However, the decrease in the effective population sizes and the consequent genetic drift effects suffered by these populations during the European colonization resulted in the loss or under-representation of a substantial fraction of the Native American lineages. In this study, we aim to clarify how the diversity and distribution of uniparental lineages vary with the different demographic characteristics (size, degree of isolation) and the different levels of admixture of extant Native groups in Colombia. We present new data resulting from the analyses of mtDNA whole control region, Y chromosome SNP haplogroups and STR haplotypes, and autosomal ancestry informative insertion-deletion polymorphisms in Colombian individuals from different ethnic and linguistic groups. The results demonstrate that populations presenting a high proportion of non-Native American ancestry have preserved nevertheless a substantial diversity of Native American lineages, for both mtDNA and Y chromosome. We suggest that, by maintaining the effective population sizes high, admixture allowed for a decrease in the effects of genetic drift due to Native population size reduction and thus resulting in an effective preservation of the Native American non-recombining lineages.

Mayan and Andean medicine included empirical perspectives and botanical cures that were transmitted in the urban spaces of colonial Spanish America, spaces themselves built over former Amerindian cities. Mayan and Andean peoples, whose histories included development of both urban and rural aspects of civilization, brought their medical knowledge to the Hispanic cities of the colonial Americas. In these cities, despite the disapproval and persecution of the Inquisition, Native American medicine gradually became part of the dominant culture. As this article will demonstrate, Mayan and Andean medical knowledge was absorbed by the “new cities” that Imperial Spain constructed in the colonial Americas, church disapproval notwithstanding. Cities and urban space became prime conduits for the circulation and incorporation of Native American medical knowledge among the newer Hispanic and mestizo population in the colonial Americas.

About this dataset

Context

This list ranks the 1 cities in the Colonial Heights city, VA by Indian population, as estimated by the United States Census Bureau. It also highlights population changes in each city over the past five years.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 5-Year Estimates, including:

• 2019-2023 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2014-2018 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates

Variables / Data Columns

• Rank by Indian Population: This column displays the rank of city in the Colonial Heights city, VA by their Indian population, using the most recent ACS data available.
• City: The City for which the rank is shown in the previous column.
• Indian Population: The Indian population of the city is shown in this column.
• % of Total City Population: This shows what percentage of the total city population identifies as Indian. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• % of Total Colonial Heights city Indian Population: This tells us how much of the entire Colonial Heights city, VA Indian population lives in that city. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• 5 Year Rank Trend: This column displays the rank trend across the last 5 years.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

The study of labor organization through the examination of craft production in complex societies has been a topic of intense scholarly interest (Blackman et al. 1993; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Shafer and Hester 1991). A number of scholars have hypothesized that goods produced in mass quantities by particular specialists can be recognized by their high degree of standardization or homogeneity (Blackman et al. 1993:61; Schiffer and Skibo 1997). As such, this study employs the theoretical framework that in an archaeological context it is possible to differentiate centralized production from noncentralized production by identifying any standardization or variation within the manufacturing techniques used and formal style of the final forms created. This study investigates the way labor was organized in the context of Native American and French populations in the western Great Lakes fur trade at Fort St. Joseph. Specifically, this study examines the degree of standardization or variation in the technological metalworking practices and morphological variation associated with one form of material culture – the tinkling cone.

It is presumed that the first humans migrated from Siberia to North America approximately twelve thousand years ago, where they then moved southwards to warmer lands. It was not until many centuries later that humans returned to the north and began to settle regions that are now part of Canada. Despite a few short-lived Viking settlements on Newfoundland around the turn of the first millennium CE, the Italian explorer Giovanni Caboto (John Cabot), became the first European to explore the coast of North America in the late 1400s. The French and British crowns both made claims to areas of Canada throughout the sixteenth century, but real colonization and settlement did not begin until the early seventeenth century. Over the next 150 years, France and Britain competed to take control of the booming fur and fishing trade, and to expand their overseas empires. In the Seven Year's War, Britain eventually defeated the French colonists in North America, through superior numbers and a stronger agriculture resources in the southern colonies, and the outcome of the war saw France cede practically all of it's colonies in North America to the British.

Increased migration and declining native populations

The early 1800s saw a large influx of migrants into Canada, with the Irish Potato Famine bringing the first wave of mass-migration to the country, with further migration coming from Scandinavia and Northern Europe. It is estimated that the region received just shy of one million migrants from the British Isles alone, between 1815 and 1850, which helped the population grow to 2.5 million in the mid-1800s and 5.5 million in 1900. It is also estimated that infectious diseases killed around 25 to 33 percent of all Europeans who migrated to Canada before 1891, and around a third of the Canadian population is estimated to have emigrated southwards to the United States in the 1871-1896 period. From the time of European colonization until the mid-nineteenth century, the native population of Canada dropped from roughly 500,000 (some estimates put it as high as two million) to just over 100,000; this was due to a mixture of disease, starvation and warfare, instigated by European migration to the region. The native population was generally segregated and oppressed until the second half of the 1900s; Native Canadians were given the vote in 1960, and, despite their complicated and difficult history, the Canadian government has made significant progress in trying to include indigenous cultures in the country's national identity in recent years. As of 2020, Indigenous Canadians make up more than five percent of the total Canadian population, and a higher birth rate means that this share of the population is expected to grow in the coming decades.

Independence and modern Canada

Canadian independence was finally acknowledged in 1931 by the Statute of Westminster, putting it on equal terms with the United Kingdom within the Commonwealth; virtually granting independence and sovereignty until the Canada Act of 1982 formalized it. Over the past century, Canada has had a relatively stable political system and economy (although it was hit particularly badly by the Wall Street Crash of 1929). Canada entered the First World War with Britain, and as an independent Allied Power in the Second World War; Canadian forces played pivotal roles in a number of campaigns, notably Canada's Hundred Days in WWI, and the country lost more than 100,000 men across both conflicts. The economy boomed in the aftermath of the Second World War, and a stream of socially democratic programs such as universal health care and the Canadian pension plan were introduced, which contributed to a rise in the standard of living. The post war period also saw various territories deciding to join Canada, with Newfoundland joining in 1949, and Nunavut in 1999. Today Canada is among the most highly ranked in countries in terms of civil liberties, quality of life and economic growth. It promotes and welcomes immigrants from all over the world and, as a result, it has one of the most ethnically diverse and multicultural populations of any country in the world. As of 2020, Canada's population stands at around 38 million people, and continues to grow due to high migration levels and life expectancy, and a steady birth rate.

Paleogenetic and paleopathological data from Tenetehara-Guajajara skeletal remains from Maranhão State, Brazil.

Human mtDNA haplogroups and HVS-I polymorphism in Tenetehara-Guajajara remains, Maranhão State, Brazil.

The European urban project established in America during the sixteenth-century deemed the city as the highest expression of civilization. This article shows the urban genealogy of the American "pueblos de indios" (Indian villages), built to concentrate the native population, and to teach them the Catholic doctrine. The urban form could be traced by comparing several architectural treatises considered "humanistic" that show the city as a medium to express a specific behavior; thus, the city was a pedagogical and emotional space to control the indigenous population. As a practice of good governance, the "pueblos de indios" materially condensed the "Spanish police" principles. Besides the humanistic background of the towns imposed in America, the project sought to homogenize the natives' behavior and beliefs.

aThe distance to Addis Ababa along waypoint routes.bGenome-wide mean haplotype heterozygosity and standard deviation across 22 chromosomes.cThe fraction of missing genotype data among the 475,109 total SNPs in the combined dataset, with the standard deviation taken across individuals within the population.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Colonial Heights city by race. It includes the population of Colonial Heights city across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Colonial Heights city across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

The percent distribution of Colonial Heights city population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 69.38% are white, 18.04% are Black or African American, 0.84% are American Indian and Alaska Native, 3.43% are Asian, 3.50% are some other race and 4.81% are multiracial.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (excluding ethnicity) for the Colonial Heights city
• Population: The population of the racial category (excluding ethnicity) in the Colonial Heights city is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Colonial Heights city total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Colonial Heights city Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Colonial Beach by race. It includes the population of Colonial Beach across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Colonial Beach across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

The percent distribution of Colonial Beach population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 77.79% are white, 14.81% are Black or African American, 0.56% are American Indian and Alaska Native, 1.27% are Asian, 0.76% are some other race and 4.81% are multiracial.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (excluding ethnicity) for the Colonial Beach
• Population: The population of the racial category (excluding ethnicity) in the Colonial Beach is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Colonial Beach total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Colonial Beach Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

At over four kilometers above sea level, Potosí, Bolivia is one of the highest cities in the world. According to census data from 2012, the population of Potosí was almost 176,000 people; a figure that is barely 16 thousand more than its estimated population four centuries before. It is estimated that the population of Potosí grew from 14 thousand in 1547, to 150 thousand by the turn of the 17th century (and some estimates suggest that it exceeded 200,000 in subsequent decades). With this explosion in population growth, Potosí quickly became the most populous city in the Americas, and was even larger than most European cities in the 17th century. This growth came following the discovery of silver deposits in 1545 in a nearby mountain, later named Cerro Rico ("Rich Hill"); this silver would provide a significant share of the Spanish crown's wealth during the 16th century, helping Spain grow to become the most powerful nation on earth at this time. Forced labor Following the defeat of the Incas in 1536, Spanish colonizers then subjugated the native populations of the Andes and put them to work. As it was impractical and expensive to transport African slaves to this region of the Andes, and the New Laws of 1542 prohibited the enslavement of indigenous Americans, the Spanish simply used violence and intimidation to force local populations to mine the silver at Potosí. The Incan tradition of Mit'a; where adult males were drafted to provide mandatory labor for the betterment of local infrastructure and facilities; was eventually appropriated by Spanish authorities as the legal basis of their demand for labor from local areas. It is estimated that one in every seven indigenous adult males was drafted from nearby communities to work in the mines of Potosí. Some reports suggest that the locals viewed this work as a death sentence, as the survival rate among drafted workers was fewer than 15 percent in some periods. There are further reports that forced laborers were expected to do the most strenuous tasks, which included carrying 25 or 45 kilogram sacks of silver along 300 meter shafts, as often as 25 times per day. The high death rate was not only due to over-intensive labor, accidents and injuries (cave-ins were common), but also malnutrition, disease and extreme temperatures and altitudes, as well as respiratory illnesses caused by the inhalation of dust, mercury and arsenic, among others.

"Valer un Potosí" Around the turn of the 17th century, the Spanish Americas produced almost all of the silver mined in the world. The Spanish crown claimed a significant share of this silver, and in some years, Potosí silver was responsible for a quarter of all Spanish revenues. This silver also played a significant part in the emergence of inter-continental trade, as a large portion of it was eventually used as currency for trade with China; some historians define this as the birth of the global economy. Eventually, the legend of Potosí grew, attracting thousands of voluntary workers from all over the Americas, as well as large numbers of Europeans in search of fortune. The silver deposits began to dry up in the mid-1600s, and the population dropped to just 60,000 by the end of the century, when silver output was just one third of its peak level. As time passed, the silver all but disappeared, and miners turned to other materials such as tin, zinc and copper (which continue to be procured today); however the legacy of Potosí's wealth continues and is used in the Spanish language when describing something of considerable value as being; "valer un Potosí" (worth a Potosí).