The 2021 Northern Ireland Census marked the first time since records began where the Catholic share of the population was larger than the combined Protestant share. In 2021, over 42 percent of the population classified themselves as Catholic or from a Catholic background, in comparison with 37 percent classified as Protestant or from a Protestant background. Additionally, the share of the population with no religion (or those who did not answer) was 19 percent; larger than any individual Protestant denomination. This marks a significant shift in demographic and societal trends over the past century, as Protestants outnumbered Catholics by roughly 2:1 when Northern Ireland was established in the 1920s. Given the Catholic community's historic tendency to be in favor of a united Ireland, many look to the changing religious composition of the population when assessing the potential for Irish reunification. Religion's historical influence A major development in the history of British rule in ireland was the Plantation of Ulster in the 1600s, where much of the land in the north (historically the most rebellious region) was seized from Irish Catholics and given to Protestant settlers from Britain (predominantly Scots). This helped establish Protestant dominance in the north, created a large section of the population loyal to the British crown, and saw a distinct Ulster-Scots identity develop over time. In the 1920s, the republican movement won independence for 26 of Ireland's 32 counties, however, the six counties in Ulster with the largest Protestant populations remained part of the UK, as Northern Ireland. Following partition, structural inequalities between Northern Ireland's Protestant and Catholic communities meant that the Protestant population was generally wealthier, better educated, more politically empowered, and had better access to housing, among other advantages. In the 1960s, a civil rights movement then emerged for equal rights and status for both sides of the population, but this quickly turned violent and escalated into a the three-decade long conflict now known as the Troubles.

The Troubles was largely fought between nationalist/republican paramilitaries (mostly Catholic), unionist/loyalist paramilitaries (mostly Protestant), and British security forces (including the police). This is often described as a religious conflict, however it is more accurately described as an ethnic and political conflict, where the Catholic community generally favored Northern Ireland's reunification with the rest of the island, while the Protestant community wished to remain in the UK. Paramilitaries had a large amount of support from their respective communities in the early years of the Troubles, but this waned as the conflict progressed into the 1980s and 1990s. Demographic and societal trends influenced the religious composition of Northern Ireland's population in these decades, as the Catholic community had higher fertility rates than Protestant communities, while the growing secularism has coincided with a decline in those identifying as Protestant - the dip in those identifying as Catholic in the 1970s and 1980s was due to a protest and boycott of the Census. The Troubles came to an end in 1998, and divisions between both sides of the community have drastically fallen, although they have not disappeared completely.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates about the religion or religion brought up in of the usual resident population of Northern Ireland, by broad age bands. The estimates are as at census day, 21 March 2021.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body.

'Age' is age at last birthday.

'Catholic' includes those who gave their religion or their religion brought up in as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

This table provides Census 2021 estimates that classify people by National identity (8 categories) by Religion (8 categories) for Northern Ireland. The table contains 64 counts.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

Political inequality between Catholic and Protestant communities was one of the key social issues in the 1960s in Northern Ireland, and the civil rights campaign that emerged in the pursuit of equal representation would eventually give way to the 30-year conflict that became known as the Troubles. Following Irish independence from Britain in the 1920s, the island of Ireland was partitioned and the six counties of Ireland with the largest Protestant populations remained in the UK as Northern Ireland. At the time of partition, the north's population was roughly two-thirds Protestant, one-third Catholic, which gave political dominance to unionist parties - generally seen as those representing Protestant communities' interests. However, despite the numerical advantage, the political system was rigged to further extend this political advantage. University students and business owners (both groups were overwhelmingly Protestant), were granted a second vote in Stormont (Northern Ireland's parliament) elections. In local elections, only ratepayers (i.e. the heads of households) and their spouses could vote - this excluded many Catholic adults who were living in multi-generational households, which was a symptom of Northern Ireland's housing shortage and inequalities in housing allocation between the two communities. Moreover, this meant that voters who paid rates (NI's council tax) on multiple properties could vote several times, on top of additional votes for business owners and companies, which were more likely to be Protestant. In addition to voting inequalities, districts were gerrymandered in favor of unionist parties. In combination, these factors often proved decisive in swinging elections to give unionist parties victory in Catholic-majority areas.

In Northern Ireland in the 1960s, widespread inequalities between the Catholic and Protestant communities led to a civil rights campaign, which later developed into a 30-year conflict known as the Troubles. Although Protestants made up around two-thirds of the north's population, they also had disproportionate control of the government and economy. As a result, the unemployment rate among Catholics was around 2.5 times higher than that of Protestants in the early-70s. As the conflict developed, high unemployment among young Catholic men in particular was a major factor in the growth of Republican paramilitary organizations such as the Irish Republican Army. The Fair Employment Act of 1976 sought to undo this inequality by promoting equal opportunities and prohibiting religious discrimination; however, unemployment grew even higher in the 1980s, with over a third of Catholic men unemployed by 1987.

This table provides Census 2021 estimates that classify people by Country of birth (12 categories) by Religion or religion brought up in for Northern Ireland. The table contains 48 counts.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

notes

1. 'EU' is the European Union and is as defined on census day (21 March 2021).
2. People who gave 'Cyprus' as their country of birth are included within the 'Europe: Other EU countries' category.
3. 'Europe: Other Non-EU countries' includes United Kingdom (part not specified) and Ireland (part not specified).
4. 'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body.
5. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in Northern Ireland by their religion. The estimates are as at census day, 21 March 2021. The religion classification used is a 32-category classification corresponding to the tick box options and write-in responses on the census questionnaire with at least 1,000 responses.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

This table reports responses for which there are 1,000 or more usual residents.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Data derived from weekly public opinion polls in the Netherlands in 1985 concerning social and political issues. Samples were drawn from the Dutch population aged 18 years and older.

All data from the surveys held between 1962 and 2000 are available in the DANS data collections.

Background variables:
Sex / age / religion / income / vote recall latest elections / party preference / level of education / union membership / professional status / < self > left-right rating / party alignment / province / degree of urbanization / weight factor.

Topical variables:
n8501: Elections of May 1986 / Voting intention / TV advertisement / Respondent's opinion about Rotary, Lions, Round Table, Odd Fellows / Purchasing power of minimum wages / Cruise missiles.
n8502: RSV affair.
n8504: Background of voting decision / Homosexual teachers and Christian schools / Respondent's opinion about: size of family, sexual freedom, making money, value of the United Nations for a better world.
n8506: Religious behaviour of Catholic respondents / Visit of the Pope / Position of the Catholic church in The Netherlands / Influence of "Rome" on behaviour of Dutch Catholics e.g. in cases of abortion, anti-conception.
n8507: Religious behaviour of Catholic respondents / Visit of the Pope / Position of the Catholic church in The Netherlands / Influence of "Rome" on behaviour of Dutch Catholics e.g. in cases of abortion, anti-conception.
n8508: RSV < Rijn-Schelde-Verolme > affair / Respondent's opinion about making money, working harder / Respect for authorities / Development of technology / Drugs.
n8510: TV acquaintance of several politicians / Scaling of qualities of politicians / Third TV network.
n8511: Background of voting decision / Computerization of public administration / Having a passport / Obligatory identity cards / Appreciation of TV commercials and magazine advertisement.
n8512: Acid rain / Causes and effects / Visiting a play, a museum, a concert, a cinema, a restaurant, other countries.
n8513: Voting intention elections 1986 / Commemoration of the Dead < of the Second World War > at the 4th of May and Liberation Day at the 5th of May.
n8514: Trust in political leaders / Car driving / Using safety belts / Maximum speed in traffic.
n8515: Voting intention at elections of 1986 / Preferred government coalition / Respondent's opinion about present government.
n8516: Respondent's experiences during 2nd World War / Opinions about resistance during 2nd World War / Expected attitudes during a next war / Effect of nuclear weapons / Necessity to celebrate liberation day / Interest in history of 2nd World War / Practicing several sports.
n8517: Cruise missiles / Subscribing the petition concerning cruise missiles / Membership of NATO / Influence of politics concerning cruise missiles on voting behaviour at next elections.
n8518: Readiness to change job / Preferred place of residence / Preferred family size / Preferred population development / Expectations concerning shorter working hours.
n8523: Star wars / Dutch participation in Star wars / Membership of NATO.
n8524: Cruise missiles / Nuclear energy / Subscribing the petition concerning cruise missiles / Membership of NATO / Drinking alcohol / Alcohol consumption.
n8526: Voting consequences for the 1986 elections, after fusion small leftist parties / Politics in the 1982-1986 government concerning economic restoration / FNV support of election campaign / Voting intention at the 1986 elections.
n8527: Respondent's voting intention at the elections of 1986 / Political party leaders.
n8528: Participation in sports / Topless recreation / Interest in Wimbledon and Tour de France / Sex before marriage / Which married women are happiest.
n8533: Following news about South-Africa / Having relatives in South Africa / Equal rights for all inhabitants of South Africa / Government measures against South Africa / Following news about Tamils in Sri Lanka, Protestants and Roman Catholics in Northern-Ireland, Conflicts in Zimbabwe, the Basques in Spain.
n8535: Membership of NATO / Government decision about cruise missiles / People's petition / Influence of government decision about cruise missiles on voting decision in 1986 / Importance of cruise missiles over other problems.
n8537: Membership of NATO / Government decision about cruise missiles / People's petition / Trust in various political leaders, advertisements and news magazines.
n8540: Membership of NATO / Placing cruise missiles on Dutch territories / Petition against cruise missiles.
n8543: Voting intention / Preferred leaders of D66, VVD and PvdA / Whether the governments latest decision about cruise missiles has to be carried out / Reasons accepting cruise missiles / Taking part in people's petition / Subscribing the petition concerning cruise missiles / Continuation of actions against stationing of cruise missiles.
n8544: Keeping pets /...

This table provides Census 2021 estimates that classify people by Economic Activity by Economic activity by Religion or religion brought up in for Northern Ireland. The table contains 56 counts.

The census collected information on the usually resident population of Northern Ireland on census day (21 March 2021). Initial contact letters or questionnaire packs were delivered to every household and communal establishment, and residents were asked to complete online or return the questionnaire with information as correct on census day. Special arrangements were made to enumerate special groups such as students, members of the Travellers Community, HM Forces personnel etc. The Census Coverage Survey (an independent doorstep survey) followed between 12 May and 29 June 2021 and was used to adjust the census counts for under-enumeration.

'Religion' indicates religion, religious denomination or body. 'Catholic' includes those who gave their current religion as Catholic or Roman Catholic.

Quality assurance report can be found here

BackgroundParticipating in physical activity benefits health, yet a majority of children remain inactive. The Daily Mile™ (TDM) originated in Scotland in 2012 with the aim of increasing primary school children’s physical fitness. Despite being a practically feasible and popular initiative, it remains unclear the extent to which schools implement TDM, and whether TDM core principles are adhered to (i.e., run or jog at least 3-days per week). In Northern Ireland it is unknown how many schools regularly participate in TDM, and whether there is an association between TDM participation with school type, school location, size, total number of children attending the school, school deprivation level, and/or motivation as measured by the COM-B model (Capabilities, Opportunities, Motivation model of behaviour). Therefore, this study aimed to quantify the uptake of TDM in Northern Ireland, assess whether schools are following the core principles, and analyse if there is an association between aforesaid demographic factors and TDM participation.MethodsAn online cross-sectional survey was sent to all primary and special education schools in Northern Ireland with the support of the Education Authority for Northern Ireland and the Public Health Agency for Northern Ireland. The survey was completed by the school principal or teacher, and was available from 31st August until 16th December 2022. Survey results were linked with the 2021/2022 Northern Ireland School Census Data and Northern Ireland Multiple Deprivation Measure 2017. Quantitative and qualitative questions were included in the survey to assess participation and implementation of TDM.ResultsThe survey received 609 school responses. After data cleaning, and removal of duplicates from schools a sample of 358 primary schools (45%) and 19 special education schools (47.5%) was analysed. Over half (54.7%) of primary schools and 36.8% of special education schools reported taking part in TDM. More special education needs schools reported taking part in their own version of an ‘active mile’ rather than TDM formally, and qualitative findings showed TDM was not perceived as appropriate for many children in special educational settings. There was wide variation in adherence to TDM core principles. A multivariate binary logistic regression model was fitted to the data, but it was not statistically significant (χ2(17) = 22.689, p = .160). However, univariate effects showed that increasing levels on COM-B (Capability) was associated with increased likelihood of TDM participation (OR = 2.506), and Catholic Maintained schools were almost twice as likely as Controlled schools to be delivering TDM (OR = 1.919). There was no association found between deprivation and TDM uptake.ConclusionEncouragingly over 50% of schools in Northern Ireland reported taking part in TDM. However, despite being a low-cost and practically feasible physical activity initiative, further intervention work with sound research methodology is needed to promote adherence to TDM core principles to maximise benefits to children’s health. Furthermore, concerted efforts are required to adjust TDM so that it is inclusive for all educational settings, and children’s abilities.

This dataset comprises the results of a survey of a cross section of the Northern Ireland population. Respondents were asked questions on a range of political attitudes and behaviour. The survey was conducted directly after the Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2016 and asks the following: full voting information as gathered via a mock ballot paper, full set of demographic questions including social class, religion, education, gender and suchlike, battery of political attitude questions on ethnonational, economic and moral themes, question on voting behaviour in the EU referendum, questions on political accountability, ethnic representation, candidate traits and other politically relevant questions.

Background information on the Power-Sharing and Voting: Conflict, Accountability and Electoral Behaviour at the 2015 Northern Ireland Assembly Election project:
When citizens in Northern Ireland cast their vote in the 2015 Northern Ireland Assembly election, almost two decades had passed since the Good Friday/ Belfast Agreement of 1998 established devolution and power-sharing. Thus, a rigorous analysis of the 2015 Assembly election allows careful consideration of the impact of the 'peace process' and the associated implementation of power-sharing governing structures.

The project investigates whether power-sharing has actually led to good quality electoral democracy for the people of Northern Ireland or has instead merely cemented and strengthened ethnic divisions. In the investigation, a number of specific questions are addressed.

• 1) Have the power-sharing institutions maintained or reduced the importance of ethno-national (Protestant British versus Catholic Irish) campaigning and voting at election time? The study compares the strength of ethno-national voting over the 1998-2015 period by linking the 2015 study to earlier ESRC funded studies in 1998 and 2003. The project assesses whether there has been an increase over time in 'cross bloc' voting (Protestants giving lower preference votes to nationalist parties, or Catholics giving lower preference votes to unionist parties). Also, it assesses whether the importance of ethno-national ideology (voting on the basis of nationalist versus unionist beliefs) has become more or less important over time. Furthermore, it compares ethno-national ideology to non-conflict ideologies (such as economic left-right views or moral liberal-conservative views).
• 2) Is electoral accountability possible? If there is only one party in government, it is easy for voters to identify who to hold responsible for government performance. In coalition governments it is harder for voters to clearly see which party to blame if things are going badly (or reward if things are going well). This difficulty is particularly acute when all of the parties are in Government and none are in Opposition, as is the case in Northern Ireland. We assess whether it is actually possible for voters to hold decision-makers to account in such a context.
• 3) Is there an emotional basis to voting? Following on from questions 1 and 2 the project assesses the conditions under which voters rely on either ethno-national voting or peformance-based voting. It investigates the role of emotions and assess whether anger is associated with voting on the basis of the ethno-national conflict while fear is associated with performance-based voting.
• 4) Does power-sharing discourage participation? Does the absence of a clear Opposition lead to reluctance to engage in politics? Also, does the sense that powersharing benefits one community over the other lead to alienation from politics, or non-electoral forms of political protest?
• 5) What are Northern Ireland citizens' attitudes to political reform (such as developing a strong Opposition that would hold the Government to account, or the regulation of sensitive cultural matters such as flag flying and parades)? How do citizens form such attitudes? Why is it that disagreement with suggested reform can spiral into violent street protest?

Answering these questions is important for understanding how democracy operates in the sensitive setting of Northern Ireland. The answers are also important for broader understanding of how to respond to violent ethnic conflict around the world. The 'Northern Ireland Model' is often held up as an impressive example of successful power-sharing and peace building. This analysis will provide a detailed critique of the quality of electoral democracy in the Northern Ireland example that will be important for peace builders around the world (including organisations such as the United Nations). The project will also maximise the relevance of the work for ordinary citizens in Northern Ireland, second level school teachers and students, Northern Ireland newspapers, documentary makers, and the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Information about further research by the same team is available on the Queen's University Belfast Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study 2016 webpages.