With almost all major religions being practiced throughout the country, India is known for its religious diversity. Islam makes up the highest share among minority faiths in the country. According to the Indian census of 2011, the Muslim population in Uttar Pradesh more than ** million, making it the state with the most Muslims.

Socio-economic conditions of Muslims
Muslims seem to lag behind every other religious community in India in terms of living standards, financial stability, education and other aspects, thereby showing poor performance in most of the fields. According to a national survey, 17 percent of the Muslims were categorized under the lowest wealth index, which indicates poor socio-economic conditions.

Growth of Muslim population in India
Islam is one of the fastest-growing religions worldwide. According to India’s census, the Muslim population has witnessed a negative decadal growth of more than ** percent from 1951 to 1960, presumably due to the partitions forming Pakistan and Bangladesh. The population showed a positive and steady growth since 1961, making up ** percent of the total population of India . Even though people following Islam were estimated to grow significantly, they would still remain a minority in India compared to *** billion Hindus by 2050.

India Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Urban data was reported at 68,740,419.000 Person in 2011. This records an increase from the previous number of 49,393,496.000 Person for 2001. India Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Urban data is updated yearly, averaging 59,066,957.500 Person from Mar 2001 (Median) to 2011, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 68,740,419.000 Person in 2011 and a record low of 49,393,496.000 Person in 2001. India Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Urban data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Census of India. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Demographic – Table IN.GAE001: Census: Population: by Religion.

In 2020, Indonesia recorded the largest population of Muslims worldwide, with around 239 million. This was followed with around 226.88 million Muslims in Pakistan and 213 million Muslims in India.

Islam is the major religion in many African countries, especially in the north of the continent. In Comoros, Libya, Western Sahara, at least 99 percent of the population was Muslim as of 202. These were the highest percentages on the continent. However, also in many other African nations, the majority of the population was Muslim. In Egypt, for instance, Islam was the religion of 79 percent of the people. Islam and other religions in Africa Africa accounts for an important share of the world’s Muslim population. As of 2019, 16 percent of the Muslims worldwide lived in Sub-Saharan Africa, while 20 percent of them lived in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Together with Christianity, Islam is the most common religious affiliation in Africa, followed by several traditional African religions. Although to a smaller extent, numerous other religions are practiced on the continent: these include Judaism, the Baha’i Faith, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Number of Muslims worldwide Islam is one of the most widespread religions in the world. There are approximately 1.9 billion Muslims globally, with the largest Muslim communities living in the Asia-Pacific region. Specifically, Indonesia hosts the highest number of Muslims worldwide, amounting to over 200 million, followed by India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Islam is also present in Europe and America. The largest Islamic communities in Europe are in France (5.72 million), Germany (4.95 million), and the United Kingdom (4.13 million). In the United States, there is an estimated number of around 3.45 million Muslims.

Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand data was reported at 1,406,825.000 Person in 03-01-2011. This records an increase from the previous number of 1,012,141.000 Person for 03-01-2001. Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand data is updated decadal, averaging 1,209,483.000 Person from Mar 2001 (Median) to 03-01-2011, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1,406,825.000 Person in 03-01-2011 and a record low of 1,012,141.000 Person in 03-01-2001. Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Demographic – Table IN.GAE003: Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim.

Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand: Male data was reported at 740,057.000 Person in 03-01-2011. This records an increase from the previous number of 539,740.000 Person for 03-01-2001. Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand: Male data is updated decadal, averaging 639,898.500 Person from Mar 2001 (Median) to 03-01-2011, with 2 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 740,057.000 Person in 03-01-2011 and a record low of 539,740.000 Person in 03-01-2001. Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim: Uttarakhand: Male data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. The data is categorized under India Premium Database’s Demographic – Table IN.GAE003: Census: Population: by Religion: Muslim.

Pew Research Center conducted face-to-face surveys among 29,999 adults (ages 18 and older) across 26 Indian states and three union territories in 17 languages. The sample includes interviews with 22,975 Hindus, 3,336 Muslims, 1,782 Sikhs, 1,011 Christians, 719 Buddhists and 109 Jains. An additional 67 respondents belong to other religions or are religiously unaffiliated. Six groups were targeted for oversampling as part of the survey design: Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and those living in the Northeast region. Interviews were conducted under the direction of RTI International from November 17, 2019, to March 23, 2020. Data collection used computer-assisted personal interviews (CAPI) after random selection of households.

This project was produced by Pew Research Center as part of the Pew-Templeton Global Religious Futures project, which analyzes religious change and its impact on societies around the world. Funding for the Global Religious Futures project comes from The Pew Charitable Trusts and the John Templeton Foundation.

Two reports focused on the findings from this data: •Religion in India: Tolerance and Segregation: https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2021/06/29/religion-in-india-tolerance-and-segregation/ •How Indians View Gender Roles in Families and Society: https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2022/03/02/how-indians-view-gender-roles-in-families-and-society/

Muslims acquires the second largest position in Indian population. India being a home for several eminent Muslim personalities, Muslimsreformation hasn’t been accountable ineducational, social, cultural, religious, economic, healthand political arena. The key tool for reforms is self-transformation. The life of Imam Ahmed Raza Khan Bareli is worth to learn and follow. His life and teachings adds value for every individual in self-transformationin specific and in Muslim reforms in general. This paper has focused on reforming of IndianMuslims by providing the understandings of life and teachings of Imam Ahmed Raza Khan Bareli in every aspects of life. Finally, on conclusion the efforts have imparted for the need of adopting the learning’s from Imam Ahmed Raza Khan Bareli life and the benefits attend by it.

Abstract

The second National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2), conducted in 1998-99, provides information on fertility, mortality, family planning, and important aspects of nutrition, health, and health care. The International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) coordinated the survey, which collected information from a nationally representative sample of more than 90,000 ever-married women age 15-49. The NFHS-2 sample covers 99 percent of India's population living in all 26 states. This report is based on the survey data for 25 of the 26 states, however, since data collection in Tripura was delayed due to local problems in the state.

IIPS also coordinated the first National Family Health Survey (NFHS-1) in 1992-93. Most of the types of information collected in NFHS-2 were also collected in the earlier survey, making it possible to identify trends over the intervening period of six and one-half years. In addition, the NFHS-2 questionnaire covered a number of new or expanded topics with important policy implications, such as reproductive health, women's autonomy, domestic violence, women's nutrition, anaemia, and salt iodization.

The NFHS-2 survey was carried out in two phases. Ten states were surveyed in the first phase which began in November 1998 and the remaining states (except Tripura) were surveyed in the second phase which began in March 1999. The field staff collected information from 91,196 households in these 25 states and interviewed 89,199 eligible women in these households. In addition, the survey collected information on 32,393 children born in the three years preceding the survey. One health investigator on each survey team measured the height and weight of eligible women and children and took blood samples to assess the prevalence of anaemia.

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

Three-quarters (73 percent) of the population lives in rural areas. The age distribution is typical of populations that have recently experienced a fertility decline, with relatively low proportions in the younger and older age groups. Thirty-six percent of the population is below age 15, and 5 percent is age 65 and above. The sex ratio is 957 females for every 1,000 males in rural areas but only 928 females for every 1,000 males in urban areas, suggesting that more men than women have migrated to urban areas.

The survey provides a variety of demographic and socioeconomic background information. In the country as a whole, 82 percent of household heads are Hindu, 12 percent are Muslim, 3 percent are Christian, and 2 percent are Sikh. Muslims live disproportionately in urban areas, where they comprise 15 percent of household heads. Nineteen percent of household heads belong to scheduled castes, 9 percent belong to scheduled tribes, and 32 percent belong to other backward classes (OBCs). Two-fifths of household heads do not belong to any of these groups.

Questions about housing conditions and the standard of living of households indicate some improvements since the time of NFHS-1. Sixty percent of households in India now have electricity and 39 percent have piped drinking water compared with 51 percent and 33 percent, respectively, at the time of NFHS-1. Sixty-four percent of households have no toilet facility compared with 70 percent at the time of NFHS-1.

About three-fourths (75 percent) of males and half (51 percent) of females age six and above are literate, an increase of 6-8 percentage points from literacy rates at the time of NFHS-1. The percentage of illiterate males varies from 6-7 percent in Mizoram and Kerala to 37 percent in Bihar and the percentage of illiterate females varies from 11 percent in Mizoram and 15 percent in Kerala to 65 percent in Bihar. Seventy-nine percent of children age 6-14 are attending school, up from 68 percent in NFHS-1. The proportion of children attending school has increased for all ages, particularly for girls, but girls continue to lag behind boys in school attendance. Moreover, the disparity in school attendance by sex grows with increasing age of children. At age 6-10, 85 percent of boys attend school compared with 78 percent of girls. By age 15-17, 58 percent of boys attend school compared with 40 percent of girls. The percentage of girls 6-17 attending school varies from 51 percent in Bihar and 56 percent in Rajasthan to over 90 percent in Himachal Pradesh and Kerala.

Women in India tend to marry at an early age. Thirty-four percent of women age 15-19 are already married including 4 percent who are married but gauna has yet to be performed. These proportions are even higher in the rural areas. Older women are more likely than younger women to have married at an early age: 39 percent of women currently age 45-49 married before age 15 compared with 14 percent of women currently age 15-19. Although this indicates that the proportion of women who marry young is declining rapidly, half the women even in the age group 20-24 have married before reaching the legal minimum age of 18 years. On average, women are five years younger than the men they marry. The median age at marriage varies from about 15 years in Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Andhra Pradesh to 23 years in Goa.

As part of an increasing emphasis on gender issues, NFHS-2 asked women about their participation in household decisionmaking. In India, 91 percent of women are involved in decision-making on at least one of four selected topics. A much lower proportion (52 percent), however, are involved in making decisions about their own health care. There are large variations among states in India with regard to women's involvement in household decisionmaking. More than three out of four women are involved in decisions about their own health care in Himachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, and Punjab compared with about two out of five or less in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and Rajasthan. Thirty-nine percent of women do work other than housework, and more than two-thirds of these women work for cash. Only 41 percent of women who earn cash can decide independently how to spend the money that they earn. Forty-three percent of working women report that their earnings constitute at least half of total family earnings, including 18 percent who report that the family is entirely dependent on their earnings. Women's work-participation rates vary from 9 percent in Punjab and 13 percent in Haryana to 60-70 percent in Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh.

FERTILITY AND FAMILY PLANNING

Fertility continues to decline in India. At current fertility levels, women will have an average of 2.9 children each throughout their childbearing years. The total fertility rate (TFR) is down from 3.4 children per woman at the time of NFHS-1, but is still well above the replacement level of just over two children per woman. There are large variations in fertility among the states in India. Goa and Kerala have attained below replacement level fertility and Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Punjab are at or close to replacement level fertility. By contrast, fertility is 3.3 or more children per woman in Meghalaya, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Nagaland, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh. More than one-third to less than half of all births in these latter states are fourth or higher-order births compared with 7-9 percent of births in Kerala, Goa, and Tamil Nadu.

Efforts to encourage the trend towards lower fertility might usefully focus on groups within the population that have higher fertility than average. In India, rural women and women from scheduled tribes and scheduled castes have somewhat higher fertility than other women, but fertility is particularly high for illiterate women, poor women, and Muslim women. Another striking feature is the high level of childbearing among young women. More than half of women age 20-49 had their first birth before reaching age 20, and women age 15-19 account for almost one-fifth of total fertility. Studies in India and elsewhere have shown that health and mortality risks increase when women give birth at such young ages?both for the women themselves and for their children. Family planning programmes focusing on women in this age group could make a significant impact on maternal and child health and help to reduce fertility.

INFANT AND CHILD MORTALITY

NFHS-2 provides estimates of infant and child mortality and examines factors associated with the survival of young children. During the five years preceding the survey, the infant mortality rate was 68 deaths at age 0-11 months per 1,000 live births, substantially lower than 79 per 1,000 in the five years preceding the NFHS-1 survey. The child mortality rate, 29 deaths at age 1-4 years per 1,000 children reaching age one, also declined from the corresponding rate of 33 per 1,000 in NFHS-1. Ninety-five children out of 1,000 born do not live to age five years. Expressed differently, 1 in 15 children die in the first year of life, and 1 in 11 die before reaching age five. Child-survival programmes might usefully focus on specific groups of children with particularly high infant and child mortality rates, such as children who live in rural areas, children whose mothers are illiterate, children belonging to scheduled castes or scheduled tribes, and children from poor households. Infant mortality rates are more than two and one-half times as high for women who did not receive any of the recommended types of maternity related medical care than for mothers who did receive all recommended types of care.

HEALTH, HEALTH CARE, AND NUTRITION

Promotion of maternal and child health has been one of the most important components of the Family Welfare Programme of the Government of India. One goal is for each pregnant woman to receive at least three antenatal check-ups plus two tetanus toxoid injections and a full course of iron and folic acid supplementation. In India, mothers of 65 percent of the children

Abstract: This research paper delves into the prevalence and cultural viewpoints around homosexuality in Singapore and India, with a specific focus on the Islamic position. It investigates the influence of social norms, legal concerns, religious beliefs, and cultural values on the perceptions of homosexuality within these locations. This analysis explores the discourse around homosexuality within Western countries, examines the Islamic viewpoint on this matter, and addresses the inquiry of the potential criminalization of homosexuality under the Islamic framework. The essay elucidates the influence exerted by media and online communities on public sentiment, while also shedding light on the possible detriments incurred by the community. The text also addresses the Indian government's hesitance to revoke Section 377A, despite the fact that its previous colonial power, Britain, no longer considers homosexuality a criminal offence. Furthermore, this article examines the perspectives on homosexuality in various nations and underscores the influential role of societal norms and values in the formulation and implementation of legal frameworks. This study examines the multifaceted dynamics surrounding the media's involvement and the use of jail as a punitive measure for homosexuality. Additionally, it explores the opinions of LGBT Muslims residing in Singapore and the viewpoints of Islamic groups in India. Ultimately, the paper provides suggestions about the societal approach to the matter of homosexuality.

Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism (ISCA) at Indiana University Dataset on bias against Asians, Blacks, Jews, Latines, and Muslims

The ISCA project compiled this dataset using an annotation portal, which was used to label tweets as either biased or non-biased, among other labels. Note that the annotation was done on live data, including images and context, such as threads. The original data comes from annotationportal.com. They include representative samples of live tweets from the years 2020 and 2021 with the keywords "Asians, Blacks, Jews, Latinos, and Muslims". A random sample of 600 tweets per year was drawn for each of the keywords. This includes retweets. Due to a sampling error, the sample for the year 2021 for the keyword "Jews" has only 453 tweets from 2021 and 147 from the first eight months of 2022 and it includes some tweets from the query with the keyword "Israel." The tweets were divided into six samples of 100 tweets, which were then annotated by three to seven students in the class "Researching White Supremacism and Antisemitism on Social Media" taught by Gunther Jikeli, Elisha S. Breton, and Seth Moller at Indiana University in the fall of 2022, see this report. Annotators used a scale from 1 to 5 (confident not biased, probably not biased, don't know, probably biased, confident biased). The definitions of bias against each minority group used for annotation are also included in the report. If a tweet called out or denounced bias against the minority in question, it was labeled as "calling out bias." The labels of whether a tweet is biased or calls out bias are based on a 75% majority vote. We considered "probably biased" and "confident biased" as biased and "confident not biased," "probably not biased," and "don't know" as not biased.
The types of stereotypes vary widely across the different categories of prejudice. While about a third of all biased tweets were classified as "hate" against the minority, the stereotypes in the tweets often matched common stereotypes about the minority. Asians were blamed for the Covid pandemic. Blacks were seen as inferior and associated with crime. Jews were seen as powerful and held collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel. Some tweets denied the Holocaust. Hispanics/Latines were portrayed as being in the country illegally and as "invaders," in addition to stereotypical accusations of being lazy, stupid, or having too many children. Muslims, on the other hand, were often collectively blamed for terrorism and violence, though often in conversations about Muslims in India.

Content:

This dataset contains 5880 tweets that cover a wide range of topics common in conversations about Asians, Blacks, Jews, Latines, and Muslims. 357 tweets (6.1 %) are labeled as biased and 5523 (93.9 %) are labeled as not biased. 1365 tweets (23.2 %) are labeled as calling out or denouncing bias. 1180 out of 5880 tweets (20.1 %) contain the keyword "Asians," 590 were posted in 2020 and 590 in 2021. 39 tweets (3.3 %) are biased against Asian people. 370 tweets (31,4 %) call out bias against Asians. 1160 out of 5880 tweets (19.7%) contain the keyword "Blacks," 578 were posted in 2020 and 582 in 2021. 101 tweets (8.7 %) are biased against Black people. 334 tweets (28.8 %) call out bias against Blacks. 1189 out of 5880 tweets (20.2 %) contain the keyword "Jews," 592 were posted in 2020, 451 in 2021, and ––as mentioned above––146 tweets from 2022. 83 tweets (7 %) are biased against Jewish people. 220 tweets (18.5 %) call out bias against Jews. 1169 out of 5880 tweets (19.9 %) contain the keyword "Latinos," 584 were posted in 2020 and 585 in 2021. 29 tweets (2.5 %) are biased against Latines. 181 tweets (15.5 %) call out bias against Latines. 1182 out of 5880 tweets (20.1 %) contain the keyword "Muslims," 593 were posted in 2020 and 589 in 2021. 105 tweets (8.9 %) are biased against Muslims. 260 tweets (22 %) call out bias against Muslims.

File Description:

The dataset is provided in a csv file format, with each row representing a single message, including replies, quotes, and retweets. The file contains the following columns:
'TweetID': Represents the tweet ID.
'Username': Represents the username who published the tweet (if it is a retweet, it will be the user who retweetet the original tweet.
'Text': Represents the full text of the tweet (not pre-processed). 'CreateDate': Represents the date the tweet was created.
'Biased': Represents the labeled by our annotators if the tweet is biased (1) or not (0). 'Calling_Out': Represents the label by our annotators if the tweet is calling out bias against minority groups (1) or not (0). 'Keyword': Represents the keyword that was used in the query. The keyword can be in the text, including mentioned names, or the username.

Licences

Data is published under the terms of the "Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International" licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0)

Acknowledgements

We are grateful for the technical collaboration with Indiana University's Observatory on Social Media (OSoMe). We thank all class participants for the annotations and contributions, including Kate Baba, Eleni Ballis, Garrett Banuelos, Savannah Benjamin, Luke Bianco, Zoe Bogan, Elisha S. Breton, Aidan Calderaro, Anaye Caldron, Olivia Cozzi, Daj Crisler, Jenna Eidson, Ella Fanning, Victoria Ford, Jess Gruettner, Ronan Hancock, Isabel Hawes, Brennan Hensler, Kyra Horton, Maxwell Idczak, Sanjana Iyer, Jacob Joffe, Katie Johnson, Allison Jones, Kassidy Keltner, Sophia Knoll, Jillian Kolesky, Emily Lowrey, Rachael Morara, Benjamin Nadolne, Rachel Neglia, Seungmin Oh, Kirsten Pecsenye, Sophia Perkovich, Joey Philpott, Katelin Ray, Kaleb Samuels, Chloe Sherman, Rachel Weber, Molly Winkeljohn, Ally Wolfgang, Rowan Wolke, Michael Wong, Jane Woods, Kaleb Woodworth, and Aurora Young. This work used Jetstream2 at Indiana University through allocation HUM200003 from the Advanced Cyberinfrastructure Coordination Ecosystem: Services & Support (ACCESS) program, which is supported by National Science Foundation grants #2138259, #2138286, #2138307, #2137603, and #2138296.

In this dissertation, I will explain the essential influence of the Indian Sufi scholar, Shah Wali Allah Dihlawi (d. 1762) on the trajectory of the Indian Islamic tradition, and simultaneously, show how central his Sufi tradition was to a broader Islamic tradition in the Arabia peninsula, while being grounded in the very particular Indian indigenous setting. As Wali Allah has typically been read as a reformer with an eye towards modernity, this dissertation largely ignores the reception of Wali Allah by other later important Indian scholars to show the worldview of Sufi scholars in India, their practical daily interactions, and the intellectual contributions they made to a wider conversation about the connection of God to the world. In doing so, Wali Allah systematized several different traditions, from that of the Islamic philosophers to the Sufi tradition, the disciplines of Prophetic reports, and Islamic legal theory. His wide-ranging exploration of the disciplines of the Islamic sciences are lauded until today by very different scholars, some modernist, some traditionalists, and they emphasize very different aspects of his work depending on which Wali Allah they find in the early modern sources. Thus, he is a critic of Sufi practice for some, a jurisprudential theorist for others, but all South Asian Muslims agree that he is the epitome of the South Asian Islamic tradition. However, the overall emphasis on Islamic legalism as the core or essence of Islamic thought by Western scholars and traditional scholars alike has diverted attention from what may seem obvious after reading this dissertation: Sufism was the center of Wali Allah’s world, and this was largely due to an affective interest in interacting with God and the metaphysical realities whereby one could get to know God as Reality. Through the figure of the Prophet Muhammad, Sufis like Wali Allah were able to connect to the Unseen Realm and come to know God. All worldly disciplinary knowledge was secondary to this ultimate goal. Sufis did participate in disciplines like history, law, and exegesis that had their own rules, but this time period is uniquely interesting for the self-possessed way Sufis like Wali Allah waded into contemporary intellectual debates in a wide range of disciplines that are seen as beyond the purview of Sufism. The “irrationality” of these ideas has been ignored by modern scholars due to a series of anachronistic readings and political projects that have used Wali Allah’s thought in ever more materialist scholarly settings. Frankly, the Sufi mentality that animates his interests became too embarrassing to engage. This dissertation attempts to give credence to the social and scholarly Sufism that produced intellectual works in the eighteenth century, and did so without being interested in European scholarly innovations at the same time. It was not only that Sufis had their own worldview that they were interested in expounding, they also did not need to respond to Europeans because they were not intellectually challenged by European ideas as of yet. These circumstances would quickly change in 1803 after the British took over Delhi, the symbolic center of many layers of meaning for South Asians living in Hindustan, from sovereignty of the Mughal emperors, to the layers of sacred geographies that ensconced the subcontinent in divine grace accessed by holy men for efficacious worldly spiritual benefits.

As of 2010, Christianity was the religion with the most followers worldwide, followed by Islam (Muslims) and Hinduism. In the forty years between 2010 and 2050, it is projected that the landscape of world religions will undergo some noticeable changes, with the number of Muslims almost catching up to Christians. The changes in population sizes of each religious group is largely dependent on demographic development, for example, the rise in the world's Christian population will largely be driven by population growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, while Muslim populations will rise across various regions of Africa and South Asia. As India's population is set to grow while China's goes into decline, this will be reflected in the fact that Hindus will outnumber the unaffiliated by 2050. In fact, India may be home to both the largest Hindu and Muslim populations in the world by the middle of this century.

Risâla-i-âghâz u anjâm

This manuscript is now IO Islamic 1807 in the India Office collections.

[metadata: Hermann Ethé, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, 2 vols. (Oxford: India Office, 1903): volume 1, number 1234 here with notations and hyperlinks].

1807

Risâla-i-âghâz u anjâm (رسالۀ آغاز و انجام).

A treatise on resurrection and future life from the Ṣûfic standpoint, by the great philosopher and astronomer Naṣir-aldîn Muḥammad bin Muḥammad bin al-Ḥasan al-Ṭûsî, who was born in Ṭûs, A.H. 597, the 11th of Jumâdâ-alawwal (A.D. 1201, Feb. 17), and died in Baghdâd, A.H. 672, the 672, the 18th of Dhû-alḥijjah (A.D. 1274, June 25) ; comp. on his life Haft Iḳlim, No. 1007 (col. 451 in this Cat., where his biography is given under the section ׳Sâwa,׳ since his family originally belonged to that town) ; Rieu ii. p. 441 sq.; Ḥabîb-ussiyar iii. Juz 1, p. 60 ; Bodleian Cat., No. 1435 sq. ; A. Jourdain in Magasin encyclopédique, 1809, t. vi. p. 87 sq. He wrote besides his strictly scientific works a number of shorter Ṣûfic tracts, of which the present and the two following ones are the most prominent.

An extensive list of his literary composition is given in the Majâlis-almu׳minîn (No. 704 in this Cat.).

This risâlah is divided into twenty faṣls, the headings of which are given in Bodleian Cat., No. 1422, vi (col. 863); see also Rieu ii. p. 830a, No. XVI. It is also frequently styled تذكره.

Beginning: ربّنا لا تزغ قلوبنا بعد اذ هيدتنا و هب لنا من لدنك الخ.

Copied in the month Jumâdâ I, A.H. 1176 (A.D. 1762, Nov.-Dec.), at مونكير.

No.1234, ff. 177b-198a, ll. 18 ; Naskhî ; size, 8 in. by 43/8 in.

• Jâmî's-Bâgh-i-Iram.
• This manuscript is now IO Islamic 1390 in the India Office collections.
• [metadata: Hermann Ethé, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, 2 vols. (Oxford: India Office, 1903): volume 1, number 273 here with notations and hyperlinks].

Poets who died between A.H. 900 and 1000.

1390

Bâgh-i-Iram (باغ ارم).

The garden of Iram, or the story of Bahrâm and Bihrûz, an epic poem by Maulânâ Kamâl-aldîn Bannâ’î of Harât, who was killed in the massacre of Shâh Isma’îl at Samarḳand, A.H. 918 (A.D. 1512, 1513); comp. on the poet’s life and works Bodleian Cat., No. 987; A. Sprenger, Catal., p. 372; A. F. Mehren, p. 41; Notices et Extraits iv. p. 289; see also Haft Iḳlîm, No. 635 (col. 424 in this Cat.); Âtashkada, No. 291 (ib. col. 273), etc. The poem is usually styled بهرام و بهروز (see also Rieu i. p. 351^b); but the genuine title appears here, on fol. 33^a, l. 6:

نام او شد نهال باغ ارم – تا كه روشن كند چراغ ارم

(the word نهال being an apparent misspelling for نهاده, as the Bodleian copy has); in his lyrical poems Bannâ’î used Ḥâlî as takhalluṣ (see Âtashkada and Sprenger, loc. cit.). Beginning of the poem, on fol. 1^b:

اى وجود تواصل كلّ وجود – هستى و بودۀ و خواهى بود

(an initial bait which has been closely imitated by Hilâlî in his شاه و گدا, see further below, Nos. 1426 – 1429); on fol. 1^a, the author is called by mistake Thanâ’î instead of Bannâ’î. The right order of ff. 262-265 is: 262, 264, 263, 265.

No. 273, ff. 269, 2 coll., each ll. 15; Nasta’lîḳ; collated throughout; size, 8^1/8 in. by 4^3/8 in.

Halal Frozen Entrees Market Outlook

According to our latest research, the Global Halal Frozen Entrees market size was valued at $7.8 billion in 2024 and is projected to reach $15.6 billion by 2033, expanding at a CAGR of 8.1% during 2024–2033. One of the major factors propelling the growth of this market globally is the rising demand for convenient, ready-to-eat halal-certified food options among the growing Muslim population and health-conscious consumers. This trend is further reinforced by increasing urbanization, busy lifestyles, and the proliferation of modern retail formats, which have significantly enhanced the accessibility and visibility of halal frozen entrees worldwide. As consumers seek products that align not only with religious dietary requirements but also with modern convenience, manufacturers are innovating and expanding their product portfolios to cater to evolving preferences and dietary needs, thus driving robust market expansion.

Regional Outlook

The Asia Pacific region commands the largest share in the global halal frozen entrees market, accounting for over 38% of the total market value in 2024. This dominance can be attributed to the region’s substantial Muslim population, particularly in countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, India, and Pakistan, where halal dietary compliance is a critical aspect of daily life. The maturity of the halal food sector in these countries, combined with supportive government policies and robust certification frameworks, has fostered a thriving market environment. Additionally, the presence of established local brands, extensive distribution networks, and increasing investments in cold chain infrastructure have further solidified Asia Pacific’s leadership in the halal frozen entrees market. The region’s well-developed retail sector, including supermarkets and hypermarkets, has also played a pivotal role in making halal frozen meals readily available to a broad consumer base.

In terms of growth momentum, the Middle East & Africa region is projected to register the fastest CAGR of 10.5% during the forecast period. This surge is primarily driven by a combination of factors, including rapid urbanization, rising disposable incomes, and a youthful demographic profile with a preference for convenient meal solutions. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Egypt are witnessing increased investment in food processing and retail infrastructure, aimed at catering to both domestic and expatriate Muslim populations. The region’s strong regulatory emphasis on halal compliance, coupled with government-led initiatives to promote local food manufacturing, has attracted significant investments from global and regional players. Furthermore, the growing influence of Western-style retail formats and the proliferation of e-commerce channels are making halal frozen entrees more accessible than ever before, thereby fueling market growth.

Emerging economies in Latin America and parts of Europe are also experiencing a gradual but notable rise in the adoption of halal frozen entrees. However, these markets face unique challenges, such as limited consumer awareness, fragmented certification standards, and logistical constraints in maintaining the halal integrity of frozen products throughout the supply chain. In Latin America, the increasing Muslim immigrant population and rising interest in ethnic and specialty foods are gradually boosting demand, while European countries like France, Germany, and the UK are witnessing localized demand spikes due to multicultural urban centers. Policymakers and industry stakeholders in these regions are working to address certification and distribution hurdles, which, if resolved, could unlock significant untapped potential in the coming years.

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• Nasâ’im-i-ghauthiyyah
• This manuscript is now IO Islamic 1801 in the India Office collections.
• [metadata: Hermann Ethé, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, 2 vols. (Oxford: India Office, 1903): volume 1, number 638 here with notations and hyperlinks].

1801

Nasâ’im-i-ghauthiyyah (نسائم غوثيّه).

Another, but shorter, biography of Shaikh ‘Abd-alḳâdir Jîlânî, likewise by an anonymous author. No date of composition appears. The book is divided into eleven نسيم , and gives a description of the life and wonderful deeds of the great Shaikh. Beginning:

يا مالك الملوك لنا انت مقصد – يا ذوالجلال ملكك ملك مؤيّد الخ

Copied by ‘Abd-almuḥyî (!)-aldîn ibn Âḳâ Ghiyâth-aldîn. No date

No. 638, ff. 95, ll. 17 ; Naskhî ; size, 9¼ in. by 5¼ in.

• Dîwân-i-Brahman
• This manuscript is now IO Islamic 1574 in the India Office collections.
• [metadata: Hermann Ethé, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, 2 vols. (Oxford: India Office, 1903): volume 1, number 1189 here with notations and hyperlinks].

1574

Dîwân-i-Brahman(ديوان برهمن).

Lyrical poems by Ćandarbhân Brahman of Patyâla or Lâhûr, who flourished under Shâhjahân, was munshî to this emperor as well as to prince Dârâ Shukûh, and died, according to the Mirât-i-Jahânnumâ (see No. 126 above) , A.H. 1068 (A.D. 1657, 1658); other authorities, for instance, the Mirât-alkhayâl, No. 78 (col. 209 in the Bodleian Cat.), fix his death in A.H. 1073 (A.D. 1662, 1663); comp. Bodleian Cat., Nos. 1123, 1385, and 1386; Rieu i. p. 397 sq.; ii. p. 838^b; iii. p. 1087^a; A. Sprenger, Catal., pp. 110, 119, and 376; Makhzan-algharâ’ib, No. 404 (col. 324 in the Bodleian Cat.). Beside his dîwân he wrote various collections of letters and refined prose-writings, for instance, the چهار چمن (a description of Shâhjahân’s court and memoir of his own life), the منشآت برهمن or رقعات برهمن, the گلدسته, كارنامه, تحفة الوزرا, تحفة الفصحا, مجمع الوزراء, etc., see Bodleian Cat. and Rieu, loc. cit.

This dîwân contains:

Ghazals, in alphabetical order, on fol. 1^b, beginning:

اى برتر از تصوّر وهم وگمان ما

وى در ميان ما وبرون از ميان ما

Rubâ’îs, on fol. 55^a, beginning:

ما را چو بحال خود شناشا ( شناسا read) كردى

كردى (Correctly in the Bodleian copy: گل و ز قطره دريا) از خار گل قطره زدريا

The original dîwân closes on fol. 58^b and is dated the 19th of Dhû-alḥijjah, A.H. 1143 (A.D.1731, June 25); on ff. 59-67 a supplementary collection of ghazals by the same poet is added, rhyming in ت, د, ز, م, ن, و, ه, and ى. No ghazals rhyming in و and ه are found in the principal part of the dîwân.

No. 1189, ff. 67, 2 coll., each ll. 15; careless Nasta’lîḳ, mixed with Shikasta; size, 8^1/4 in. by 4^5/8 in.

Kulliyyât-i-Jâmî.

This manuscript is now IO Islamic 1300 in the India Office collections.

[metadata: Hermann Ethé, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, 2 vols. (Oxford: India Office, 1903): volume 1, number 800 here with notations and hyperlinks].

Jâmî (Nos. 1300-1389).

1300

Kulliyyât-i-Jâmî (كلّيّات جامی).

A very old, but somewhat defective, copy of the complete poetical works of Nûr-aldîn ‘Abd-alraḥmân Jâmî, usually styled the last great classical poet of Persia, who was born in Kharjird near Jâm the 23rd of Shâbân, A.H. 817 (A.D. 1414, Nov. 7), and died at Harât the 18th of Muḥarram, A.H. 898 (A.D. 1492, Nov. 9); see on his life and works. Rosenzweig, Biographische Notizen über Mewlana Abdurrahman Dschami, etc., 1840; Jourdain, Biogr. Universelle, vol. xi. P. 431; De Sacy in Notices, et Extraits, vol. xii. P. 287; Journal Ouseley, Biogr. Notices, pp. 131-138; W. Nassau Lees, A Biographical Sketch of the mystic philosopher and poet Jâmî (being the preface to his ‘Lives of the Mystics’), Calcutta, 1859; E. Fitzgerald, Notice of Jâmî’s life, in his, English translation of ‘Salâmân and Absâl,’ London, 1879; S. Robinson, Persian Poetry for English Readers, 1883, p. 511 sq.; Rosen, Persian MSS., pp. 215-261 (where a most elaborate account of the precious autograph of the poet’s Kulliyyât is given, and many old errors have for ever been removed); Bodleian Cat., Nos. 894-976; Rieu i. p. 17, and ii. pp. 643-650; W. Pertsch, p. 102, and Berlin Cat., pp. 867-883; A. Sprenger, Catal., pp. 447-451; Cat. des MSS. et Xylographes, p. 369 sq.; G. Flügel i. pp. 564-575; J. Aumer, pp.30-33, etc. Nearly all collections of Persian MSS. Contain a certain number of Jâmî’s works (see besides on the printed literature, Zenker ii. pp. 38 and 39).

The present copy, which was written only twenty-five years after the poet’s death, contains:

A.First portion

I.Two centre-columns on ff. 1-463.

1.The first dîwân (otherwise styled فاتحة الشباب, ‘The Beginning of Youth;’ the title كتاب ديوان اوّل is here wrongly prefixed to the second part, on fol. 65b), in two parts, viz.:

a. Ḳaṣîdas, tarji’ât, marâthî, and short mathnawîs, preceded by the usual preface, which is defective at the beginning, the first leaf being missing; the first words on fol. 1a: كه سيّاحان بحر شعرند جمع ساخته الخ…..

correspond to Rosen, Persian MSS., p. 228, l. 4, and No. 2628 (1301 in this Cat.), fol. 1b, last line; the date of composition, A.H. 884=A.D. 1479, 1480 (بر روی صدف نهاد یک دانه گهر), appears here on fol. 3b, l.6. Immediately after that the ḳaṣîdas and tarji’bands begin on fol. 3b, l. 8, the first being headed: تحميد خداوند تعالى و تقدّس; the first bait: زان پیش کز مداد دهم خامه را مدد الخ ; the mathnawîs begin, on fol. 61a:

بنام خدای که پست و بلند

ز خورشید فضلش بود بهره مند

b. Ghazals, ḳiṭ’as, and rubâ’is, beginning, on fol. 65b, with the same six unalphabetical poems as in Rosen, loc. cit., p. 234; first bait:

بسم الله الرّحمن الرّحيم – اعظم اسماء عليم حكيم

The first alphabetical ghazal begins, on fol. 67b:

يا من بدا جمالك في كلّ ما بدا

بادا هزار جان مقدّس ترا فدا

The proper order of ff. 1-141 is: 1-38, 61-140, 39-60, 141. After ff. 206 and 239 there are lacunas; the first comprises some poems in ن, all in و, and a considerable number in ه (the last bait, on fol. 206b, corresponds to fol. 254b, l. 10, in the following copy; and the first, on fol. 207a, to fol. 273a, first line, in the same copy); the second comprises all the baits of the last ghazal in ى, except the first two, and six ḳiṭ’as (corresponding to fol. 307a, I. 13-fol. 308a, lin. penult., in the following copy); the first ḳiṭ’ah that appears here begins: برای نعمت دنيى كه خاك بر سر آن الخ (=fol. 308a, last line, in the same copy); the rubâ’îs, on fol. 243a, begins as in Rosen, p. 238: سبحانك لا علم لنا الاّ ما الخ. This first dîwân is dated by the transcriber (whose name, Sulṭân Muḥammad of Harât, appears on fol. 463b) the 3rd of Ramaḍân, A.H. 923 (A.D. 1517, Sept. 19). Printed Constantiople, A.H. 1284. Other copies of this dîwân are noticed in Bodleian Cat., No 894, 22; No. 895, 24; No. 896, 9 and 10; and Nos. 947-954; Rieu ii. p. 643; W. Pertsch, pp. 102 and 103, and Berlin Cat., Nos. 867-870; A. Sprenger, Catal., p. 448, No. 1; Cat. des MSS. et Xylographes, No. 422, ff. 407b-570b, centre; A.F. Mehren, p. 41; J. C. Tornberg, p. 106; Cat. Codd. Or. Lugd. Bat. ii. p. 120; Krafft, p. 68; G. Flügel i. pp. 570 and 571, Nos. 595 and 596; J. Aumer, p. 30, etc.

2.The second dîwân (كتاب ديوان ثانى, otherwise styled واسطة العقد, ‘The Middle of the Chain’), containing:

A preface in prose, on fol. 252b, beginning: بسم الله الرّحمن الرّحيم – املى حمد المنّان الكريم الخ , see Rosen, p. 239. The date of composition, A.H. 894= A.D. 1489 (contained in the ta’rîkh چو تمّمته), appears here on fol. 253a, lin. penult., whereas the wrong date, A.H. 884, which has caused so many mistakes, appears in the same page, l. 6; see on the question of this date, Rosen, p. 256.

Ḳaṣîdas, on fol. 253b (with one tarkîbband, on fol. 260a), beginning as in Rosen, p. 240, with a ḳaṣidah, فى توحيد بارى عزّ اسمه ; initial bait: درين صحيفه چو آغاز کردم املی را الخ . Three unalphabetical ghazals, on fol. 269a, beginning: انّما الله اله واحد الخ.

Ghazals, in alphabetical order, on fol. 269b: دى گذشتیم بدان دلبر و کردیم دعا الخ, see Rosen, p. 241.

At the end the same musammaṭ as in Rosen, p. 244: سقاك الله الخ, on fol. 375a, last line.

Muḳaṭṭa’ât, on fol. 375b, beginning: جامي سخن بر آئنۀ دل بود چو زنگ الخ .

Rubâ’îs, on fol. 379b: تا ما ره تسبيح و ثنا مي پوییم الخ.

Other copies of this dîwân are described in Bodleian Cat., No. 894, 36; No. 896, 11; and No. 955; A. Sprenger, Catal., p. 448, No. 2; Cat. des MSS. et Xylographes, No. 422, ff. 407b-537b, margin, etc.; wrong dates of composition are given in Bodleian Cat. and Sprenger, viz. A.H. 884; in Dorn, p. 372, viz. 885; in Krafft, viz. 889, etc.

3.The third dîwân (كتاب ديوان ثالث, otherwise styled خاتمة الحيوة,’The Conclusion of Life’), containing:

A short preface, on fol. 383a, beginning:

بسم الله الرّحمن الرّحيم – طرفه خطابيست ز سفر قديم

The date of composition, A.H. 896=A.D. 1490, 1491 ( در شهور سنۀ ستّه و تسعين و ثمانمائه), appears here in l. 9 of the same page.

The three introductory poems, noted in Rosen, p. 246, viz. فى التوحيد, مناجات, and فى نعت النبى ( the last without a title here), followed by ḳaṣîdas, on fol. 383a, last line; first bait: آنكه تسبيح حصا بر صدق او آمد گوا الخ .

One tarkîbband (on the death of Khwâjah ‘Ubaid-allâh) on fol. 392b, and two ta’rîkhât, see Rosen, p. 247.

Ghazals, in alphabetical order, on fol. 395a, preceded by the same two short pieces described in Rosen, viz. فى التوحيد (on fol. 394b), and the praise of the prophet.

Beginning of the initial ghazal:

برآمد شاه عشق از طور سينا

وز آنجا زد علم بر دير مينا

Muḳaṭṭa’ât, on fol. 458a, beginning: درين نشيمن ادبار جاميا كارى الخ , see Rosen, p. 251.

Rubâ’îs, on fol. 460b, beginning:معشوق ازل كه هر كه دل بست بدو الخ.

The two mathnawî-baits(نيست در راه الخ), and the last two baits of the معمّيّات ( بر حاشیۀ لوح الخ), described in Rosen, pp. 251 and 252, followed by one bait more, viz. هر كس كه ازين جهان دلگیر بجست الخ are found here on fol. 463a.

This part is dated by the same Sulṭân Muḥammad of Harât (see fol. 252a in this MS.), the last of Muḥarram, A.H. 924 (A.D. 1518, Feb. 11).

Other copies of the third dîwân are described in Bodleian Cat., No. 894, 37, and No. 896, 12; Cat. des MSS. et Xylographes; No. 422, ff. 327b-406b, margin; Mélanges Asiatiques,vi. P. 104; A. Sprenger, Catal., p. 448, 3; W. Pertsch, Berlin Cat., p. 870, No. 873, etc. Selections from the various diwâns have been translated into German by Rosenzweig, Biogr. Notizen, etc., nebst Proben aus seinen Diwanen (persisch und deutsch), Vienna, 1840; Rückert, in Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, v. p. 281 sq., and vi. p. 189 sq.; and in Zeitschrift der D.M.G. ii. p. 26 sq., iv. p. 44 sq., v. p. 308 sq., vi. p. 491 sq., xxiv. p. 563 sq., xxv. p. 95 sq., xxvi. p. 461 sq., and xxix. P. 191 sq.; Wickerhauser, Leipzig, 1855, and Vienna, 1858; Schlechta-Wssehrd (see Zeuker ii. 496).

II.Margin-column, on ff. 1b-438b.

4.Tuḥfat-alaḥrâr (تحفة الاحرار),’The Gift to the Free,’ a religious mathnawî, completed A.H. 886 (A.D. 1481); it begins abruptly in the prose-preface, on fol. 1a (the first page missing); the mathnawî itself opens, on fol. 1b:

بسم الله الرّحمن الرّحيم – هست صلاى سر خوان كريم

It comprises ff. 1b-38b and 61a-68b (see above on the order of ff. 1-141). Edited by F. Falconer, London, 1848; printed, Lucknow, 1869; extracts in German translation are found in Tholuck’s ‘Blüthensammlung,’ p. 297 sq.; see Bodleian Cat., No. 894, 6; No. 895, 19; No. 896, 3; No. 897, 3; No. 898, 3; No, 899, 3; No. 900, 1; No. 901,

According to a survey conducted in 2020, ** percent of Indian Americans in the United States said that they identified as Hindu while ** percent said that they identified as Muslim. A further **** percent said that they identified with no religion in particular.