During the fiscal year of 2024, 100,034 refugees were admitted to the United States. This is a significant increase from the fiscal year of 2023, when 60,014 refugees were admitted into the United States.

In the fiscal year of 2024, ****** refugees from Syria had been admitted into the United States. This was a slight increase from the previous fiscal year, when ****** Syrian refugees were admitted to the U.S.

Overview

At the end of the 2018 fiscal year, the U.S. had resettled 22,491 refugees -- a small fraction of the number of people who had entered in prior years. This is the smallest annual number of refugees since Congress passed a law in 1980 creating the modern resettlement system.

It's also well below the cap of 45,000 set by the administration for 2018, and less than thirty percent of the number granted entry in the final year of Barack Obama’s presidency. It's also significantly below the cap for 2019 announced by President Trump's administration, which is 30,000.

The Associated Press is updating its data on refugees through fiscal year 2018, which ended Sept. 30, to help reporters continue coverage of this story. Previous Associated Press data on refugees can be found here.

Data obtained from the State Department's Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration show the mix of refugees also has changed substantially:

• The numbers of Iraqi, Somali and Syrian refugees -- who made up more than a third of all resettlements in the U.S. in the prior five years -- have almost entirely disappeared. Refugees from those three countries comprise about two percent of the 2018 resettlements.
• In 2018, Christians have made up more than sixty percent of the refugee population, while the share of Muslims has dropped from roughly 45 percent of refugees in fiscal year 2016 to about 15 percent. (This data is not available at the city or state level.)
• Of the states that usually average at least 100 resettlements, Maine, Louisiana, Michigan, Florida, California, Oklahoma and Texas have seen the largest percentage decreases in refugees. All have had their refugee caseloads drop more than 75% when comparing 2018 to the average over the previous five years (2013-2017).

The past fiscal year marks a dramatic change in the refugee program, with only a fraction as many people entering. That affects refugees currently in the U.S., who may be waiting on relatives to arrive. It affects refugees in other countries, hoping to get to the United States for safety or other reasons. And it affects the organizations that work to house and resettle these refugees, who only a few years ago were dealing with record numbers of people. Several agencies have already closed their doors; others have laid off workers and cut back their programs.

Because there is wide geographic variations on resettlement depending on refugees' country of origin, some U.S. cities have been more affected by this than others. For instance, in past years, Iraqis have resettled most often in San Diego, Calif., or Houston. Now, with only a handful of Iraqis being admitted in 2018, those cities have seen some of the biggest drop-offs in resettlement numbers.

About This Data

Datasheets include:

• Annual_refugee_data: This provides the rawest form of the data from Oct. 1, 2008 – Sept. 30, 2018, where each record is a combination of fiscal year, city for refugee arrivals to a specific city and state and from a specific origin. Also provides annual totals for the state.
• City_refugees: This provides data grouped by city for refugee arrivals to a specific city and state and from a specific origin, showing totals for each year next to each other in different columns, so you can quickly see trends over time. Data is from Oct. 1, 2008 – Sept. 30, 2018, grouped by fiscal year. It also compares 2018 numbers to a five-year average from 2013-2017.
• City_refugees_and_foreign_born_proportions: This provides the data in City_refugees along with data that gives context to the origins of the foreign born populations living in each city. There are regional columns, sub-regional columns and a column specific to the origin listed in the refugee data. Data is from the American Community Survey 5-year 2013-2017 Table B05006: PLACE OF BIRTH FOR THE FOREIGN-BORN POPULATION. ### Caveats According to the State Department: "This data tracks the movement of refugees from various countries around the world to the U.S. for resettlement under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program." The data does not include other types of immigration or visits to the U.S.

The data tracks the refugees' stated destination in the United States. In many cases, this is where the refugees first lived, although many may have since moved.

Be aware that some cities with particularly high totals may be the locations of refugee resettlement programs -- for instance, Glendale, Calif., is home to both Catholic Charities of Los Angeles and the International Rescue Committee of Los Angeles, which work at resettling refugees.

About Refugee Resettlement

The data for refugees from other countries - or for any particular timeframe since 2002 - can be accessed through the State Department's Refugee Processing Center's site by clicking on "Arrivals by Destination and Nationality."

The Refugee Processing Center used to publish a state-by-state list of affiliate refugee organizations -- the groups that help refugees settle in the U.S. That list was last updated in January 2017, so it may now be out of date. It can be found here.

For general information about the U.S. refugee resettlement program, see this State Department description. For more detailed information about the program and proposed 2018 caps and changes, see the FY 2018 Report to Congress.

Queries

The Associated Press has set up a number of pre-written queries to help you filter this data and find local stories. Queries can be accessed by clicking on their names in the upper right hand bar.

• Find Cities Impacted - Most Change -- Use this query to see the cities that have seen the largest drop-offs in refugee resettlements. Creates a five-year average of how many refugees of a certain origin have come in the past, and then measures 2018 by that. Be wary of small raw numbers when considering the percentages!
• Total Refugees for Each City in Your State -- Use this query to get the number of total refugees who've resettled in your state's cities by year.
• Total Refugees in Your State -- Use this query to get the number of total refugees who've resettled in your state by year.
• Changes in Origin over Time -- Use this query to track how many refugees are coming from each origin by year. The initial query provides national numbers, but can be filtered for state or even for city.
• Extract Raw Data for Your State -- Use this query to type in your state name to extract and download just the data in your state. This is the raw data from the State Department, so it may be slightly more difficult to see changes over time. ###### Contact AP Data Journalist Michelle Minkoff with questions, mminkoff@ap.org

United States US: Refugee Population: by Country or Territory of Origin data was reported at 285.000 Person in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 310.000 Person for 2016. United States US: Refugee Population: by Country or Territory of Origin data is updated yearly, averaging 374.500 Person from Dec 1990 (Median) to 2017, with 28 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 4,987.000 Person in 2014 and a record low of 1.000 Person in 1990. United States US: Refugee Population: by Country or Territory of Origin data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s USA – Table US.World Bank: Population and Urbanization Statistics. Refugees are people who are recognized as refugees under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, the 1969 Organization of African Unity Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, people recognized as refugees in accordance with the UNHCR statute, people granted refugee-like humanitarian status, and people provided temporary protection. Asylum seekers--people who have applied for asylum or refugee status and who have not yet received a decision or who are registered as asylum seekers--are excluded. Palestinian refugees are people (and their descendants) whose residence was Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948 and who lost their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict. Country of origin generally refers to the nationality or country of citizenship of a claimant.; ; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Statistics Database, Statistical Yearbook and data files, complemented by statistics on Palestinian refugees under the mandate of the UNRWA as published on its website. Data from UNHCR are available online at: www.unhcr.org/en-us/figures-at-a-glance.html.; Sum;

Since the 1980s, the Office of Refugee Resettlement 1 has conducted the Annual Survey of Refugees (ASR), which collects information on refugees during their first five years after arrival in the U.S. The ASR is the only scientifically collected source of national data on refugees’ progress toward self-sufficiency and integration. ORR uses the ASR results alongside other information sources to fulfill its Congressionally mandated reporting requirement following the Refugee Act of 1980. In the spring of 2023, ORR completed its 56th Annual Survey of Refugees (ASR). The data from the ASR offer a window into respondents’ first five years in the United States and show the progress that refugee families made towards learning English, participating in the workforce, and establishing permanent residence. This public use data deposit is only for the 2022 ASR with future years likely to be added to the ICPSR archive.[1] The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) at the Administration for Children and Families in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) serves refugees and other humanitarian entrants, including asylees, Cuban and Haitian entrants, Special Immigrant Visa holders, Amerasians, victims of human trafficking, and unaccompanied children. By providing these arrived populations with critical resources, ORR promotes their economic and social well-being. Of these populations, the Annual Survey of Refugees focuses solely on refugees who have come to the U.S. in the past five fiscal years.

Since the 1980s, the Office of Refugee Resettlement 1 has conducted the Annual Survey of Refugees (ASR), which collects information on refugees during their first five years after arrival in the U.S. The ASR is the only scientifically collected source of national data on refugees’ progress toward self-sufficiency and integration. ORR uses the ASR results alongside other information sources to fulfill its Congressionally mandated reporting requirement following the Refugee Act of 1980. In the spring of 2021, ORR completed its 54th Annual Survey of Refugees (ASR). The data from the ASR offer a window into respondents’ first five years in the United States and show the progress that refugee families made towards learning English, participating in the workforce, and establishing permanent residence. This public use data deposit is only for the 2020 ASR with future years likely to be added to the ICPSR archive.[1] The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) at the Administration for Children and Families in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) serves refugees and other humanitarian entrants, including asylees, Cuban and Haitian entrants, Special Immigrant Visa holders, Amerasians, victims of human trafficking, and unaccompanied children. By providing these arrived populations with critical resources, ORR promotes their economic and social well-being. Of these populations, the Annual Survey of Refugees focuses solely on refugees who have come to the U.S. in the past five fiscal years.

The United States provides refuge to persons who have been persecuted or have well-founded fear of persecution through two programs:one for refugees (persons outside the U.S. and their immediate relatives) and one for asylees (persons in the U.S. and their immediate relatives). Office of Immigration Statistics Annual Flow Report provides information on the number of persons admitted to the US.

Asylum Applications in the United States increased to 253834 Persons in 2022 from 88199 Persons in 2021. This dataset provides - United States Asylum Applications- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

Adolescent resettled refugees across the United States have been significantly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, through socio-economic stressors in households, disproportionate morbidity and mortality in immigrant communities, and social isolation and loss of learning due to school closures and the shift to online learning. The Study of Adolescent Lives after Migration to America [SALaMA] investigates the mental health and wellbeing of adolescents who come from–or who have parents who came from–the Middle East and North Africa [MENA] region and settled in the U.S. There is a gap in understanding of the experiences during the pandemic of MENA-background adolescents in the U.S. The objective of this study was to describe the perspective of educators and other school-affiliated service providers on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on mental health and wellbeing of adolescent resettled refugees and access to and quality of education and support services for adolescent resettled refugees. The researchers collected data using in-depth interviews with key informants in Chicago, Illinois; Harrisonburg, Virginia; and Detroit Metropolitan Area [DMA], Michigan, Key informants were school administrators, managers of English language learning services and programs, teachers, therapists, staff of non-governmental organizations and/ or community-based organizations, and case workers. Data analysis was conducted utilizing directed content analysis to develop an initial codebook and identify key themes in the data. Findings revealed a number of pathways through which the pandemic impacted adolescent refugees and immigrants’ mental health and wellbeing, with online programming impacting students’ engagement, motivation and social isolation in terms of peer and provider relationships. Specific dynamics in refugee adolescents’ households increased stressors and reduced engagement through online learning, and access to space and resources needed to support learning during school closures were limited. Service providers emphasized multiple and overlapping impacts on service quality and access, resulting in reduced social supports and mental health prevention and response approaches. Due to the long-term impacts of school closures in the first two years of the pandemic, and ongoing disruption, these data both provide a snapshot of the impacts of the pandemic at a specific moment, as well as insights into ways forward in terms of adapting services and engaging students within restrictions and limitations due to the pandemic. These findings emphasize the need for educators and mental health service providers to rebuild and strengthen relationships with students and families. These findings indicate the need to consider, support and expand social support and mental health services, specifically for refugee adolescent students, in the context of learning and well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic.

As of the end of 2024, Iran was the largest refugee-hosting country in the world. According to data available by the UN Refugee Agency UNHCR, there were nearly 3.5 million refugees in Iran. Turkey was second with more than 2.9 million. The data refers to the total number of refugees in a given country, not considering the date of their application for asylum or the date of their flight.

Project Overview The “Montagnards” (“mountain people” in the French language) represent a diverse array of cultures originating in the highlands of Vietnam. Largely isolated farmers or hunter-gather communities, the Montagnards were recruited by, and fought with, the American Special Forces throughout the Vietnam War. When the war ended with the fall of Saigon in 1975, the Montagnards were especially persecuted in the new regime. Montagnard individuals began arriving in the US as refugees in the mid-1980’s and family reunification efforts have continually brought more refugees here to the present day. There are over 12,000 Montagnards living in Greensboro, North Carolina, representing several cultures and distinct languages, with a majority of them in Guilford County. This makes the Piedmont the largest Montagnard community outside of southeast Asia. This study aims to document access to mental health care across four distinct generations of Montagnard community members, in an effort to identify potential mental health concerns that may be unique to each generation. When considering the overall health of Montagnards, both physical and mental, it is important to consider former experiences in Vietnam like starvation, trauma, and chemical exposure, and also the experience of being a refugee and an immigrant living in the United States. The immigrant health paradox is the idea that oftentimes, even if a migrant arrives to the United States relatively healthy, their health tends to get poorer the longer they remain in the U.S. Prior studies looking at the immigration experience of Vietnamese found them to be disadvantaged in several indicators of mental health, and refugees in the U.S. have been observed to have an elevated burden of chronic disease. The first generation Montagnard elders (born by 1970), spent the most time in Vietnam and experienced trauma and persecution firsthand. Many are preoccupied by concerns of family members that got left behind in Vietnam. The second generation of Montagnards (born 1971-1985) directly experienced the trauma of Montagnard life post-1975, but unlike the first generation, they were young children when these events unfolded. The third generation (born 1985-1995) is, in many ways, in between. They are the link between the young and the old, and both Montagnard and American cultures. The fourth generation (born after 1995), or the youngest of the Montagnards, have a radically different experience and perspective from those of the older generations. Many members of this generation speak fluent English and were born and educated in the United States. Montagnard researchers have concerns about suicide in this population. The youngest Montagnards are faced with the challenge of reconciling their Montagnard and American identities. Health access is a known issue in the Montagnard community, and it is not hard to imagine how sociocultural, political, and economic variables can help to further compound and explain negative health outcomes. Five aspects of health access are studied in this project via a framework analysis of five dimensions of health services provision: approachability, acceptability, availability/accommodation, affordability, and appropriateness. Data Collection Overview This data are from the results of a qualitative research study about access to mental health care in the Montagnard population in North Carolina. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Montagnard individuals, and interviews were then transcribed and analyzed using Dedoose software. The study included 26 participants, with 2 participants in the first generation, 3 in the second generation, 12 in the third generation, and 9 in the fourth generation. The participants had to be at least 18 years old to participate in the study. For participants born in the US, age was determined by official US-issued government documents, such as a driver’s license or government ID. For individuals born in Vietnam, particularly in the oldest generation, birth dates given on governmental identification (i.e., immigration documents or driver’s licenses) are often incorrect since their birth dates were never known or documented officially. In these cases, the placement of an individual in a particular generation depended on their memories of the pivotal year (1975) and what they were doing at that time (i.e., were they a young child, or a soldier, etc.). All participants had to speak a language that can be translated by one of the available translators. There are many distinct languages within the Montagnard communities and we were only able to interview those individuals with whom we can be confident of the verbal and later transcribed translation. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we shifted data collection to a virtual format. All interviews beginning with the third participant were conducted virtually. Data collection occurred from March 2020 through August 2020. The virtual data collection consisted of two...

Approximately 41 million people immigrated to the United States of America between the years 1820 and 1957. During this time period, the United States expanded across North America, growing from 23 to 48 states, and the population grew from approximately 10 million people in 1820, to almost 180 million people by 1957. Economically, the U.S. developed from being an agriculturally focused economy in the 1820s, to having the highest GDP of any single country in the 1950s. Much of this expansion was due to the high numbers of agricultural workers who migrated from Europe, as technological advances in agriculture had lowered the labor demand. The majority of these migrants settled in urban centers, and this fueled the growth of the industrial sector.

American industrialization and European rural unemployment fuel migration The first major wave of migration came in the 1850s, and was fueled largely by Irish and German migrants, who were fleeing famine or agricultural depression at the time. The second boom came in the 1870s, as the country recovered from the American Civil War, and the Second Industrial Revolution took off. The final boom of the nineteenth century came in the 1880s, as poor harvests and industrialization in Europe led to mass emigration. Improvements in steam ship technology and lower fares led to increased migration from Eastern and Southern Europe at the turn of the century (particularly from Italy). War and depression reduces migration Migration to the U.S. peaked at the beginning of the 20th century, before it fluctuated greatly at the beginning of the 20th century. This was not only due to the disruptions to life in Europe caused by the world wars, but also the economic disruption of the Great Depression in the 1930s. The only period between 1914 and 1950 where migration was high was during the 1920s. However, the migration rate rose again in the late 1940s, particularly from Latin America and Asia. The historically high levels of migration from Europe has meant that the most common ethnicity in the U.S. has been non-Hispanic White since the early-colonial period, however increased migration from Latin America, Asia and Africa, and higher fertility rates among ethnic minorities, have seen the Whites' share of the total population fall in recent years (although it is still over three times larger than any other group.

Abstract

These data consist of a long-term follow-up of applicants to a migration visa lottery. Tongan households were surveyed as migrants in New Zealand, or non-migrants in Tonga. It was used to examine the long-term impacts of international migration by comparing immigrants who had successful ballot entries in a migration lottery program, and first moved almost a decade ago, with people who had unsuccessful entries into those same ballots. It was additionally used to study how migrating from a poor country to a rich country affects economic beliefs, preference parameters, and household decision-making efficiency. In a ten-year follow-up survey of applicants to a migration lottery program we elicit risk and time preferences and pro-market beliefs for the migrants and the unsuccessful applicants. The successful and the unsuccessful applicants are each linked to closest relative households, who would stay in the home country if the applicant moved, to play lab-in-the-field games that measure intra-family trust and the efficiency of intra-family decision-making.

Geographic coverage

The survey covers Tongans who applied to the 2002-05 Pacific Access Category migration visa program, along with linked households of their family members. This involved surveying in both New Zealand and Tonga (along with a small number of surveys of movers to third countries).

Analysis unit

Data are collected at both the individual and household level

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

Our population of interest consists of entrants to the 2002 to 2005 PAC migration lotteries. There were a total of 4,696 principal applicants of whom 367 were randomly selected as ballot winners (figure 2). Official records provided by the New Zealand immigration authorities in late 2012 show that 307 of these winners (84%) had residency applications approved and had ever migrated to New Zealand. The remaining 60 ballot winners did not migrate and are thus non-compliers to the treatment of migration.

Our main survey involved an extensive face-to-face interview, which also collected anthropometrics, blood pressure, peak lung flow, and included lab-in-the-field games. Of the 307 principal applicants ever migrating to New Zealand, 133 completed the full survey between late 2013 and the end of 2014. In order to bolster our sample size, in early 2015 we fielded a shortened survey that did not include health measurements or the lab-in-field games. This was mainly done as a telephone interview and was designed to reach those who had on-migrated beyond New Zealand or were located in parts of New Zealand that were impractical for face-to-face interviewing, although we also learned, through snowball effects, of more migrants in our face-to-face survey area and gave them the short survey as well. Overall, 61 additional ballot winners who had ever migrated to New Zealand were given the short survey, including 11 who had now on-migrated to Australia (ten) and the UK (one). In total, we were able to survey 194 households with principal applicants who ever migrated to New Zealand after winning the ballot.

We had even less information available for the ballot losers and non-compliers since these individuals had not filled out residency applications. We therefore used the same surveying approach for these groups as we had in our previous survey, which was to sample from the same villages in Tonga from which our migrants originated. Out of 4329 ballot losers, 143 were administered the long form survey and 39 the short survey (of which nine had subsequently moved to New Zealand through alternative pathways, including by winning a later round of the PAC lottery). Finances limited us to this relatively small sample, but, based on our previous research, we judged that it would give us enough power to measure economically significant impacts. An advantage of surveying from the same origin villages is that we can implicitly control for any unobserved characteristics that vary spatially in Tonga. Finally, we have a small sample of nine non-compliers; six who received the long survey and three the short survey. This is out of a population of 60 non-compliers, which hence made it difficult to find many individuals in this group.

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

Four separate questionnaires were administered: - a survey for migrant households in New Zealand - a survey for non-migrant households in Tonga - a survey of linked partner households - a short survey

In 2024, it was estimated that around 1,272 migrants, including refugees and asylum-seekers, died or went missing in the Americas in the process of migration. This was significantly higher than in 2015, when around 737 went missing.

Somalis in North America offer a window into the remarkable potential that can be realized by refugees/immigrants despite experiences of severe adversity as well as the challenges some subgroups encounter when adjusting to life in a new country. Somalia has endured one of the longest and most brutal wars of the past 30 years. This enduring conflict has led to millions of Somalis being dispersed as refugees across the globe. As refugees with limited resources, many Somalis in North America are resettled in poor urban neighborhoods where they are visibly different, not only because of race or ethnicity but also because of dress, especially for women who wear a Muslim head covering. In addition, the community has been plagued by violence. While the number of Somali American youth joining these groups are small and while the majority of Somali Americans are law-abiding citizens, the terrorist groups' ability to recruit these youth and to convince some of them to engage in violent acts is concerning, not only to policymakers and law enforcement, but also to the Somali community, which fears losing more youth to violence or having the community's reputation sullied by being associated with terrorism. While some of the social and cultural factors affecting Somalis are unique to that ethnic group, they also share experiences common to many immigrants, navigating identity development and duality as they move between home and host cultures, contending with discrimination as religious, racial and ethnic minorities, and striving to achieve their dreams while struggling to gain socioeconomic stability. Thus, understanding their developmental trajectories may inform the understanding of other immigrant and refugee groups as well. No valid and reliable measurement for risk for violent extremism exists; there is no single profile or set of risk factors that can accurately determine who is most at risk for engaging in violent extremist acts. The study did not attempt to determine who is most at risk. Rather, the researchers sought to identify broad attitudes that would indicate a general openness to, or rejection of, the use of violence or illegal actions in support of a political cause. The qualitative interviews feature experiences of formal (e.g. police) and informal (e.g. community) institutions over the past year. Examples of interview prompts include questions related to social bonds with family and community, and interactions with police.

The complex healthcare system in the United States (US) poses significant challenges for people, particularly minorities such as refugees. Refugees often encounter additional layers of challenges to healthcare navigation due to unfamiliarity with the system, limited health literacy, and language barriers. Despite their challenges, it is difficult to identify the gaps as few tools exist to measure navigation competency among this population and many conventional tools assume English proficiency, making them inadequate for refugees and other immigrants. To address this gap, this study developed and validated a HEalthCare NAvigation Competency (HECNAC) Scale tailored to refugees’ needs. The scale development process followed three phases: domain identification through a literature review and stakeholder interviews (n = 15), content validation through the Delphi method (2 rounds, n = 12), and face validity assessment via cognitive interviews (2 rounds, n = 4). Based on a literature review and stakeholder interviews, the initial version of the scale was developed, including ten domains and 47 items. An introductory email concerning the scale and the Delphi process was subsequently sent to 21 eligible experts, including staff from refugee resettlement agencies, health care providers serving refugee communities, and refugees. Twelve experts completed the two rounds of the Delphi, resulting in a consensus on 39 items. After conducting cognitive interviews with 4 Afghan refugees, the scale was finalized with ten domains and 35 items. The finalized scale captures multifaceted aspects of healthcare navigation crucial for refugees, organized into domains such as health system knowledge, insurance, making an appointment, transportation, preparing for a visit, in the clinic, interpretation, medicine, medical bills, and preventive care. Overall, the HECNAC Scale represents a significant step towards understanding and assessing refugees’ competencies in navigating the US healthcare system. It has the potential to guide tailored interventions and standardized training curricula and ultimately mitigate persistent barriers faced by refugees in accessing healthcare services.

Data from a questionnaire survey conducted from 2022-08-25 to 2022-11-15 and exploring the use of machine translation by Ukrainian refugees in the Czech Republic. The presented spreadsheet contains minimally processed data exported from the two questionnaires that were created in Google Forms in the Ukrainian and the Russian language. The links to these questionnaires were distributed by three methods: direct email to particular refugees whose contact details the authors obtained while volunteering; through a non-profit organisation helping refugees (Vesna women’s education institution) and on social networks by posting links to the survey in groups associating the Ukrainian community across Czech regions and towns. Since we asked potential respondents to spread the questionnaire further, we could not prevent it from reaching Ukrainians who had arrived in Czechia previously, or received temporary protection in other countries. Due to this fact, the textual answers to the question 1.5 "Which country are you in right now?" were replaced in the dataset by numbers (1 for Czech Republic, 2 for other countries) in order for us to be able to separate the data of respondents not located in the Czech Republic, which were irrelevant for our survey.

Over 145,000 Venezuelans crossed illegally into Mexico in 2023. This year, Venezuela led the statistics of irregular migrants entering Mexico, followed by Honduras and Guatemala. Mexico is a well-known route for illegal immigration into the United States. Most of those migrants try to cross the board with the US.