In 2016, there were ***** residents in shelters for persons lacking a fixed address in Ontario, while there were ten residents in shelters for abused women and their children in Prince Edward Island.

In 2016, the number of residents in homeless shelters in Canada varied by province. In that year, there were ***** residents in all homeless shelters in Ontario, compared to ** in Nunavut.

The By-Name List was created through Built for Zero Canada (https://bfzcanada.ca/by-name-lists/) and is powered by the Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness (CAEH). The By-Name List is a collaborative effort through various local agencies to use real-time data to reduce and prevent homelessness to provide streamlines access to available support. Although data is collected in real-time this data set provides an aggregated monthly update.

Percent distribution of homeless individuals by duration of homelessness, according to selected characteristics, Nipissing District, Ontario 2021.

The amount of federal funding provided to Ontario and its communities for housing and homelessness programs. Funds are itemized by program. The federal government provides funding to provinces / territories for affordable and social housing programs through the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Current programs include social housing and the Investment in Affordable Housing Program. Projections for 2014-15 and beyond are also included.

Starting in January 2017, Toronto Public Health (TPH) began tracking the deaths of people experiencing homelessness to get a more accurate estimate of the number of deaths and their causes. TPH leads the data collection, analysis and reporting. The Shelter, Support and Housing Administration (SSHA) and health and social service agencies that support people experiencing homelessness share information about a death with TPH and the Office of the Chief Coroner of Ontario (OCCO) verifies some of the data. For this data collection initiative, homelessness is defined as “the situation of an individual or family without stable, permanent, appropriate housing, or the immediate prospect, means and ability of acquiring it”.

In 2016, the number of homeless support sector workers in Canada varied across all provinces. In that year, Ontario had the highest number of homeless support sector workers, having had ***** employees.

Adjusted odds ratios (and 95% confidence intervals) from binary logistic regression of ever experiencing housing loss due to "housing/financial loss", "health issues", and "interpersonal/family issues" by selected characteristics among homeless individuals (N = 207), Nipissing District, Ontario 2021.

Percent distribution of homeless individuals by sleeping location, according to selected characteristics, Nipissing District, Ontario 2021.

Percent distribution of homeless individuals by reason for housing loss, according to selected characteristics, Nipissing District, Ontario 2021.

The amount of federal funding provided to Ontario and its communities for housing and homelessness programs. Funds are itemized by program. The federal government provides funding to provinces / territories for affordable and social housing programs through the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Current programs include social housing and the Investment in Affordable Housing Program. Projections for 2014-15 and beyond are also included.

The Street Needs Assessment (SNA) is a survey and point-in-time count of people experiencing homelessness in Toronto conducted in April, 2021 led by the City’s Toronto Shelter and Support Services (TSSS) in collaboration with community partners in the homelessness sector. The results provide a snapshot of the scope and profile of people experiencing homelessness in Toronto and give people experiencing homelessness a voice in the services they need to find and keep housing. The 2021 SNA is the City's fifth count and survey of people experiencing homelessness in Toronto and was part of a coordinated point-in time count conducted by communities across Canada and Ontario. The 2021 results provide critical data needed to understand the impact of the pandemic on homelessness, and to understand broader service needs of people experiencing homelessness in Toronto. The results of the 2021 Street Needs Assessment were summarized in a report and key highlights slide deck the can be found here. The 2021 SNA involved a 34 core question survey completed by 2,629 individuals staying outdoors and in encampments, in City-administered shelters and shelter hotels (including COVID-19 response sites and the isolation/recovery site), 24-hour respite sites (including 24-hour women’s drop-ins and winter services in operation), as well as provincially-administered Violence Against Women shelters. The SNA does not include people who are experiencing hidden homelessness, such as people who are temporarily staying with others. Surveys in indoor shelter locations were conducted over a period of one week (April 19-23, 2021) and the outdoor survey was conducted on April 27, 2021. This dataset includes the SNA survey results; it does not include the count of people experiencing homelessness in Toronto. Information about the count can be found in the results report.

Having access to good quality housing is a key determinant of well-being. Little is known about experiences of housing quality following homelessness from the perspectives of persons with lived experience. To build on existing literature, we conducted a secondary analysis of qualitative interviews with 19 individuals who had experiences of transitioning to housing following homelessness. Interview transcripts were drawn from a community-based participatory research study exploring the conditions needed for thriving following homelessness in Ontario, Canada. We analyzed these transcripts using reflexive thematic analysis. We coded transcripts abductively, informed by theories of social justice and health equity. Consistent with reflexive thematic analysis, we identified a central essence to elucidate experiences of housing quality following homelessness: “negotiating control within oppressive structural contexts.” This was expressed through four distinct themes: 1) being forced to live in undesirable living conditions; 2) stuck in an unsafe environment; 3) negotiating power dynamics to attain comfort and safety in one’s housing; and 4) having access to people and resources that create home. Overall, our findings indicate that attaining good quality housing following homelessness is elusive for many and influenced by a range of structural factors including ongoing poverty following homelessness, a lack of deeply affordable housing stock, and a lack of available social support networks. To prevent homelessness, it is essential to improve access to good quality housing that can support tenancy sustainment and well-being following homelessness. Policymakers need to review existing housing policies and reflect on how over-reliance on market housing has imposed negative impacts on the lives of persons who are leaving homelessness. Given the current economic context, it is imperative that policymakers devise policies that mitigate the financialization of housing, and result in the restoration of the social housing system in Canada and beyond.

Having access to good quality housing is a key determinant of well-being. Little is known about experiences of housing quality following homelessness from the perspectives of persons with lived experience. To build on existing literature, we conducted a secondary analysis of qualitative interviews with 19 individuals who had experiences of transitioning to housing following homelessness. Interview transcripts were drawn from a community-based participatory research study exploring the conditions needed for thriving following homelessness in Ontario, Canada. We analyzed these transcripts using reflexive thematic analysis. We coded transcripts abductively, informed by theories of social justice and health equity. Consistent with reflexive thematic analysis, we identified a central essence to elucidate experiences of housing quality following homelessness: “negotiating control within oppressive structural contexts.” This was expressed through four distinct themes: 1) being forced to live in undesirable living conditions; 2) stuck in an unsafe environment; 3) negotiating power dynamics to attain comfort and safety in one’s housing; and 4) having access to people and resources that create home. Overall, our findings indicate that attaining good quality housing following homelessness is elusive for many and influenced by a range of structural factors including ongoing poverty following homelessness, a lack of deeply affordable housing stock, and a lack of available social support networks. To prevent homelessness, it is essential to improve access to good quality housing that can support tenancy sustainment and well-being following homelessness. Policymakers need to review existing housing policies and reflect on how over-reliance on market housing has imposed negative impacts on the lives of persons who are leaving homelessness. Given the current economic context, it is imperative that policymakers devise policies that mitigate the financialization of housing, and result in the restoration of the social housing system in Canada and beyond.

BackgroundEquity-deserving groups (EDGs) have increased emergency department (ED) use, and often report negative ED care. Past studies have largely been qualitative and suffer from methodological bias and lack of comparison groups, thereby limiting their identification of interventions to ensure equitable care among equity-deserving populations. This study sought to better understand ED care experiences among EDGs in our local setting.Materials and methodsWe conducted a community-engaged, mixed-methods cross-sectional study using sensemaking methodology at the Kingston Health Sciences Centre's ED and Urgent Care Centre (Ontario, Canada), as well as at community partner organizations. From June-August 2021, eligible participants were invited to complete a survey about an ED care experience within the previous 24 months. Multiple-choice questions collected demographic/ED visit information including self-identification with up to three EDGs (Indigenous; having a disability; experiencing mental health concerns; persons who use substances (PWUS); 2SLGBTQ+; people who experience homelessness (PWEH); a visible minority; or having experienced violence). We evaluated differences in overall ED care experiences by EDG self-identification using chi-squared tests. Quantitative analysis of survey questions disaggregated by EDG status, and a thematic analysis of participant experiences are presented.ResultsOverall, 1,973 unique participants completed the survey (949 controls and 994 EDGs) sharing 2,114 ED care experiences in total. Participants who identified as PWUS, having mental health concerns, 2SLGBTQ+, PWEH, or having a disability, reported more negative overall experiences (p < 0.001). Compared with controls, each of the eight EDGs were statistically more likely to report feelings of judgement/disrespect, that there was too little attention paid to their needs (p < 0.001), and that it was more important to be treated with kindness/respect than to receive the best possible care (p < 0.001). Thematic analysis supported quantitative findings and identified four themes: stigma/judgement, poor staff communication, lack of compassionate care, and patients feeling unsupported.DiscussionNegative ED care experiences were pervasive among EDGs including feelings of judgement/stigma and a perception that a better understanding of personal situation/identity/culture was needed to improve care. Qualitative findings identified the following future interventions: universal trauma-informed care, improved care for addiction/substance use, and improved access to mental health care resources.