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BackgroundTo examine explanations for the higher rates of male mortality in two Scottish cohorts compared with a cohort in south-east England for which similar data were collected. Methodology/Principal FindingsWe compared three cohort studies which recruited participants in the late 1960s and early 1970s. A total of 13,884 men aged 45–64 years at recruitment in the Whitehall occupational cohort (south-east England), 3,956 men in the Collaborative occupational cohort and 6,813 men in the Renfrew & Paisley population-based study (both central Scotland) were included in analyses of all-cause and cause-specific mortality. All-cause mortality was 25% (age-adjusted hazard ratio 1.25, 95% confidence interval (CI)1.21 to 1.30) and 41% (hazard ratio 1.41 (95% CI 1.36 to 1.45) higher in the Collaborative and Renfrew & Paisley cohorts respectively compared to the Whitehall cohort. The higher mortality rates were substantially attenuated by social class (to 8% and 17% higher respectively), and were effectively eliminated upon the further addition of the other baseline risk factors, such as smoking habit, lung function and pre-existing self-reported morbidity. Despite this, coronary heart disease mortality remained 11% and 16% higher, stroke mortality 45% and 37% higher, mortality from accidents and suicide 51% and 70% higher, and alcohol-related mortality 46% and 73% higher in the Collaborative and Renfrew & Paisley cohorts respectively compared with the Whitehall cohort in the fully adjusted model. Conclusions/SignificanceThe higher all-cause, respiratory, and lung cancer male mortality in the Scottish cohorts was almost entirely explained by social class differences and higher prevalence of known risk factors, but reasons for the excess mortality from stroke, alcohol-related causes, accidents and suicide remained unknown.
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TwitterThis dataset portrays the boundaries of ‘Settlements’ in Scotland as at 2001 Census.
There is widespread interest in statistics for the built-up areas in Scotland as most of the population lives in a built-up environment. When the former two-tier local government structure of regions and districts came into being in May 1975, the small local authorities known as large and small burghs were lost. However, Census users stated that there was a need to know the population (and characteristics) of built-up areas.
There are 2 datasets which are designed to show the boundaries of ‘urban areas’ in Scotland: ‘Localities’ and ‘Settlements’. While “Settlements’ can go a long way in defining the towns and cities in Scotland, some are very extensive and have grouped together some very large populations. For example the settlement of ‘Greater Glasgow’ has a large population but no breakdown was given of the settlement into any constituent towns or cities such as Airdrie or Paisley. Accordingly, since 2001, the larger ‘Settlements’ have been divided into ‘Localities’ using as a basis the areas so designated in the 1991 Census report ‘Key statistics for ‘localities’ in Scotland (ISBN 0-11-495736-3)’.
For the 2001 Census, NRS had developed a new process to identify ‘Settlements’ which were defined as:
‘A collection of contiguous high population density postcodes whose total population was 500 or more, bounded by low density postcodes (or water).’
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TwitterThis dataset portrays the boundaries of ‘Settlements’ in Scotland. There is widespread interest in statistics for the built-up areas in Scotland as most of the population lives in a built-up environment. When the former two-tier local government structure of regions and districts came into being in May 1975, the small local authorities known as large and small burghs were lost. However, Census users stated that there was a need to know the population (and characteristics) of built-up areas. There are 2 datasets which are designed to show the boundaries of ‘urban areas’ in Scotland: ‘Localities’ and ‘Settlements’. While “Settlements’ can go a long way in defining the towns and cities in Scotland, some are very extensive and have grouped together some very large populations. For example the settlement of ‘Greater Glasgow’ has a large population but no breakdown was given of the settlement into any constituent towns or cities such as Airdrie or Paisley. Accordingly, since 2001, the larger ‘Settlements’ have been divided into ‘Localities’ using as a basis the areas so designated in the 1991 Census report ‘Key statistics for ‘localities’ in Scotland (ISBN 0-11-495736-3)’. For the 2001 Census, NRS had developed a new process to identify ‘Settlements’ which were defined as: ‘A collection of contiguous high population density postcodes whose total population was 500 or more, bounded by low density postcodes (or water).’ After 2001, Geography Branch NRS, created a Settlement boundary dataset for the years 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010. The current dataset, created in 2010, will be superseded by 2012 Settlements which will be created from the 2012 small area population estimates which in turn are based on the 2011 Census data.
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TwitterAttribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
BackgroundTo examine explanations for the higher rates of male mortality in two Scottish cohorts compared with a cohort in south-east England for which similar data were collected. Methodology/Principal FindingsWe compared three cohort studies which recruited participants in the late 1960s and early 1970s. A total of 13,884 men aged 45–64 years at recruitment in the Whitehall occupational cohort (south-east England), 3,956 men in the Collaborative occupational cohort and 6,813 men in the Renfrew & Paisley population-based study (both central Scotland) were included in analyses of all-cause and cause-specific mortality. All-cause mortality was 25% (age-adjusted hazard ratio 1.25, 95% confidence interval (CI)1.21 to 1.30) and 41% (hazard ratio 1.41 (95% CI 1.36 to 1.45) higher in the Collaborative and Renfrew & Paisley cohorts respectively compared to the Whitehall cohort. The higher mortality rates were substantially attenuated by social class (to 8% and 17% higher respectively), and were effectively eliminated upon the further addition of the other baseline risk factors, such as smoking habit, lung function and pre-existing self-reported morbidity. Despite this, coronary heart disease mortality remained 11% and 16% higher, stroke mortality 45% and 37% higher, mortality from accidents and suicide 51% and 70% higher, and alcohol-related mortality 46% and 73% higher in the Collaborative and Renfrew & Paisley cohorts respectively compared with the Whitehall cohort in the fully adjusted model. Conclusions/SignificanceThe higher all-cause, respiratory, and lung cancer male mortality in the Scottish cohorts was almost entirely explained by social class differences and higher prevalence of known risk factors, but reasons for the excess mortality from stroke, alcohol-related causes, accidents and suicide remained unknown.