In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.
According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.
Since 1988, the share of adults in the U.S. who identify as political independents has continued to grow, often surpassing the that of Democrats or Republicans. In 2024, approximately ** percent of adults rejected identification with the major parties, compared to ** percent of respondents identified with the Democratic Party, and ** percent with the Republican Party.
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Context
The dataset tabulates the Non-Hispanic population of Republican City by race. It includes the distribution of the Non-Hispanic population of Republican City across various race categories as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the Non-Hispanic population distribution of Republican City across relevant racial categories.
Key observations
With a zero Hispanic population, Republican City is 100% Non-Hispanic. Among the Non-Hispanic population, the largest racial group is White alone with a population of 115 (99.14% of the total Non-Hispanic population).
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.
Racial categories include:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Republican City Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here
According to a December survey, Donald Trump's favorability among Republicans remained strong following the 2024 election, with 72 percent viewing him very favorably and 18 percent somewhat favorably. This overwhelming support from his party base contrasts sharply with Democrats, of whom 84 percent viewed Trump very unfavorably. Independents were more divided, with 47 percent expressing some degree of favorability towards the former president. Electoral college victory Trump's popularity among Republicans translated into electoral success in the 2024 presidential election. He secured 312 electoral votes, surpassing the 270 needed to win the presidency. This victory came as Trump won all seven swing states, some by significant margins, despite pre-election polls showing only a slight lead in most battleground states. Increased republican support The 2024 election saw Republicans gain ground across the country. Every state reported an increase in Republican votes compared to 2020, with New York showing the largest gain of 6.43 percent. New Jersey and Florida also saw significant increases of nearly five percent. This surge in Republican support led to Trump flipping six states that he had lost in the previous election, contributing to his decisive victory.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/9558/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/9558/terms
This data collection focuses on the federal budget deficit and on issues dealing with the rich and the poor in America. Respondents were asked if they approved of the way George Bush, Democrats in Congress, and Republicans in Congress were handling the the federal budget deficit, and who was more to blame for the larger deficit. Additionally, respondents were asked how much money it takes to be rich in the United States, whether they would want to be rich, how likely it was that they would ever be rich or poor, whether the percentage of Americans who are rich was increasing, and whether they respected and admired rich people. Other questions asked respondents if they characterized rich people as more likely to be honest, snobbish, intelligent, and a variety of other traits, whether respondents would be more or less likely to vote for a candidate who was a millionaire/self-made millionaire, and which political party better represented the interests of poor, rich, and middle class people. Background information on respondents includes political alignment, 1988 presidential vote choice, registered voter status, education, age, religion, social class, marital status, number of people in the household, labor union membership, employment status, race, income, sex, and state/region of residence.
With Abraham Lincoln's victory in the 1860 presidential election, the Republican Party cemented its position as one of the two major political parties in the United States. Since 1860, candidates from both parties have faced one another in 41 elections, with the Republican candidate winning 24 elections, to the Democrats' 17. The share of electoral college votes is often very different from the share of the popular vote received by each candidate in the elections, as the popular vote differences tend to be much smaller. Electoral college system In the U.S., the electoral college system is used to elect the president. For most states, this means that the most popular candidate in each state then receives that state's allocation of electoral votes (which is determined by the state's population). In the majority of elections, the margin of electoral votes has been over thirty percent between the two major party candidates, and there were even some cases where the winner received over ninety percent more electoral votes than the runner-up. Biggest winners The largest margins for the Republican Party occurred in the aftermath of the American Civil War, in the pre-Depression era of the 1920s, with Eisenhower after the Second World War, and then again with the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush campaigns in the 1970s and 80s. For the Democratic Party, the largest victories occurred during the First and Second World Wars, and for Lindon B. Johnson and Bill Clinton in the second half of the 20th century. In the past six elections, the results of the electoral college vote have been relatively close, compared with the preceding hundred years; George W. Bush's victories were by less than seven percent, Obama's victories were larger (by around thirty percent), and in the most recent elections involving Donald Trump he both won and lost by roughly 14 percent.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset tabulates the population of Republican City by race. It includes the population of Republican City across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Republican City across relevant racial categories.
Key observations
The percent distribution of Republican City population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 99.14% are white and 0.86% are multiracial.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.
Racial categories include:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Republican City Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here
The most popular online news brands in the United States as of February 2024 were Fox News online and CNN.com. A study found that 18 percent and 17 percent of respondents to a survey had visited those sites respectively for news in the last week. Also high in the ranking were Yahoo! News and The New York Times online. Support for and trust in both sources varies significantly according to the political affiliation of audiences, particularly among Democrats and Republicans. News and politics A survey revealed that more than 40 percent of Republicans reported not trusting The New York Times, whereas The NYT is one of the most trusted news sources among Democrats. The same study found that over 60 percent of Democrats did not trust Fox News**. The perceived credibility of major news sources in the United States changes annually and is often influenced by election campaigns and the voting persuasions of the American public. However, whilst most Democrats believe the mass media to be objective in its reporting, very few Republicans feel the same. In 2020, just 10 percent of Republicans trusted news organizations to report fully, accurately, and fairly. Trust in news The most trusted news sources in the United States are radio, network news, and newspapers, despite online outlets being used more frequently by younger audiences. Social media and podcasts are considered the least trustworthy news platforms by all American voters, though again, the survey indicated that Republicans are generally more distrusting of mass media news than voters of other political parties.
https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
As part of Cards Against Humanity Saves America, this poll is funded for one year of monthly public opinion polls. Cards Against Humanity is asking the American people about their social and political views, what they think of the president, and their pee-pee habits.
To conduct their polls in a scientifically rigorous manner, they partnered with Survey Sampling International — a professional research firm — to contact a nationally representative sample of the American public. For the first three polls, they interrupted people’s dinners on both their cell phones and landlines, and a total of about 3,000 adults didn’t hang up immediately. They examined the data for statistically significant correlations which can be found here: [https://thepulseofthenation.com/][1]
These polls are from Cards Against Humanity Saves America and the raw data can be found here: [https://thepulse...
According to a survey conducted in December 2024, around 39 percent of Americans had a very unfavorable view of Donald Trump, while 30 percent of Americans held a very favorable view. Donald Trump was elected President of the United States in November 2024. The former president will be sworn in for a second term on January 20, 2025. Shifting perceptions of trustworthiness Despite the significant portion of Americans who view Trump unfavorably, his perceived trustworthiness has shown improvement over time. A September 2024 survey found that 41 percent of registered voters considered Trump honest and trustworthy, marking an increase from 38 percent in 2016. Policy proposals and partisan support Trump's policy proposals have continued to garner strong support from his Republican base while facing opposition from Democrats. An August 2024 survey showed roughly 85 percent of Republicans backing Trump's plan to arrest and deport thousands of illegal immigrants, compared to only 22 percent of Democrats. This stark partisan divide on key policy issues reflects the broader polarization in Trump's favorability ratings.
As of November 2024, both of the major political parties in the United States were seen more unfavorably than favorably. Slightly more Americans saw the Republican Party in a more favorable light at ** percent, compared to the Democratic Party, ** percent.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset tabulates the Republican City population distribution across 18 age groups. It lists the population in each age group along with the percentage population relative of the total population for Republican City. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Republican City by age. For example, using this dataset, we can identify the largest age group in Republican City.
Key observations
The largest age group in Republican City, NE was for the group of age 30-34 years with a population of 22 (13.92%), according to the 2021 American Community Survey. At the same time, the smallest age group in Republican City, NE was the 10-14 years with a population of 0 (0.00%). Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2017-2021 5-Year Estimates.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2017-2021 5-Year Estimates.
Age groups:
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Republican City Population by Age. You can refer the same here
According to a survey conducted in 2024, Democrats were most likely to say that they support the Civil Rights Movement out of all selected social movements in the United States, with 88 percent of Democratic respondents sharing this belief. In comparison, Republicans and Independents showed the most support for the Disability Rights Movement, at 74 percent and 75 percent respectively.
The statistic above represents the percentage of American adults who see differences in what the Republican and Democratic Parties stand for. In 2014, 31 percent of the Millennials say there is a great deal of difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Context
The dataset tabulates the population of Republican City by gender, including both male and female populations. This dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Republican City across both sexes and to determine which sex constitutes the majority.
Key observations
There is a slight majority of male population, with 52.03% of total population being male. Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2018-2022 5-Year Estimates.
When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2018-2022 5-Year Estimates.
Scope of gender :
Please note that American Community Survey asks a question about the respondents current sex, but not about gender, sexual orientation, or sex at birth. The question is intended to capture data for biological sex, not gender. Respondents are supposed to respond with the answer as either of Male or Female. Our research and this dataset mirrors the data reported as Male and Female for gender distribution analysis. No further analysis is done on the data reported from the Census Bureau.
Variables / Data Columns
Good to know
Margin of Error
Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.
Custom data
If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.
Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.
This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Republican City Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
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PROBLEM AND OPPORTUNITY In the United States, voting is largely a private matter. A registered voter is given a randomized ballot form or machine to prevent linkage between their voting choices and their identity. This disconnect supports confidence in the election process, but it provides obstacles to an election's analysis. A common solution is to field exit polls, interviewing voters immediately after leaving their polling location. This method is rife with bias, however, and functionally limited in direct demographics data collected. For the 2020 general election, though, most states published their election results for each voting location. These publications were additionally supported by the geographical areas assigned to each location, the voting precincts. As a result, geographic processing can now be applied to project precinct election results onto Census block groups. While precinct have few demographic traits directly, their geographies have characteristics that make them projectable onto U.S. Census geographies. Both state voting precincts and U.S. Census block groups: are exclusive, and do not overlap are adjacent, fully covering their corresponding state and potentially county have roughly the same size in area, population and voter presence Analytically, a projection of local demographics does not allow conclusions about voters themselves. However, the dataset does allow statements related to the geographies that yield voting behavior. One could say, for example, that an area dominated by a particular voting pattern would have mean traits of age, race, income or household structure. The dataset that results from this programming provides voting results allocated by Census block groups. The block group identifier can be joined to Census Decennial and American Community Survey demographic estimates. DATA SOURCES The state election results and geographies have been compiled by Voting and Election Science team on Harvard's dataverse. State voting precincts lie within state and county boundaries. The Census Bureau, on the other hand, publishes its estimates across a variety of geographic definitions including a hierarchy of states, counties, census tracts and block groups. Their definitions can be found here. The geometric shapefiles for each block group are available here. The lowest level of this geography changes often and can obsolesce before the next census survey (Decennial or American Community Survey programs). The second to lowest census level, block groups, have the benefit of both granularity and stability however. The 2020 Decennial survey details US demographics into 217,740 block groups with between a few hundred and a few thousand people. Dataset Structure The dataset's columns include: Column Definition BLOCKGROUP_GEOID 12 digit primary key. Census GEOID of the block group row. This code concatenates: 2 digit state 3 digit county within state 6 digit Census Tract identifier 1 digit Census Block Group identifier within tract STATE State abbreviation, redundent with 2 digit state FIPS code above REP Votes for Republican party candidate for president DEM Votes for Democratic party candidate for president LIB Votes for Libertarian party candidate for president OTH Votes for presidential candidates other than Republican, Democratic or Libertarian AREA square kilometers of area associated with this block group GAP total area of the block group, net of area attributed to voting precincts PRECINCTS Number of voting precincts that intersect this block group ASSUMPTIONS, NOTES AND CONCERNS: Votes are attributed based upon the proportion of the precinct's area that intersects the corresponding block group. Alternative methods are left to the analyst's initiative. 50 states and the District of Columbia are in scope as those U.S. possessions voting in the general election for the U.S. Presidency. Three states did not report their results at the precinct level: South Dakota, Kentucky and West Virginia. A dummy block group is added for each of these states to maintain national totals. These states represent 2.1% of all votes cast. Counties are commonly coded using FIPS codes. However, each election result file may have the county field named differently. Also, three states do not share county definitions - Delaware, Massachusetts, Alaska and the District of Columbia. Block groups may be used to capture geographies that do not have population like bodies of water. As a result, block groups without intersection voting precincts are not uncommon. In the U.S., elections are administered at a state level with the Federal Elections Commission compiling state totals against the Electoral College weights. The states have liberty, though, to define and change their own voting precincts https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_precinct. The Census Bureau practices "data suppression", filtering some block groups from demographic publication because they do not meet a population threshold. This practice...
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License information was derived automatically
These data include annual parish registration data for Louisiana from 1966-2014. Reported in these data are the proportion of registered voters identifying as Republican and the proportion of African Americans who are registered to vote. Other parish-level predictors in these data include oil production, gas production, proportion of the overall population that is African-American, in-migration rates to the parish, the level of urbanization, and median household income.
Favorability Ratings: Political Leaders | RealClearPolling
In recent years, Americans have become less satisfied with the K-12 education system in the United States. While neither political party has ever been extremely satisfied with the quality of K-12 education in the United States, issues relating to K-12 schools have recently led to political controversy. From 2017 to 2020, Democrats and Republicans had similar satisfaction levels of around ** percent towards the U.S. education system. However, while Democrats reported little change in satisfaction towards education since 2020, Republican satisfaction decreased over this same time period, from ** percent in 2020 to ** percent by 2024. The political stance of parents Parents of K-12 students have been found to have widely different views on what their children should learn at school based on their political stance. For example, parents of K-12 students who identified as Republican were found more likely than Democrats to believe that public school teachers should be allowed to lead students in Christian prayers even if prayers from other religions are not offered, while 63 percent of surveyed Democratic parents believed that teachers should not be allowed to lead students in any type of prayers at all. In addition, parents of K-12 students had different views on how slavery should be taught to children in school, with the majority of Democratic parents believing that children should be taught that the legacy of slavery still affects the position of Black people in American society today while 66 percent of Republican parents said that children should be taught that slavery does not affect the position of Black people in American society today. Parents vs parents Along with the tendency to disagree on what children should learn at school, parents of K-12 parents also have different views on who should oversee what schools are teaching. In 2022, Republican parents were found much more likely to believe that their local school board has too much influence over what public K-12 schools are teaching in the United States while Democrats were more likely to believe that parents had too much influence. This increasing division between parents has partially been attributed to the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, as children were deeply impacted by the pandemic’s effect on their education. Consequently, the impact of these effects, as many children were disrupted by online learning or illness, may have increased anxieties for parents on how their children are being taught in school and exacerbated polarization between parents with different ideologies.
In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.