Sadly, the trend of fatal police shootings in the United States seems to only be increasing, with a total 1,173 civilians having been shot, 248 of whom were Black, as of December 2024. In 2023, there were 1,164 fatal police shootings. Additionally, the rate of fatal police shootings among Black Americans was much higher than that for any other ethnicity, standing at 6.1 fatal shootings per million of the population per year between 2015 and 2024. Police brutality in the U.S. In recent years, particularly since the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, police brutality has become a hot button issue in the United States. The number of homicides committed by police in the United States is often compared to those in countries such as England, where the number is significantly lower. Black Lives Matter The Black Lives Matter Movement, formed in 2013, has been a vocal part of the movement against police brutality in the U.S. by organizing “die-ins”, marches, and demonstrations in response to the killings of black men and women by police. While Black Lives Matter has become a controversial movement within the U.S., it has brought more attention to the number and frequency of police shootings of civilians.

In 2020, **** percent of full-time sworn officers in local police departments in the United States were white, followed by **** percent who were Hispanic.

Between 2015 and 2022, ** percent of police killings of Black people in the United States were committed while the victim was fleeing, the highest percentage of any ethnicity. Over the same time period, ** percent of police killings of Asian Americans occurred while the victim was fleeing - the lowest percentage of any ethnicity.

This is the replication data for "Police agencies on Facebook overreport on Black suspects"

In compliance with the 2015 Racial Identity Profiling Act, the Long Beach Police Department was one of seven law enforcement agencies required to begin collecting stop data on January 1, 2019, for individuals stopped by police and consensual encounters that resulted in a search. The Department will collect data for each calendar year and will submit the data to the California Department of Justice on an annual basis.

Data elements collected include demographic information of the stopped individuals that is perceived by the officer. This demographic information consists of race/ethnicity, gender, LGBT identity, age, English fluency, and perceived or known disability. The date, time, location, reason for stop, actions taken, contraband/evidence discovered, property seized, and result of stop are also included in the data collected.

This data contains information related to officer-initated stops by the City of Boulder Police Department. Information on the demographics of the person stopped (sex, race, ethnicity, year of birth, whether they are a Boulder resident) is included in this file. See the "Outcomes of Police Stops" dataset for more details on the outcome of the stop (stop location, duration, search, and result). This demographic data is collected at the stop level, and no individual-level identifiers are recorded in the system during a stop.The data published are limited to stops where the officer initiated, or had discretion, in making a stop. Instances where an officer is responding to a community or police call are considered non-discretionary, and demographics information is not collected for those stops and not included here. There are some instances of non-discretion within a stop interaction as well. For example, there may be instances where there is an outstanding felony warrant for the person stopped, and by law the officer must arrest that person.Please read the methodology and data dictionary documents for more information. The fields for this demographics dataset are referred to as the "Main" file in the data dictionary.

The race of persons stopped by the San Diego Police Department, as perceived by the officer conducting the stop. This data is collected according to requirements set forth in Government Code section 12525.5 that was enacted as a result of the Racial and Identity Profiling Act of 2015 (AB 953), also known as RIPA. The file contains one row per perceived race per person stopped by Police. An officer may perceive more than one race for a person stopped. The person stopped is uniquely identified in the pid field, and the stop is uniquely identified in the stop_id field. These two fields can be used to join this dataset to the other RIPA datasets available at the following links: (Deprecated) Actions taken Contraband and/or evidence found Disability of persons Force Actions (Deprecated) Gender of persons Non-Force Actions Basis for property seizure Property seized Basis for searches conducted Reason for stop Result of stop Stop details For more information about RIPA regulations, see the California Code of Regulations final text.

This dataset contains Phoenix Police Department officer demographics as of January 1st of each year starting in 2018. All ranks of sworn employees are included.

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In 2020, ** percent of the sworn police officers working in local police departments serving *********** people or more were Hispanic. This figure dropped to *** percent of sworn officers in communities of ***** people or less.

The rate of fatal police shootings in the United States shows large differences based on ethnicity. Among Black Americans, the rate of fatal police shootings between 2015 and December 2024 stood at 6.1 per million of the population per year, while for white Americans, the rate stood at 2.4 fatal police shootings per million of the population per year. Police brutality in the United States Police brutality is a major issue in the United States, but recently saw a spike in online awareness and protests following the murder of George Floyd, an African American who was killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Just a few months before, Breonna Taylor was fatally shot in her apartment when Louisville police officers forced entry into her apartment. Despite the repeated fatal police shootings across the country, police accountability has not been adequate according to many Americans. A majority of Black Americans thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while less than half of White Americans thought the same. Political opinions Not only are there differences in opinion between ethnicities on police brutality, but there are also major differences between political parties. A majority of Democrats in the United States thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while a majority of Republicans that they were held accountable. Despite opposing views on police accountability, both Democrats and Republicans agree that police should be required to be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force.

In 2023, ** offenders who killed law enforcement officers in the United States were of an unknown race or their race was not reported to the FBI. ** white offenders and ** Black offenders also killed law enforcement officers in that year. From the total of known offenders that year, ** were male.

We report the first empirical estimates of the race-specific effects of larger police forces in the United States. Each additional police officer abates approximately 0.1 homicides. In per capita terms, effects are twice as large for Black versus white victims. Larger police forces also make fewer arrests for serious crimes, with larger reductions for crimes with Black suspects, implying that police force growth does not increase racial disparities among the most serious charges. At the same time, larger police forces make more arrests for low-level "quality of life" offenses, with effects that imply a disproportionate impact for Black Americans.

Fatal police shootings in the United States continue to be a polarizing social and political issue. Clear disagreement between racial proportions of victims and nationwide racial demographics together with graphic video footage has created fertile ground for controversy. However, simple population level summary statistics fail to take into account fundamental local characteristics such as county-level racial demography, local arrest demography, and law enforcement density. Using data on fatal police shootings between January 2015 and July 2016, I implement a number of straightforward resampling procedures designed to carefully examine how unlikely the victim totals from each race are with respect to these local population characteristics if no racial bias were present in the decision to shoot by police. I present several approaches considering the shooting locations both as fixed and also as a random sample. In both cases, I find overwhelming evidence of a racial disparity in shooting victims with respect to local population demographics but substantially less disparity after accounting for local arrest demographics. I conclude the analyses by examining the effect of police-worn body cameras and find no evidence that the presence of such cameras impacts the racial distribution of victims. Supplementary materials for this article are available online.

This data was obtained from https://mappingpoliceviolence.us/.

Mapping Police Violence is a 501(c)(3) organization that publishes the most comprehensive and up-to-date data on police violence in America to support transformative change.

This is a database set on openly sharing information on police violence in America.

Some information on this data according to their website: Our data has been meticulously sourced from official police use of force data collection programs in states like California, Texas and Virginia, combined with nationwide data from The Gun Violence Archive and the Fatal Encounters database, two impartial crowdsourced databases. We've also done extensive original research to further improve the quality and completeness of the data; searching social media, obituaries, criminal records databases, police reports and other sources to identify the race of 90 percent of all victims in the database.

We believe the data represented on this site is the most comprehensive accounting of people killed by police since 2013. Note that the Mapping Police Violence database is more comprehensive than the Washington Post police shootings database: while WaPo only tracks cases where people are fatally shot by on-duty police officers, our database includes additional incidents such as cases where police kill someone through use of a chokehold, baton, taser or other means as well as cases such as killings by off-duty police. A recent report from the Bureau of Justice Statistics estimated approximately 1,200 people were killed by police between June, 2015 and May, 2016. Our database identified 1,100 people killed by police over this time period. While there are undoubtedly police killings that are not included in our database (namely, those that go unreported by the media), these estimates suggest that our database captures 92% of the total number of police killings that have occurred since 2013. We hope these data will be used to provide greater transparency and accountability for police departments as part of the ongoing work to end police violence in America.

This dataset includes information related to all arrests and strip searches. A strip search refers to a search conducted by a police officer on a person, which includes the removal of some or all clothing and a visual inspection of the body. The dataset also includes indicators of whether a person was booked at a police station within 24 hours following a particular arrest event. Due to issues with the booking template, there may be some records where a person was strip searched, but the data does not indicate a booking (i.e., value = 0); in those cases, the user should presume a booking took place. The location of arrest is aggregated to the Division level and refers to where the arrest took place within Division boundaries. Users should not interpret location as the Division to which the arresting officer was assigned. For some arrests, the location could not be geo-coded or the arrest took place outside of City of Toronto boundaries in other jurisdictions; these are indicated by XX. The age of person arrested and/or strip searched is their age at the time of the arrest, as given to the arresting officer.

This special topic poll, conducted January 21-24, 2001, assessed respondents' opinions about the New York City Police Department (NYCPD). Inhabitants of New York City (NYC) gave their opinions on the way Rudolph Giuliani was handling his job as mayor, the way the police in NYC were doing their jobs, occupational dangers for the police, race relations and life conditions in NYC, and racial profiling and brutality against minorities by the NYCPD. Respondents were also asked whether the NYCPD was a good place to work, whether they wanted to join the NYCPD, and whether their parents and friends would approve if they wanted to become police officers. The survey investigated whether police officers were appreciated by their communities and vice versa, whether police officers showed respect toward society, whether respondents had been in situations where they felt in personal danger or safer because of a police officer, and whether the city should require the police force to live in NYC. Those polled were also asked about their employment status and school attendance, family financial situation, whether they had relatives/friends who worked in NYC as police officers, and whether they or their family members had been the victims of a crime in NYC in the last year. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, education, race/ethnic identity, religion, political party affiliation, political orientation, marital status, and household income.

The Anti-Racism Act, 2017 and its associated regulation and guidance require the Ministry of the Solicitor General to collect and analyze race-based data in police use of force. These datasets include information extracted from provincially mandated police Use of Force Reports. The technical reports that accompany the datasets provide a detailed description of how the data were collected; data quality concerns; data cleaning and validation; and data limitations. This information is essential for understanding how to analyze the data appropriately and interpret any results from analysis.

This dataset contains summary table data of information from the provincial Use of Force Reports and occurrences that resulted in an enforcement action. The data used to produce these summary data comes from two sources: a) information about enforcement actions, such as calls for service types and occurrence categories, come from the Service's Records Management System and b) information related to reported use of force, such as highest types of force and perceived weapons, comes from the provincial use of force reports. The data counts unique occurrences which resulted in a police enforcement action or incidents of reported use of force. Hence, there may be more than one person and more than one officer involved in enforcement action incident or reported use of force incident. Since the summary tables are of incidents, where there was more than one person, descriptors such as perceived race refer to the composition of person(s) involved in the enforcement action incident. For example, if the incident involved more than one person, each perceived to be of a different race or gender group, then the incident is categorized as a “multiple race group.” For the purpose of the race-based data analysis, the data includes all incidents which resulted in a police enforcement action and excludes other police interactions with the public, such as taking victim reports, routine traffic or pedestrian stops, or outreach events. Enforcement actions are occurrences where person(s) involved were arrested resulting in charges (including released at scene) or released without charges; received Provincial Offences Act Part III tickets; summons; cautions; diversions; apprehensions, mental health-related incidents as well as those identified as “subject” or “suspect” in an incident to which an officer attended. Reported use of force incident are those in which a Toronto Police Service officer used force and are required to submit a report under the Police Services Act, 1990. For the purposes of the race-based data analysis, it excludes reportable incidents in which force was used against animals, team reports, and incidents where an officer unintentionally discharged a Service weapon during training. Each reported use of force incident is counted once, regardless of the number of officers or subjects involved.

Enforcement Action Taken by Driver's Sex, Race, and Ethnicity

Report From 1/1/2014 through 1/31/2015

The Seoul Olympic Commemoration National Sports Promotion Foundation Keirin and Keirin Headquarters provides the Keirin Race Video Information Search API, an open API service that allows you to check the actual match video of the race based on the search year and the race number. Through this API, users can use it for various purposes such as analyzing the player's driving style, checking key scenes, and enhancing fan service by watching the actual race scenes as well as the results of the keirin race. It can also be used as online content production, sports media analysis, and match review materials, and provides a useful foundation for implementing real-time information provision services based on video data. This API is contributing to the activation of public data utilization and the spread of digital sports content.