According to a survey conducted in 2023, Gen Z teens were more likely than other generations to identify as independents in the United States, at ** percent. A further ** percent of Gen Z teens identified as Democratic, while ** percent identified as Republicans.
According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.
In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.
According to a survey conducted in 2023, ** percent of Republicans aged 18 to 26 years said that they trusted the police a great deal or quite a lot in the United States while only ** percent of Independents and ** percent of Democrats aged 18 to 26 years old shared this belief.
Since 1988, the share of adults in the U.S. who identify as political independents has continued to grow, often surpassing the that of Democrats or Republicans. In 2024, approximately ** percent of adults rejected identification with the major parties, compared to ** percent of respondents identified with the Democratic Party, and ** percent with the Republican Party.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3709/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/3709/terms
This special topic poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and a range of other political and social issues. The study was conducted in part to assess respondents' interest in and opinions about the 2002 elections in New Jersey. Residents of that state were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, as well as their views of United States Senators Jon Corzine and Robert Torricelli, New Jersey governor Jim McGreevey, and former United States Senator Frank Lautenberg. Those queried were asked whether they intended to vote in the November 5, 2002, elections, and for whom they would vote if the election for United States Senator were held that day, given a choice between Lautenberg (Democratic Party) and Douglas Forrester (Republican Party). Respondents were also asked if Lautenberg and Forrester had spent more time during the campaign attacking each other or explaining what they would do if elected, whether they found the Senate race interesting or dull, what they considered to be the most important issue in deciding how to vote, and whether they considered their vote as a vote for or against Bush. Those polled answered sets of questions comparing Lautenberg and Forrester as Senate candidates in terms of their experience, honesty, integrity, age, political orientation, position on Iraq, and their potential decisions on United States Supreme Court nominees. A series of questions addressed the withdrawal of Torricelli from the Senate race and Lautenberg's replacement of him: whether Torricelli did the right thing by withdrawing, whether it was fair that the Democrats replaced him on the ballot, whether the New Jersey Supreme Court made the right decision by allowing his replacement, and whether that decision had made a difference in how the respondent intended to vote. Respondents' views were sought on the use of tax dollars to pay for abortions for indigent women, increased restrictions on the sale of handguns, whether the sentence for a murder conviction should be the death penalty or life in prison without parole, whether companies responsible for major pollution problems should be held accountable for the clean-up costs, and whether the government should cover losses incurred by individuals who chose to invest their Social Security taxes in the stock market. Additional questions probed respondents' views on corruption in New Jersey politics, the importance of which political party controls the United States Congress, the influence of Lautenberg and Forrester campaign advertisements, and whether the respondent would vote for musician Bruce Springsteen if he were a candidate for United States Senator from New Jersey. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, political orientation, voter registration and participation history, handgun ownership, education, religion, marital status, Hispanic descent, race, years in community, and household income.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/terms
Supplementary Empirical Teaching Units in Political Science (SETUPS) for American Politics are computer-related modules designed for use in teaching introductory courses in American government and politics. The modules are intended to demonstrate the process of examining evidence and reaching conclusions and to stimulate students to independent, critical thinking and a deeper understanding of substantive content. They enable students with no previous training to make use of the computer to analyze data on political behavior or to see the results of policy decisions by use of a simulation model. The SETUPS: AMERICAN POLITICS modules were developed by a group of political scientists with experience in teaching introductory American government courses who were brought together in a workshop supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in the summer of 1974. The American Political Science Association administered the grant, and the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research was host to the workshop and provided data for most of the SETUPS. The modules were tested and evaluated during the 1974-1975 academic year by students and faculty in 155 classes at 69 universities and colleges. Appropriate revisions were made based upon this experience. This collection comprises 15 separate modules: (1) Political Socialization Across the Generations, (2) Political Participation, (3) Voting Behavior, The 1980 Election, (4) Elections and the Mass Media, (5) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Court Decisions, (6) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Police Interrogations, (7) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, State Expenditures, (8) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE Simulation, (9) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE II Simulation, (10) Fear of Crime, (11) Presidential Popularity in America, Presidential Popularity, (12) Presidential Popularity in America, Advanced Analyses, (13) Campaign '80, The Public and the Presidential Selection Process, (14) Voting Behavior, The 1976 Election, and (15) Policy Responsiveness and Fiscal Strain in 51 American Communities. Parts 8 and 9 are FORTRAN IV program SIMSTATE sourcedecks intended to simulate the interaction of state policies. Variables in the various modules provide information on respondents' level of political involvement and knowledge of political issues, general political attitudes and beliefs, news media exposure and usage, voting behavior (Parts 1, 2, and 3), and sectional biases (15). Other items provide information on respondents' views of government, politics, Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as presidents, best form of government, government spending (Part 3), local police, the Supreme Court (Parts 4 and 15), the economy, and domestic and foreign affairs. Additional items probed respondents' opinions of prayer in school, abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment Law, nuclear energy, and the most important national problem and the political party most suitable to handle it (Part 3). Also included are items on votes of Supreme Court judges (Part 5), arrest of criminal suspects and their treatment by law enforcement agencies (Part 6), federal government expenditures and budgeting (Part 7), respondents' feelings of safety at home, neighborhood crime rate, frequency of various kinds of criminal victimization, the personal characteristics of the targets of those crimes (Part 10), respondents' opinions of and choice of party presidential candidates nominees (Part 13), voter turnout for city elections (15), urban unrest, and population growth rate. Demographic items specify age, sex, race, marital status, education, occupation, income, social class identification, religion, political party affiliation, and union membership.
The political party preference among youngsters in India largely was aligned with the Bharatiya Janata Party according to a survey conducted between January and February 2019. Among those who were born after 1996, also referred to as Gen Z, around ** percent said that they aligned with the BJP, whereas ** percent said they supported the Congress party.
https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
As part of Cards Against Humanity Saves America, this poll is funded for one year of monthly public opinion polls. Cards Against Humanity is asking the American people about their social and political views, what they think of the president, and their pee-pee habits.
To conduct their polls in a scientifically rigorous manner, they partnered with Survey Sampling International — a professional research firm — to contact a nationally representative sample of the American public. For the first three polls, they interrupted people’s dinners on both their cell phones and landlines, and a total of about 3,000 adults didn’t hang up immediately. They examined the data for statistically significant correlations which can be found here: [https://thepulseofthenation.com/][1]
These polls are from Cards Against Humanity Saves America and the raw data can be found here: [https://thepulse...
Comprehensive dataset of 224 Political party offices in Illinois, United States as of July, 2025. Includes verified contact information (email, phone), geocoded addresses, customer ratings, reviews, business categories, and operational details. Perfect for market research, lead generation, competitive analysis, and business intelligence. Download a complimentary sample to evaluate data quality and completeness.
This survey, conducted April-July 1997, is part of a series of surveys designed to assess political continuity and change across time for biologically related generations. The focus of this survey was to assess political continuity and change between the respondents that were part of the youth generation in the original youth-parent study, STUDENT-PARENT SOCIALIZATION STUDY, 1965 (ICPSR 7286), and their offspring ages 15 and older. Respondents were polled on the accessibility, responsiveness, trustworthiness, and comprehensibility of the government and politicians, the importance of free speech and assembly, and the influence of interest groups in politics. Respondents were asked to rate the degree to which politicians were liberal or conservative on a scale of 1 to 7. Information was gathered on whether respondents voted in the 1996, 1992, and 1988 presidential elections and for whom they voted, whether respondents were involved in political and/or community activism, whether they performed any volunteer work, their level of Internet access and proficiency, their ratings of labor unions, activist groups, and politicians, whether they had tried to influence the political or social views of others, and their opinions on the role of the United States in world affairs. Respondents' views were also elicited about the role of political parties in the United States, the rights of criminals, the legalization of marijuana, their standard of living compared to that of their parents, equal rights measures concerning ethnicity, sexual orientation, and sex, and whether most people can be trusted, are helpful, and are fair. Respondents were polled on their life habits and were asked to give their opinions on issues such as whether the United States should have been involved in the Vietnam War, women in the workplace, the relevancy and accuracy of the Bible, and prayer in school. Background variables include age, sex, religious orientation, level of religious participation, marital status, ethnicity, educational status and background, and employment status.
This poll, fielded September 19-22, 2008, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. A national sample of 1,082 adults was surveyed, including oversamples of African Americans for a total of 163 African American respondents. Respondents were asked whether the Democratic or Republican party could be trusted to do a better job coping with the main problems the nation would face over the next few years, whether things in the country were going in the right direction, and how concerned they were about the national economy. Respondents were also asked how closely they were following the 2008 presidential race, their opinions of presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, their opinion of Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, for whom they would vote in the general election in November, which candidate had the best chance of getting elected, and how comfortable respondents would be with a president who was African American or a president over the age of 72. Respondents identifying with the Democratic party, were asked for whom they originally voted for to be the party nominee: Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama. Economic topics addressed how concerned respondents were that they could maintain their current standard of living, the most difficult economic issue affecting their family, particularly personal finances, the stock market, and the ability to obtain bank loans. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, political philosophy, education level, religious preference, military service, household income, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), home ownership and whether respondents considered themselves to be a born-again Christian.
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Active-learning pedagogies represent one suite of tools commonly thought to promote greater classroom inclusivity. However, the social aspects of many active-learning techniques, such as in-class group work, may differentially impact students who feel pressure to conceal certain aspects of their identity, such as sexual orientation, political affiliation, or religion. We used a post-course survey of over 1300 students at a large midwestern University to ascertain which aspects of a student's identity are most salient in their experiences in active-learning environments, especially with respect to group work. Using path analysis, we show that students who are politically conservative, religious, or who commute to campus perceive lower inclusion in active-learning environments, while students who identify as queer report negative experiences in groups. These and other findings lead us to conclude that targeted efforts to improve classroom climate, such as equitable teaching strategies, will benefit students who might feel marginalized in peer-learning environments.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/26147/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/26147/terms
This special topic poll, fielded April 10-15, 2008, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. The focus of this data collection was the opinions of adults 18 to 29 years of age on the 2008 presidential election and other issues. Respondents were asked about the most important issue facing their generation at the present time and twenty years into the future, whether the country was moving in the right direction, the condition of the national economy, and job opportunities for people in their generation. Views were sought on the 2008 presidential campaign, differences between the Democratic and Republican parties, the amount of influence their generation would have in deciding the next president, the most important issues in their vote, their opinions of the presidential candidates, whether the 2008 campaign focused too much on the candidate's race and gender, and whether African Americans or women faced more obstacles as candidates for president and in everyday life in America. Information was collected on whether respondents had already registered or planned to register to vote in the 2008 general election, whether they planned to or had already voted in a Democratic or Republican primary or caucus in their state, for whom they would vote for if the general election were held that day, whether they had been personally contacted by a political campaign and asked to register to vote, and whether they had ever been involved in a political campaign. A series of questions asked respondents how they got their information about politics, their use of social networking sites such as Facebook, MySpace, and Friendster, and whether they had ever visited a political or campaign Web site, watched a political video or campaign advertisement on a video Web site like YouTube, and had ever posted anything about politics on the internet, such as in a blog or chat room. Additional topics addressed the Iraq war, how much impact MTV could have in raising awareness among young people about political issues, and whether respondents were familiar with MTV's "Choose or Lose" campaign. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, marital status, whether respondents had children under 18 years of age, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, religious preference, and whether respondents considered themselves to be a born-again Christian.
A dataset of a survey of intergenerational relations among 2,044 adult members of some 300 three- (and later four-) generation California families: grandparents (then in their sixties), middle-aged parents (then in their early forties), grandchildren (then aged 16 to 26), and later the great-grandchildren as they turn age 16, and further surveys in 1985, 1988, 1991, 1994, 1997 and 2001. This first fully-elaborated generation-sequential design makes it possible to compare sets of parents and adult-children at the same age across different historical periods and addresses the following objectives: # To track life-course trajectories of family intergenerational solidarity and conflict over three decades of adulthood, and across successive generations of family members; # To identify how intergenerational solidarity, and conflict influence the well-being of family members throughout the adult life course and across successive generations; # To chart the effects of socio-historical change on families, intergenerational relationships, and individual life-course development during the past three decades; # To examine women''s roles and relationships in multigenerational families over 30 years of rapid change in the social trajectories of women''s lives. These data can extend understanding of the complex interplay among macro-social change, family functioning, and individual well-being over the adult life-course and across successive generations. Data Availability: Data from 1971-1997 are available through ICPSR as Study number 4076. * Dates of Study: 1971-2001 * Study Features: Longitudinal * Sample Size: ** 345 Three-generational families ** 2,044 Adults (1971 baseline) Link: * ICPSR: http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/04076
Comprehensive dataset of 53 Political party offices in Maryland, United States as of July, 2025. Includes verified contact information (email, phone), geocoded addresses, customer ratings, reviews, business categories, and operational details. Perfect for market research, lead generation, competitive analysis, and business intelligence. Download a complimentary sample to evaluate data quality and completeness.
In 2024, around ** percent of Gen Y or Millennial respondents in Germany supported the Bündnis 90/Die Grüne party. ** percent of those in Generation X supported the CDU/CSU. The figures are based on a survey conducted in Germany regarding respondents' values and attitude to life.The Allensbach Market and Advertising Media Analysis (Allensbacher Markt- und Werbeträgeranalyse or AWA in German) determines attitudes, consumer habits and media usage of the population in Germany on a broad statistical basis.
The electoral base of the Democratic Party has been transformed over the past generation. Democrats have lost ground in rural America while adding strength in cities and, more recently, suburbs. A major consequence of this shift has been the creation of a “U-shaped” Democratic voting base, with both poorer metro voters and affluent suburbanites siding with the party. This spatial alliance overlays a multiracial one, as Democrats rely more heavily on minority voters than any other major party in American history. Many analysts have argued that the Democratic Party has managed this sea change by shifting from economic to cultural and identity appeals. This claim is consistent with leading models of two-dimensional party competition, as well as a fair amount of cross-national research on parties of the left and center-left in contemporary knowledge economies. However, we find little evidence for this claim in national Democrats’ messaging (via party platforms and on Twitter), nor, more important, in their actual policy efforts. Instead, we show that even as Democrats have increasingly relied on affluent, educated voters, the party has embraced a more ambitious economic agenda. The national party has bridged the Blue Divide not by foreswearing redistribution or foregrounding cultural liberalism, but by formulating an increasingly bold economic program—albeit one that elides important inequalities within its metro-based multi-racial coalition. Understanding how and why Democrats have taken this path is central to understanding not just the party’s response to its shifting electorate, but the way parties manage coalitional change more broadly.
https://www.gesis.org/en/institute/data-usage-termshttps://www.gesis.org/en/institute/data-usage-terms
Political attitudes and behaviors with regard to demographic change.
Topics: Assessment of the national economic situation (retrospective, current, prospective); concern regarding demographic change; anticipated problems caused by an aging society; perceived age limit of older and younger people; knowledge test: Proportion of the country´s population over 65; perception of commonalities in own age group; perceived frequency of media reports on generational conflicts; political interest; assessment of one´s own economic situation (retrospective, current, prospective); voter turnout (Sunday question); party preference (voters and non-voters); perceptions of social conflicts between selected social groups (people with and without children, politically left and right, young and old, poor and rich, employed and retired, Germans and foreigners, East Germans and West Germans); most important political goals (post-materialism, Inglehart indicators); opinion on selected statements about old and young (frequent abuse of social benefits in Germany, assessment of representation of younger people´s interests in politics, assessment of representation of older people in political positions, older people should organize their own party, older people should support younger people and younger people should support older people); perceived strength of general intergenerational support; financial support of a family member of another generation resp. frequency of self-received financial support (intergenerational transfers); frequency of support from a person in everyday life who belongs to another generation or frequency of self-received support; satisfaction with democracy; political trust (Bundestag, politicians, Federal Constitutional Court, federal government, media); opinion on selected statements about young and old (importance of contact with significantly younger persons, evaluation of the representation of the interests of older persons in politics, older persons live at the expense of the following generations, older persons have built up what the younger persons live on today, importance of contact with significantly older persons, evaluation of the representation of younger persons in political positions; political efficacy; electoral norm (voter turnout as a civic duty); sympathy scalometer of political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Greens, Die Linke); satisfaction with selected policy areas (reduction of unemployment, health, education, financial security for the elderly, family, care in old age); preferred level of government spending in the aforementioned areas; preferred government responsibility in the aforementioned areas; most competent party to solve the problems in the aforementioned areas (problem-solving competence); salience of the aforementioned policy areas; self-ranking on a left-right continuum; assessment of the representation of older people´s interests by political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Greens, Die Linke); assessment of the representation of younger people´s interests by political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Greens, Die Linke); recall Bundestag elections 2013 (voter turnout, voting decision); expected occurrence of various future scenarios (conflicts between older and younger people, refusal of younger people to pay for the pensions of older people, older people more likely to assert their political interests than younger people, increasing old-age poverty, refusal of younger people to pay for the medical care of older people, Germany will no longer be able to afford current pension levels, Elderly will no longer receive all available medical benefits); reliance most likely on state, family or self for own retirement; knowledge test: Year of phased introduction of retirement at 67; civic engagement; hours per week of volunteering; perception of social justice; general life satisfaction; party affiliation and strength of party identification; concerns regarding own retirement security (financial/medical) or feared unemployment; religious affiliation; religiosity; salience of selected life domains (family and friends, health, leisure, politics, income, education, work, and occupation); self-assessment of class affiliation; residence description.
Demography: age (grouped) and year of birth; sex; household size; number of persons under 18 in household; household composition (one, two, or three generations); number of children and grandchildren; regrets about own childlessness; partnership; living with...
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/23445/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/23445/terms
This poll, fielded June 26-28, 2007, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling the presidency and other issues such as the situation with Iraq, whether they approved of the way the United States Congress was handling its job, and whether they approved of the way Dick Cheney was handling his job as vice president. Information was collected on whether the United States was respected around the world, whether respondents considered Russia an ally of the United States, whether George W. Bush's foreign policies had made world leaders more likely to cooperate with the United States, and whether respondents were more likely to vote in a Democratic or Republican presidential primary or caucus. Opinions were solicited on the presidential candidates, on New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and on the 42nd President of the United States Bill Clinton. Respondents were asked how much attention they had been paying to the 2008 presidential campaign, whether the country needs a third political party, whether they were satisfied with the candidates running for the Democratic and Republican nomination for president, and which candidate they would vote for if the 2008 presidential election were being held that day. Respondents also were asked about political candidates and their religious beliefs, religious leaders influencing voters, whether it is important for candidates to have strong religious beliefs, and how important presidential candidates' spouses are. Additional topics included the war in Iraq, illegal immigration, respondents' image of New York City, the future of the next generation of Americans, and how respondents' own generation compared to their parents' generation. Demographic information includes sex, age, race, education level, household income, marital status, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, and the presence of household members between the ages of 18 and 24.
According to a survey conducted in 2023, Gen Z teens were more likely than other generations to identify as independents in the United States, at ** percent. A further ** percent of Gen Z teens identified as Democratic, while ** percent identified as Republicans.