The economy was seen by 51 percent of people in the UK as one of the top three issues facing the country in March 2025. The ongoing cost of living crisis afflicting the UK, driven by high inflation, is still one of the main concerns of Britons. Health has generally been the second most important issue since early 2022, possibly due to NHS staffing problems, and increasing demand for health services, which have plunged the National Health Service into a deep crisis. From late 2022 onwards, immigration emerged as the third main concern for British people, just ahead of the environment for much of 2023 and as of the most recent month, the second most important issue for voters. Labour's popularity continues to sink in 2025 Despite winning the 2024 general election with a strong majority, the new Labour government has had its share of struggles since coming to power. Shortly after taking office, the approval rating for Labour stood at -2 percent, but this fell throughout the second half of 2024, and by January 2025 had sunk to a new low of -47 percent. Although this was still higher than the previous government's last approval rating of -56 percent, it is nevertheless a severe review from the electorate. Among several decisions from the government, arguably the least popular was the government withdrawing winter fuel payments. This state benefit, previously paid to all pensioners, is now only paid to those on low incomes, with millions of pensioners not receiving this payment in winter 2024. Sunak's pledges fail to prevent defeat in 2024 With an election on the horizon, and the Labour Party consistently ahead in the polls, addressing voter concerns directly was one of the best chances the Conservatives had of staying in power in 2023. At the start of that year, Rishi Sunak attempted to do this by setting out his five pledges for the next twelve months; halve inflation, grow the economy, reduce national debt, cut NHS waiting times, and stop small boats. A year later, Sunak had at best only partial success in these aims. Although the inflation rate fell, economic growth was weak and even declined in the last two quarters of 2023, although it did return to growth in early 2024. National debt was only expected to fall in the mid to late 2020s, while the trend of increasing NHS waiting times did not reverse. Small boat crossings were down from 2022, but still higher than in 2021 or 2020. .

As of January 2025, the economy was seen as the most important issue facing the UK according to young voters (aged between 18 and 24). Compared with the overall population, housing and the environment are seen as more important issues than immigration, which was the joint-second most important issue for the general population.

This statistic shows the opinion of British adults of the most important issues facing the United Kingdom (UK) in January 2015. Immigration and asylum were considered as important as the economy - both on 52 percent - followed by health and welfare benefits.

This dataset arises from the survey work undertaken by four closely co-ordinated projects, which were part of the Devolution and Constitutional Change research programme of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). The principal aim of the projects was to establish whether initial reactions to the introduction of devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland enhanced (or otherwise) the legitimacy of the United Kingdom and the new institutions themselves.

More specifically the projects aimed to find answers to the following questions:

• Did the introduction of devolution change the distribution of national identity?
• Did support for the UK political system rise or fall?
• Were patterns similar or different across the four territories?
• Can any changes that have occurred in national identity and so on be attributed to devolution or to other processes such as generational change?

There were in addition a number of country-specific issues, for example, support for regional government in England. The objective of the survey research was to provide a firm empirical basis on which to study these questions.

This dataset is derived from several existing sources:

• British Social Attitudes Surveys, 2001 and 2003, produced by the National Centre for Social Research (NatCen)
• Scottish Social Attitudes Surveys, 2001 and 2003, produced by NatCen and the Scottish Centre for Social Research
• Wales Life and Times Study (Welsh Election Study), 2001 (held at the UK Data Archive (UKDA) under SN 4546), and Wales Life and Times Study (Welsh Assembly Election Study), 2003, (SN 5052), which were produced by the universities of Wales (Aberystwyth) and Oxford, and NatCen
• Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 2001 and 2003, produced by the Northern Ireland Social and Political Archive (ARK)

The copyright of the data taken from these surveys rests with the original producers (see copyright statement below).

This statistic shows, according to survey respondents, the most important election issues that should be addressed in the run up to the 2015 United Kingdom (UK) General Election (as of December 2014). With 50 percent of respondents, immigration was considered to be the most important topic, followed by the National Health Service (NHS) and the European Union (EU).

This study is part of a larger investigation that surveyed both cross-section and panel samples between 1963 and 1970, in an effort to analyze political change in Great Britain. Interviewing was conducted in four waves: the first wave in 1963, an election-free year, and the next three waves subsequent to the general elections in 1964, 1966, and 1970. The present study contains the data resulting from the 1963 national cross-section sample. POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1964 (ICPSR 7233) presents data obtained from the 1964 electorate sample, POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1966 (ICPSR 7234) includes the interviews administered to the 1966 electorate sample, and POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1963-1970 (ICPSR 7250) comprises the master file that brings together the 1963, 1964, and 1966 samples as well as 11 additional panels. The interviews focused on the phenomenon of political change. General political attitudes and behaviors were ascertained, as well as possible sources for their change. Variables assessed respondents' sources of political information, perceptions of political parties and leaders, and views on governmental responsiveness, economic well-being, and other salient issues. Other questions probed partisan self-identification and the extent of political participation. The respondents' knowledge of members of parliament from their constituencies, and perceptions of social class and trade-union influence were also investigated. Semantic differential scales were employed to assess respondents' perceptions of the three main parties. Extensive demographic data were collected, including age, sex, marital status, number of children, religion, education, occupation, and income.

UK-specific results on people’s trust in government and institutions, opinions of public services and attitudes toward political issues. These are official statistics in development.

This study surveyed both cross-section and panel samples between 1963 and 1970, in an effort to analyze political change in Great Britain. Interviewing was conducted in four waves: the first wave in 1963, an election-free year, and the next three waves subsequent to the general elections in 1964, 1966, and 1970. The present study contains the master file bringing together the data resulting from the 1963 national cross-section sample, the 1964 and 1966 electorate samples, and 11 additional panels resulting from reinterviewing respondents from one or more of the three samples listed above. Also available through ICPSR are three subsets of these data: POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1963 (ICPSR 7232) presents data obtained from the 1963 national cross-section sample, POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1964 (ICPSR 7233) includes the interviews administered to the 1964 electorate sample, and POLITICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN, 1966 (ICPSR 7234) contains data resulting from the 1966 electorate sample. The interviews focused on the phenomenon of political change. General political attitudes and behaviors were ascertained, as well as possible sources for their change. Variables assessed respondents' sources of political information, perceptions of political parties and leaders, and views on governmental responsiveness, economic well-being, and other salient issues. Other questions probed partisan self-identification and the extent of political participation. The respondents' knowledge of members of parliament from their constituencies, and perceptions of social class and trade-union influence were also investigated. Semantic differential scales were employed to assess respondents' perceptions of the three main parties. Extensive demographic data were collected, including age, sex, marital status, number of children, religion, education, occupation, and income.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.The Audit of Political Engagement is a time-series study providing an annual benchmark to measure political engagement in Great Britain, gauging public opinion about politics and the political system, and more broadly the general health of our democracy. Each Audit report presents the findings from a public opinion survey, providing detailed commentary on a range of measures that have been chosen as key measures of political engagement. Repeating questions in successive years enables us to chronicle the public’s responses year on year and track the direction and magnitude of change since the Audit was first published in 2004, building trend data on public attitudes to key aspects of our democracy. The Audit looks at core inter-locking areas that are known as vital facets, or 'building blocks', of political engagement. Given the multi-dimensional nature of political engagement, the indicators chosen are not exhaustive, but in capturing aspects of public behaviour, knowledge, opinions, attitudes and values towards politics they help us understand the drivers of political engagement and the relationships between them. Across the Audit series several 'core' indicator questions have been asked each year, supplemented by a range of thematic and topical questions, some of which are re-visited on two- or three-year cycles. Further information about the survey series is available from the Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement webpages. Audit of Political Engagement 5, 2007 provides an update of the six core indicators. Previous surveys were based on UK data, whereas figures from 2007 are based on Great Britain and do not include Northern Ireland. For the second edition (November 2009), a new version of the data file has been deposited which includes an urban-rural indicator variable. Main Topics:The core indicators of political engagement covered in every survey aim to discover the percentage of people who:feel they know about politicsare interested in politics;are absolutely certain to vote at an immediate general electionhave undertaken a range of political activitiesbelieve that getting involved in politics is effectivethink that the present system of governing works wellQuestions asked regularly but not every year aim to discover the percentage of people who:are satisfied with MPs in general, with their own MP, with the UK Parliamentagree that the UK Parliament holds government to account, encourages public involvement in politics, is essential to our democracy, debates and makes decision on issues that matter to mefeel involved in local/national decision-makingwant to be involved in local/national decision-making An additional theme for 2007 is public attitudes to a range of constitutional issues. Quota sample Face-to-face interview

This project explored how the circulation of ideas, arguments and discourses within local civil society has contributed to the rise of populism and polarisation of politics in the United Kingdom and the United States of America, and what part civil society can play in addressing social and political polarisation. We examined the relationship between polarising viewpoints at local community and national levels and the role civil society plays at engaging communities in these issues. In-depth interviews were undertaken in the United Kingdom and in New Hampshire and Vermont in the United States of America.

WISERD celebrates its 10th anniversary this year. Over time it has grown into an international research institute that develops the next generation of research leaders. Our research brings together different disciplines (geographers, economists, sociologists, data scientists, political scientists) to address important issues for civil society at national and international levels. Our social science core provides a strong foundation for working with other disciplines including environmental science, engineering and medicine to transform our understanding and approaches to key areas of public concern. Our aim is to provide evidence that informs and changes policy and practice. This Centre will build on all previous WISERD research activities to undertake an ambitious new research programme. Our focus will be on the concept of civic stratification. This is a way of looking at divisions in society by focusing on the rights and obligations and practices of citizens and the role of civil society organisations in addressing inequalities in those rights and obligations. We will examine and analyse instances where people do not have the same rights as others (for example people who are migrants or refugees). We will also look at examples of people and groups working together within civil society to win new rights; this is referred to as civic expansion. Examples might include campaigns for animal rights or concerns about robots and Artificial Intelligence. We will investigate situations where people have the same rights but experience differences in their ability to access those rights; sometimes referred to as civic gain and civic loss (for example some people are better able to access legal services than others). Lastly, we will explore how individuals and groups come together to overcome deficits in their rights and citizenship; sometimes referred to as forms of civil repair. This might include ways in which people are looking at alternative forms of economic organisation, at local sustainability and at using new technologies (platforms and software) to organise and campaign for their rights. Our centre will deliver across four key areas of activity. First our research programme will focus on themes that address the different aspects of civic stratification. We will examine trends in polarization of economic, political and social rights, looking at how campaigns for rights are changing and undertaking case studies of attempts to repair the fabric of civil life. Second, we will extend and deepen our international and civil society research partnerships and networks and by doing so strengthen our foundations for developing further joint research in the future. Third, we will implement an exciting and accessible 'knowledge exchange' programme to enable our research and evidence to reach, involve and influence as many people as possible. Fourth, we will expand the capacity of social science research and nurture future research leaders. All our research projects will be jointly undertaken with key partners including civil society organisations, such as charities, and local communities. The research programme is broad and will include the collection of new data, the exploitation of existing data sources and linking existing sets of data. The data will range from local detailed studies to large cross-national comparisons. We will make the most of our skills and abilities to work with major RCUK research investments. We have an outstanding track record in maximising research impact, in applying a wide range of research methods to real world problems. This exciting and challenging research programme is based on a unique, long standing and supportive relationship between five core universities in Wales and our partnerships with universities and research institutes in the UK and internationally. It addresses priority areas identified by the ESRC and by governments and is informed by our continued close links with civil society organisations.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

This is a mixed methods data collection. The Qualitative Election Study of Britain, 2010 (QESB) recorded the views and concerns of Britons before and after the 2010 General Election. By conducting 14 focus groups with people in England, Scotland and Wales the project investigated, qualitatively, pre- and post-election views. The aim was to generate data that: 1) provided insights into the views and perceptions of citizens on politicians, party leaders, and political issues (e.g. civic duty, political alienation, political activism) before and after the general election; 2) allowed for analysis of the meaning that underlies their assessments, uncover sources of normative values, and make explicit the tacit assumptions participants use to reach their judgements. Three additional focus groups were conducted on the night of the first ever Leaders' Debates and the transcripts record people's expectations in advance of the debates and their reactions afterwards. As well as the focus group transcripts, the collection includes a quantitative file of results from the pre-focus group questionnaire given to participants.

A later QESB study was conducted in 2015, and is held under SN 8117.

Users should note that although audio and video recordings of some of the focus groups have been deposited, they are held for preservation only and are not available for use.

Main Topics:

Topics covered during the focus groups included: people's perceptions of the main party leaders; perceptions of the campaigns; civic duty; the possibility of a hung parliament; and how they came to their vote choice. The questionnaire data covers newspaper readership, political attitudes, government spending and opinions of the main British political party leaders.

This data collection is part of a continuing series of surveys of the British electorate, begun by David Butler and Donald Stokes at Nuffield College, Oxford, in 1963, and continued at the University of Essex. This cross-section study was designed to yield a representative sample of eligible voters in Great Britain near the time of the general election on February 28, 1974. As with other surveys in the series, electors in Northern Ireland and the Scottish Highlands and Islands were excluded from the sampling frame. Personal interviews with 2,462 members of the British electorate took place in two waves between March and May. Respondents answered questions relating to their attitudes toward the general election and the strength of their political opinions and interest. Respondents were asked about their trust in government and their opinions of the Conservative, Labour, Liberal, Scottish Nationalist, and Plaid Cymru political parties (e.g., perceived differences among them, and knowledge and perception of party position/record). Respondents were also asked to reveal their past voting behavior (e.g., their first and second choices in the general election, other parties considered, choices in the 1970 and 1966 elections, frequency of discussion about politics, and direction and strength of party identification). Respondents were then asked for their views on the general election results along a variety of dimensions. Respondents also identified groups with too much or too little political power, as well as groups with whom they themselves identified. They were asked to rate several political parties and politicians and to express their views regarding a range of social issues relating to domestic and foreign affairs, including the mass media (e.g., attention to television and newspapers and perceived bias in newspapers), opinions on prices, strikes in general, the miners' strike, pensions, the Common Market, nationalization, social services, Communists, devolution, income tax and wage controls, and Britain's dependency on other countries (i.e., the United States, Russia, France, Germany, and Australia). Respondents were also asked to predict incomes, unemployment, and Britain's future economic situation. Other sets of questions probed for opinions on social mores and life satisfaction (e.g., life in general, personal financial status, today's standards, local government, change, and getting ahead). Background information includes age, sex, marital status, employment status, socioeconomic group, experience of unemployment in household, income, occupation, degree of supervision, and responsibility in job (for self and spouse). Information on father's vote, party choice, strength of party support, occupation, employment status, and social grade is also included.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Audit of Political Engagement is a time-series study providing an annual benchmark to measure political engagement in Great Britain, gauging public opinion about politics and the political system, and more broadly the general health of our democracy. Each Audit report presents the findings from a public opinion survey, providing detailed commentary on a range of measures that have been chosen as key measures of political engagement. Repeating questions in successive years enables us to chronicle the public’s responses year on year and track the direction and magnitude of change since the Audit was first published in 2004, building trend data on public attitudes to key aspects of our democracy.

The Audit looks at core inter-locking areas that are known as vital facets, or 'building blocks', of political engagement. Given the multi-dimensional nature of political engagement, the indicators chosen are not exhaustive, but in capturing aspects of public behaviour, knowledge, opinions, attitudes and values towards politics they help us understand the drivers of political engagement and the relationships between them. Across the Audit series several 'core' indicator questions have been asked each year, supplemented by a range of thematic and topical questions, some of which are re-visited on two- or three-year cycles.

Further information about the survey series is available from the Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement webpages.


The full report for the 2003 study also draws on findings from a survey (not held at the UKDA) of Members of Parliament conducted by the Hansard Society in November - December 2003.

Main Topics:
The core indicators of political engagement covered in every survey aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• feel they know about politics
• are interested in politics;
• are absolutely certain to vote at an immediate general election
• have undertaken a range of political activities
• believe that getting involved in politics is effective
• think that the present system of governing works well

Questions asked regularly but not every year aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• are satisfied with MPs in general, with their own MP, with the UK Parliament
• agree that the UK Parliament holds government to account, encourages public involvement in politics, is essential to our democracy, debates and makes decision on issues that matter to me
• feel involved in local/national decision-making
• want to be involved in local/national decision-making

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Audit of Political Engagement is a time-series study providing an annual benchmark to measure political engagement in Great Britain, gauging public opinion about politics and the political system, and more broadly the general health of our democracy. Each Audit report presents the findings from a public opinion survey, providing detailed commentary on a range of measures that have been chosen as key measures of political engagement. Repeating questions in successive years enables us to chronicle the public’s responses year on year and track the direction and magnitude of change since the Audit was first published in 2004, building trend data on public attitudes to key aspects of our democracy.

The Audit looks at core inter-locking areas that are known as vital facets, or 'building blocks', of political engagement. Given the multi-dimensional nature of political engagement, the indicators chosen are not exhaustive, but in capturing aspects of public behaviour, knowledge, opinions, attitudes and values towards politics they help us understand the drivers of political engagement and the relationships between them. Across the Audit series several 'core' indicator questions have been asked each year, supplemented by a range of thematic and topical questions, some of which are re-visited on two- or three-year cycles.

Further information about the survey series is available from the Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement webpages.


The Audit of Political Engagement 14, 2017 was conducted by Ipsos MORI between 2 December 2016 and 15 January 2017 with a representative quota sample of adults aged 18 and over across Great Britain. Booster samples were included to make comparisons between England, Scotland and Wales, and between the white and black and minority ethnic (BME) populations, more statistically reliable. The data can also be weighted to match the national population profile. The 14th Audit took place after the European Union referendum of 23 June 2016 which was the biggest democratic event that has taken place in the 14-year life of this Audit study and one of the biggest in British electoral history.


Main Topics:
The core indicators of political engagement covered in every survey aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• feel they know about politics
• are interested in politics;
• are absolutely certain to vote at an immediate general election
• have undertaken a range of political activities
• believe that getting involved in politics is effective
• think that the present system of governing works well

Questions asked regularly but not every year aim to discover the percentage of people who:

• are satisfied with MPs in general, with their own MP, with the UK Parliament
• agree that the UK Parliament holds government to account, encourages public involvement in politics, is essential to our democracy, debates and makes decision on issues that matter to me
• feel involved in local/national decision-making
• want to be involved in local/national decision-making

Topics covered in 2017 include: the EU referendum; attitudes to referendums; role of MPs; most effective in holding UK Government to account; public engagement with Parliament; support for more referendums.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

British Election Study Ethnic Minority Survey, 2010 is a distinct survey with a separate sample and fieldwork to that of the main BES. While the main BES survey is a source of robust data at the national level, it cannot provide substantial interview numbers for some subgroups. In particular it has not been possible to conduct a thorough investigation of the political views and behaviours of Britain's ethnic minority populations through the main survey alone. A boost of ethnic minority respondents was carried out as part of the 1997 BES (SN 3891) but nothing since that point. As a result of this the ESRC agreed to fund a survey of ethnic minorities to be conducted immediately after the 2010 general election. The primary focus was on the five main ethnic minority groups - people of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African background. However, the research was intended to be complementary to the main BES and a large number of items are shared between the two surveys to enable comparative analysis.

Further information may be found on the ESRC British Election Study Ethnic Minority Survey award webpage.


Main Topics:

The main topics include attitudes towards political issues in the election; ethnic and religious identity and group consciousness; attitudes to integration, integration policies and multiculturalism; voting; war in Afghanistan; traditional dress; discrimination, prejudice and social distance; ethnic social capital and mobilisation.

During a survey held in early 2023, 60 percent of responding marketing leaders in the United Kingdom (UK) said it was not appropriate for brands to take a stance on politically-charged issues. Meanwhile, 40 percent of the respondents found that appropriate.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The British Election Study, 2010: Campaign Internet Data comprises a large three-wave campaign internet panel survey, with a baseline pre-campaign wave, a sample of respondents re-contacted each day during the campaign, and all respondents interviewed in a post-election wave. For further information see the documentation and the BES 2009-2010 website.

The 2010 BES Face-to-Face Survey is held under SN 7529, and the Continuous Monitoring Survey under SN 7531.


Main Topics:

Topics covered include electoral and political issues, party identification and support, party positions on taxation and expenditure, voting intentions and behaviour, opinions of party leaders, trust in British institutions, contact with local politicians, attitudes to the European Union, attitudes to war, governance of Britain since the 2005 election, social trust, beliefs and values, social and political attitudes, and demographic characteristics such as age, gender and social class.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. This dataset comprises data from Waves 1 and 2 of the BES 2001 panel study, part of the first 'main component' of the BES. A third wave of the panel study was conducted in May 2002, but the data from this is not yet included in the UKDA dataset. Main Topics: The following subjects were covered in the survey: political preferences and values, economic perceptions, social attitudes, dispositions to engage in different forms of political activity, individual and household socio-demographic characteristics. Constituency-level information for aggregate analysis is also included in the data file. This covers election results for 2001, percentage of votes for each party, 'swing' between parties, changes in vote and turnout since 1997, demographic characteristics of each of the major party candidates, election results for 1997 and 1992, and characteristics of the area (including levels of home ownership, ethnicity, economic activity, age of population and Socio-Economic Group (SEG) classifications of households in the area). Multi-stage stratified random sample for full details of sampling procedures, please see documentation. Face-to-face interview Self-completion 2001 AGE ASSAULT ATTITUDES BRITISH POLITICAL P... BUSINESSES CANVASSING CARE OF DEPENDANTS CENSORSHIP CENTRAL GOVERNMENT CHARITABLE ORGANIZA... CHILDREN CIVIL AND POLITICAL... CIVIL SERVICE COMMUNITIES CONSERVATIVE PARTY ... CONSTITUENCIES CULTURAL BEHAVIOUR DEATH PENALTY DECENTRALIZED GOVER... DEMOCRACY ECONOMIC ACTIVITY ECONOMIC CONDITIONS EDUCATION EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND ELECTION BROADCASTING ELECTION CAMPAIGNS ELECTION DATA ELECTION RESULTS ELECTIONS ELECTORAL ISSUES ELECTORAL SYSTEMS ELECTORS EMPLOYEES EMPLOYMENT ENVIRONMENTAL CONSE... EQUALITY BEFORE THE... ETHNIC GROUPS EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL EXPECTATIONS FINANCIAL RESOURCES FINANCIAL SUPPORT GENDER GENDER ROLE GOVERNMENT POLICY GREEN PARTY UNITED ... Great Britain HOME OWNERSHIP HOUSEHOLDS IMMIGRANTS INCOME INCOME DISTRIBUTION INFLATION INTERNET LABOUR PARTY GREAT ... LANGUAGES LAW ENFORCEMENT LEGISLATURE LEISURE TIME ACTIVI... LIBERAL DEMOCRATS G... LOCAL GOVERNMENT MARITAL STATUS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT MEMBERSHIP NATIONAL IDENTITY NEWSPAPER READERSHIP NEWSPAPERS OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OCCUPATIONS PARLIAMENTARY CANDI... PENSIONS PLAID CYMRU POLICE SERVICES POLITICAL ACCOUNTAB... POLITICAL ALLEGIANCE POLITICAL ATTITUDES POLITICAL EXTREMISM POLITICAL INFLUENCE POLITICAL INTEREST POLITICAL ISSUES POLITICAL LEADERS POLITICAL PARTICIPA... POLITICAL POWER POLITICAL SYSTEMS POLITICIANS PRISON SENTENCES PRIVATE SECTOR PROPORTIONAL REPRES... PUBLIC EXPENDITURE PUBLIC SECTOR PUBLIC TRANSPORT QUALIFICATIONS QUALITY OF LIFE REFERENDUM PARTY GR... REFUGEES REHABILITATION OFFE... RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION RENTED ACCOMMODATION RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY RISK SCOTTISH NATIONAL P... SELF EMPLOYED SINGLE EUROPEAN CUR... SOCIAL CLASS SOCIAL JUSTICE SOCIAL POLICY SOCIAL PROTEST SOCIAL SERVICES SOCIO ECONOMIC STATUS SPOUSE S ECONOMIC A... SPOUSE S OCCUPATION SPOUSES STANDARD OF LIVING STATE HEALTH SERVICES SUPERVISORY STATUS TACTICAL VOTING TAXATION TELEPHONES TELEVISION NEWS TOLERANCE TRADE UNION MEMBERSHIP TRADE UNIONS TRUST UNEMPLOYMENT VOLUNTARY WORK VOTING VOTING BEHAVIOUR VOTING INTENTION WEALTH WOMEN YOUTH