As of January 2025, the political party that 18 to 24 year-old's in Great Britain would be most likely to vote for was the Labour Party, at 36 percent, while among those over 65, the Conservative Party was the most popular with 35 percent intending to vote for them.
https://www.ons.gov.uk/methodology/geography/licenceshttps://www.ons.gov.uk/methodology/geography/licences
A PDF map that shows the counties and unitary authorities in the United Kingdom as at 1 April 2023. (File Size - 583 KB)
https://koordinates.com/license/open-government-license-3/https://koordinates.com/license/open-government-license-3/
Parishes are subdivisions of local authorities in many parts of England, and their councils are the most local level of government. Unlike electoral wards/divisions however, parishes are not found in all parts of England. The Welsh equivalents are communities. Note that the full term for administrative parishes is 'civil parishes', to distinguish them from the ecclesiastical parishes which are found in all parts of the UK.
https://www.ordnancesurvey.co.uk/products/boundary-line#technical
Source:
https://osdatahub.os.uk/downloads/open/BoundaryLine
Licence:
Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/
This report includes a great deal of detail on every aspect of the 2014 London Borough council general elections. No other single volume presents the full results and election statistics from the 32 London boroughs enabling the reader to analyse and compare the results across London in one place. The report presents data for every candidate in every ward (excluding the City of London which operates on a different electoral model). The report also contains analysis of the European election results for London that took place on the same day.
Printed Copies
After much discussion, we are now able to accept orders for hard copies £30, but please note there is a minimum number of orders we must receive before it can be sent to print. Click here for further details.
Details of all previous elections reports in the series can be found here.
Summary results of the 2014 local elections in London, showing number and percentage of seats won, turnout and political control.
Final 2014 ward results
These results show the number of votes for each candidate in each ward in London. Turnout, number of ballots, postal votes, and breakdown of rejected votes, Mayoral and European voting figures are also included where available.
Map showing political control in each ward.
https://londondatastore-upload.s3.amazonaws.com/images/London-ward-map-borough-election-2014-new-colours-small.png" alt="">
Also, using these ward results, Oliver O'Brien from CASA has created some eye catching interactive ward maps.
The borough map shows the summary results in both the 2010 and 2014 elections.
The ward interactive map shows the detailed results for each candidate at ward level for the last three elections between 2006 and 2014.
This motion chart shows the relationship, between share of votes and seats won by the major parties in elections since 1964 at borough level (requires Adobe Flash Player).
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In the century between Napoleon's defeat and the outbreak of the First World War (known as the "Pax Britannica"), the British Empire grew to become the largest and most powerful empire in the world. At its peak in the 1910s and 1920s, it encompassed almost one quarter of both the world's population and its land surface, and was known as "the empire on which the sun never sets". The empire's influence could be felt across the globe, as Britain could use its position to affect trade and economies in all areas of the world, including many regions that were not part of the formal empire (for example, Britain was able to affect trading policy in China for over a century, due to its control of Hong Kong and the neighboring colonies of India and Burma). Some historians argue that because of its economic, military, political and cultural influence, nineteenth century Britain was the closest thing to a hegemonic superpower that the world ever had, and possibly ever will have. "Rule Britannia" Due to the technological and logistical restrictions of the past, we will never know the exact borders of the British Empire each year, nor the full extent of its power. However, by using historical sources in conjunction with modern political borders, we can gain new perspectives and insights on just how large and influential the British Empire actually was. If we transpose a map of all former British colonies, dominions, mandates, protectorates and territories, as well as secure territories of the East India Trading Company (EIC) (who acted as the precursor to the British Empire) onto a current map of the world, we can see that Britain had a significant presence in at least 94 present-day countries (approximately 48 percent). This included large territories such as Australia, the Indian subcontinent, most of North America and roughly one third of the African continent, as well as a strategic network of small enclaves (such as Gibraltar and Hong Kong) and islands around the globe that helped Britain to maintain and protect its trade routes. The sun sets... Although the data in this graph does not show the annual population or size of the British Empire, it does give some context to how Britain has impacted and controlled the development of the world over the past four centuries. From 1600 until 1920, Britain's Empire expanded from a small colony in Newfoundland, a failing conquest in Ireland, and early ventures by the EIC in India, to Britain having some level of formal control in almost half of all present-day countries. The English language is an official language in all inhabited continents, its political and bureaucratic systems are used all over the globe, and empirical expansion helped Christianity to become the most practiced major religion worldwide. In the second half of the twentieth century, imperial and colonial empires were eventually replaced by global enterprises. The United States and Soviet Union emerged from the Second World War as the new global superpowers, and the independence movements in longstanding colonies, particularly Britain, France and Portugal, gradually succeeded. The British Empire finally ended in 1997 when it seceded control of Hong Kong to China, after more than 150 years in charge. Today, the United Kingdom consists of four constituent countries, and it is responsible for three crown dependencies and fourteen overseas territories, although the legacy of the British Empire can still be seen, and it's impact will be felt for centuries to come.
Official statistics are produced impartially and free from political influence.
Open Government Licence 3.0http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/
License information was derived automatically
This dataset is part of the Geographical repository maintained by Opendatasoft. This dataset contains data for wards/electoral divisions in the United Kingdom.Electoral wards (and electoral divisions) are the key building blocks of UK administrative geography. They are the spatial units used to elect local government councillors in metropolitan and non-metropolitan districts, UAs and the London boroughs in England; UAs in Wales; council areas in Scotland; and local government districts (LGD) in Northern Ireland. Electoral wards are found in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and most of England. In the Isle of Wight and several of the UAs created as part of the Local Government Reorganisation in 2009, the equivalent areas are legally termed 'electoral divisions', although they are frequently referred to as wards. Wales changed to using the term 'electoral wards' instead of 'electoral divisions' in August 2013.The only part of the UK without electoral wards/divisions is the Isles of Scilly, which has its own council but no electoral zoning. For statistical purposes, however, ONS treats the islands' five parishes as electoral wards. Electoral wards/divisions (and the Scilly parishes) cover the whole of the UK; in addition, all higher administrative units are built from whole electoral wards/divisions. They are also used to constitute a range of other geographies such as the Eurostat Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS) geographies, health geographies and Westminster parliamentary constituencies. Electoral ward/division boundary changes are usually enacted on the first Thursday in May each year, to coincide with the local government elections.Processors and tools are using this data.EnhancementsAdd ISO 3166-3 codes.Simplify geometries to provide better performance across the services.Add administrative hierarchy.
This project collected survey and interview data to study Eurochildren, their families and their experience and responses to Brexit. The project aims to portray the emergence of a new politics of belonging, which reconfigures discursively and legally who belongs to a post-EU Britain. It also aims to establish a baseline for future research on migration and settlement decision making in families with EU27 nationals following the formal exit of the European Union.
The UK has been a member of the European Union for 40 years. Throughout that time there has been intermingling of people and institutions which can be most clearly seen in the growing number of bi- and mixed-nationality EU families in the UK and their children, many of whom born in the UK and holding a British passport. This is a growing, and yet understudied and underreported, segment of the British society. In a post-EU referendum context, where the rhetoric about curbing EU immigration has permeated political, media, and popular discourses, producing a stark 'us and them' narrative, the question left unasked and unanswered is what are the human and emotional costs of this abrupt geopolitical shift if 'us and them' are the same? Through the study of Eurochildren and their families and their experience and responses to Brexit, the project aims to portrait the emergence of a new politics of belonging which reconfigures discursively and legally who belong to a post-EU Britain and establish a baseline for future research on migration and settlement decision making in families with EU27 nationals following the formal exit of the European Union. In order to do so, it will: 1) Profile and map the population of UK- and EU-born children of EU nationals in the UK and examine, at the aggregate level, different types of EU families and measure their socio-economic inclusion into British society. 2) Investigate how families with at least one EU27 member experience and respond to the process of exiting from the European Union and identify factors that shape such responses. 3) Examine the impact of the EU referendum and its aftermath on different age cohorts of UK-born Eurochildren, examining in particular how they articulate their sense of belonging and attitudes vis-a-vis the UK and the EU. With a team comprising academic experts in the fields of migration and integration, third sector collaborators and legal experts, and using a mixed methods approach, this project provide an empirically-rich and in-depth account of how EU families, often including both UK and EU passport holders and members with dual citizenship, experience and plan to respond to Brexit, a baseline from which to further analyse the process family migration decision making following the formal exit from the EU. The project involves three interconnected work packages (WP). WP1, which is of a quantitative nature, will analyse historical Census and Live Birth data in order to profile and geographically map EU families and their children. Different configurations of EU families, based on their demographic, geographical, and inclusion circumstances, will be established via this data and will inform the qualitative work in WP2 and 3 and our analysis of legal and policy implications of Brexit on this population. In WP2 focus groups and in-depth interviews will be conducted with EU families, as well as reflexive research, in order to explore questions of belonging within the context of the exit from the EU. In WP3, interview with UK-born adult Eurochildren and EU-born parents of Eurochildren will be conducted in order to bring to the fore the ways in which children experience migration decision-making and belonging. This mixed methods study will generate ground-breaking new data on EU families and their EU and UK-born children in the UK, contributing to the strategic, political and policy responses of UK and EU policy makers and to a more informed public debate on the consequences of Brexit on UK and EU citizens alike. The project includes a strategy set to maximise dissemination and impact. This will be done via: producing robust, composite and promptly accessible evidence (journal articles, blogs, briefings, media and online materials); engaging from the outset with a wide network of researchers, policy makers and practitioners; and using tailored dissemination channels to reach out to relevant audiences.
this dataset shows the results of the 2014 referendum on Scottish Independence which took place on the 18th September 2014. The data is broken down into the geographical areas such as Edinburgh, Midlothian, Fife and the Highlands. The data shows the number of Yes/No votes, the percentage and the difference between the two (positive depicts a No win). It is interesting to note that anyone over the age of 16 was eligible to vote, a change to the normal over 18 policy in general elections. Turnout was high with 84.6% of those eligible voting. The data was sourced from: http://www.cityam.com/1411046935/who-won-where-how-scottish-councils-voted-independence-referendum-results-map and then combined with Boundary Data from the OS Opendata that provided the geographical boundaries. Another good source of info and maps is http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-29255449. GIS vector data. This dataset was first accessioned in the EDINA ShareGeo Open repository on 2014-09-24 and migrated to Edinburgh DataShare on 2017-02-22.
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As of January 2025, the political party that 18 to 24 year-old's in Great Britain would be most likely to vote for was the Labour Party, at 36 percent, while among those over 65, the Conservative Party was the most popular with 35 percent intending to vote for them.