The Chicago Surveys are part of a long-running series of public opinion surveys conducted by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs every two years. This study is the 2012 Chicago Council Survey, designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. The 2012 Chicago Council Survey focuses on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. The survey covers the following international topics: relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, benefits or drawbacks of globalization, situations that might justify the use of United States troops in other parts of the world, the number and location of United States military bases overseas, respondent feelings toward people of other countries, opinions on the influence of other countries in the world and how much influence those countries should have, United States participation in potential treaties, the United States' role in the United Nations and NATO, which side the United States should take in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what measures should be taken to deal with Iran's nuclear program, the military effort in Afghanistan, opinions on efforts to combat terrorism, and the rise of China as a global power. Domestic issues include economic prospects for American children when they become adults, funding for government programs, the fairness of the current distribution of income in the United States, climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, and United States dependence on foreign energy sources. Demographic and other background information include age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, and religious preference. Also included are household size and composition, whether the respondent is head of household, household income, housing type, ownership status of living quarters, household Internet access, Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) status, and region and state of residence.

Regional Political Opinion Survey - 2025 version. This survey encompasses 10 cities within the Valparaiso Region of Chile. It gauges citizens' perspectives on various topics, including: familiarity with authorities, national reforms, transparency and accountability, citizen participation, and the role of media. Primarily, the survey serves as a platform for citizens to assess their local officials, thereby fostering accountability and strengthening local democracy.

This survey is part of the Horizon Europe Project "ActEU," which focuses on exploring the dynamics of political attitudes, behaviors, and representation within the multilevel system of the European Union during polarized times. In addition to traditional survey questions, the survey also includes two survey experiments.

The survey was administered through Computer-Assisted Web Interviews (CAWI) via an online access panel. Participants aged between 18 and 75 were selected to reflect the demographic diversity within the studied countries. The survey covers 10 European countries: Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, and Spain. These countries were strategically chosen to represent the geographic and political diversity of Europe, facilitating cross-national comparisons of political attitudes, behaviors, and representation.

Data collection took place between April 15, 2024, and May 29, 2024. A total of 13,000 respondents participated, with 1,300 respondents per country.

The National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) is an annual survey of U.S. adults conducted by the "https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center. The Pew Research Center uses NPORS to produce benchmark estimates for several topics, including Americans' political and religion affiliations.

"https://www.ipsos.com/en-us" Target="_blank">Ipsos conducted the "https://www.pewresearch.org/methods/2024/07/08/how-pew-research-center-uses-its-national-public-opinion-reference-survey-npors/" Target="_blank">NPORS for Pew using address-based sampling and a multimode protocol. The survey was fielded Feb. 1, 2024, to June 10, 2024. Participants were first mailed an invitation to complete an online survey. A paper survey was later mailed to those who did not respond. In total, 2,535 respondents completed the survey online, 2,764 respondents completed the paper survey, and 327 respondents completed the survey over the phone (Total N=5,626). The survey was administered in English and Spanish. The AAPOR Response Rate 1 was 32 percent.

The 2017 Chicago Council Survey continues the Chicago Council on Global Affairs' series of investigations into American public opinion on United States foreign policy. These studies were conducted quadrennially from 1974 to 2002, biennially from 2002 to 2014, and are now conducted annually. They are designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. Data were collected on a wide range of international topics, including: United States' relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, international trade, the United States' participation in potential treaties, the United States' commitment to NATO, the basing of American troops abroad, policy towards the conflict in Syria, and the United States' relations with other countries. Respondents were also asked their opinion on US institutions, the US president, and federal government programs. Demographic information collected includes age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, religious preference, household income, state of residence, and living quarters ownership status.

This data collection consists of public opinion surveys of the adult German population in November, 1968. Respondents were asked about their economic situation, the likelihood of inflation, the problems facing their communities and administrative responses to those problems, and their opinions of the chancellor, president, and the German political parties. See also the related collections, PRECONDITIONS OF THE FORMATION OF PUBLIC OPINION IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, 1964 (ICPSR 7014), and PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS: WEST GERMANY, DECEMBER 1968 (ICPSR 7091).

Regional Political Opinion Survey - 2022 version. It's universe covers 10 urban communes from the Valparaiso Region, Chile, and collects people's perceptions on the following subjects: Authorities knowledge, national reforms, transparency and accountability, citizen participation and media. For the most part, it has allowed citizens to evaluate their local authorities and promote accountability, enhancing local democracy.

The National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) is an annual survey of U.S. adults conducted by the "https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center. The Pew Research Center uses NPORS to produce benchmark estimates for several topics, including Americans' political and religion affiliations.

"https://www.ipsos.com/en-us" Target="_blank">Ipsos conducted the "https://www.pewresearch.org/methods/fact-sheet/national-public-opinion-reference-survey-npors/" Target="_blank">National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) for the "https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center using address-based sampling and a multimode protocol. The survey was fielded May 23, 2022, to Sep. 6, 2022. Participants were first mailed an invitation to complete an online survey. A paper survey was later mailed to those who did not respond. In total, 1,982 respondents completed the survey online, and 2,061 respondents completed the paper survey (Total N=4,043). The survey was administered in English and Spanish. The AAPOR Response Rate 1 was 29 percent.

Pre- and post-election surveys conducted in Ireland.

We described public views toward harm reduction among Canadian adults and tested a social exposure model predicting support for these contentious services, drawing on theories in the morality policy, intergroup relations, addiction, and media communication literatures. A quota sample of 4645 adults (18+ years), randomly drawn from an online research panel and stratified to match age and sex distributions of adults within and across Canadian provinces, was recruited in June 2018. Participants completed survey items assessing support for harm reduction for people who use drugs (PWUD) and for seven harm reduction interventions. Additional items assessed exposure to media coverage on harm reduction, and scales assessing stigma toward PWUD (α = .72), personal familiarity with PWUD (α = .84), and disease model beliefs about addiction (α = 0.79). Most (64%) Canadians supported harm reduction (provincial estimates = 60% - 73%). Five of seven interventions received majority support, including: outreach (79%), naloxone (72%), drug checking (70%), needle distribution (60%) and supervised drug consumption (55%). Low-threshold opioid agonist treatment and safe inhalation interventions received less support (49% and 44%). Our social exposure model, adjusted for respondent sex, household income, political views, and education, exhibited good fit and accounted for 17% of variance in public support for harm reduction. Personal familiarity with PWUD and disease model beliefs about addiction were directly associated with support (βs = .07 and -0.10, respectively), and indirectly influenced public support via stigmatized attitudes toward PWUD (βs = 0.01 and -0.01, respectively). Strategies to increase support for harm reduction could problematize certain disease model beliefs (e.g., “There are only two possibilities for an alcoholic or drug addict – permanent abstinence or death”) and creating opportunities to reduce social distance between PWUD, the public, and policy makers.

The NOP National Political Surveys were designed principally to ascertain public opinion on political parties, leaders and government, and to record voting intention. In addition, the majority of the surveys included data of topical interest and of social importance.

As part of this project, we produced a new dataset, which harmonizes numerous existing public opinion surveys from across the world to create a unique global public opinion dataset. These studies consists of over 1,100 individual country-year datasets. Putting all these together, covers 160 countries and over 3 Million respondents. This research will study the legacy impacts of previous authoritarian regimes on its citizens' political attitudes today. It thereby addresses important and unresolved questions of democratisation, by using a new methodological approach of cohort analysis to examine the lasting legacy of authoritarian dictatorships. Previous research has overlooked the possibility of citizens' formative experiences in non-democratic systems that might impact their political attitudes, values, and behaviour even after the existence of these regimes. We expect that these legacy impacts have important implications for the development of a democratic political culture in transitioning societies.

We will hence develop a new theory of authoritarian socialization, which assumes that different authoritarian regimes vary in the way they suppress their citizens, and that this in turn will lead to distinctive beliefs and behaviour in the population. Studying the experience of whole generations (or cohorts as they are also referred to) who have been socialised under dictatorships makes it possible to investigate whether regimes differ in terms of the impact they may have on their citizens' beliefs. Further we are interested in whether and how this imprint might negatively affect the establishment of a democratic political culture. The objective of this project is to develop a typology of regime characteristics and their lasting impact on the population. We expect that this typology and an accompanying policy brief will inform the practical developmental work of organisations working in transitioning societies.

This objective will be achieved by conducting a comprehensive analysis of post-authoritarian countries from different parts of the world during the entire 20th century that experienced different types and durations of suppression. This includes the military regimes in South America, but also the socialist regimes in the former Eastern block. It is not possible to study the impact of these regimes during their existence, as representative public opinion research is not possible during dictatorships. We argue, however, that this is not necessary. Instead we rely on the method of cohort analysis, developed by the principle investigator Dr. Neundorf. One of the main methodological innovations of this project is that this method allows us to identify distinct characteristics of those generations that were mainly socialised during dictatorships.

To test our new theory of authoritarian socialisation, we will merge existing survey data from numerous post-authoritarian countries. Today this is possible, as survey research and public opinion polls are widespread beyond established Western democracies. For example, since 1995 several Latin American countries annually take part in the Latinobarometro. Other data that will be used include the World Value Survey (1980-2012), and Asiabarometer (2001-2012) as well as all six rounds of the ESRC-funded European Social Survey (2002-2012). The different survey questions included in the diverse datasets will be harmonised so that a joint analysis is possible. This is a major task of this project and will yield a unique longitudinal, global database of individuals' political attitudes and behaviour.

In order to assign the regime characteristics under which each generation grew up, we will further merge existing data sources (e.g. Polity IV and Autocratic Regime Transitions data) on authoritarian regimes to measure the distinct features of each regime. We will focus, on factors such as intra-elite structure, extent, scope and density of repression, and transition to democracy. The two datasets of individual-level survey data and regime characteristics will be jointly analysed using quantitative statistical analysis of hierarchical age, period, cohort analysis to estimate the generational differences in democratic attitudes and behaviour.

The National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) is an annual survey of U.S. adults conducted by the Pew Research Center. Respondents can answer either by paper or online, and they are selected using address-based sampling. The Pew Research Center uses NPORS to produce benchmark estimates for several topics, such as Americans' political and religious affiliations.

NPORS was conducted for the Pew Research Center by Ipsos. Participants were first mailed an invitation to complete an online survey. A paper survey was later mailed to those who did not respond. In total, 1,550 respondents completed the survey online and 2,387 respondents completed the paper survey. The survey was administered in English and Spanish.

The NOP National Political Surveys were designed principally to ascertain public opinion on political parties, leaders and government, and to record voting intention. In addition, the majority of the surveys included data of topical interest and of social importance.

The CROP Inc. political surveys in the Canadian Opinion Research Archive are focussed primarily on the political attitudes of residents in Quebec. The surveys were conducted on an occasional basis depending on events in the province. The are concentrated, in particular, around events in constitutional negotiations and elections. The surveys available for research begin in 1977. CROP Inc. is located in Montreal, Quebec.

The Arab Barometer is a multicountry social survey designed to assess citizen attitudes about public affairs, governance, and social policy in the Arab world, and to identify factors that shape these attitudes and values. In this third wave of the Arab Barometer, respondents in the countries of Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Sudan, Tunisia, and Yemen were queried regarding (1) general questions, (2) evaluation of political institutions and political attitudes, (3) elections and parliament, (4) the media, (5) democracy, (6) social, religious and cultural topics, (7) the Arab world and international relations, and (8) views of the Arab uprisings. In regards to general questions, respondents were asked to give their opinion on the current overall and future economic condition of their countries, the current economic situation of their families, the safety of their locality, and levels of interpersonal trust. On the topic of evaluation of political institutions, political participation, and political attitudes, respondents gave their opinions on how much trust they had in political institutions such as political parties, police, parliament, the courts, and the prime minister. Further, participants were asked about the ease of obtaining services from the government, the present political situation, the performance of their country's current government, problems facing their country, citizen freedoms, corruption and the use of "wasta" (personal influence or connections). Concerning elections and parliament, questions focused on electoral participation, the fairness of elections, and important qualities in a candidate for office. On the subject of the media, questions included the respondent's main source of political information, media bias, media censorship, and use of the Internet. Concerning democracy, respondents were asked questions about their opinions on political competition and reform, participation in political dissent, their opinions on the characteristics of democracy, their opinions about various political system, the degree to which, on a given list of countries, each is a democracy, and how suitable democracy is for the respondents' respective countries. Regarding social, religious and cultural topics, respondents gave their views on the lottery, choosing a spouse, the interpretation of Islam in present-day issues, and the behavior and situation of women in Muslim society. Additional queries included the degree to which religion should influence voting in elections, government decisions, and legislation. Regarding the Arab world and international affairs, questions were asked about views toward globalization and trade, security relationships with other countries, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Finally, respondents were asked about their participation in and views of the events associated with the Arab uprisings. Demographic variables include age, gender, education, income, employment status, occupation, marital status, and religious preference and practices.

What are the consequences of including a “don’t know” (DK) response option to attitudinal survey questions? Existing research, based on traditional survey modes, argues that it reduces the effective sample size without improving the quality of responses. We contend that it can have important effects not only on estimates of aggregate public opinion, but also on estimates of opinion differences between subgroups of the population who have different levels of political information. Through a pre-registered online survey experiment conducted in the United States, we find that the DK response option has consequences for opinion estimates in the present day, where most organizations rely on online panels, but mainly for respondents with low levels of political information and on low salience issues. These findings imply that the exclusion of a DK option can matter, with implications for assessments of preference differences and our understanding of their impacts on politics and policy.

Report on the research of the 102-year political opinion survey and institutional political evaluation tools

The CROP Inc. political surveys in the Canadian Opinion Research Archive are focussed primarily on the political attitudes of residents in Quebec. The surveys were conducted on an occasional basis depending on events in the province. The are concentrated, in particular, around events in constitutional negotiations and elections. The surveys available for research begin in 1977. CROP Inc. is located in Montreal, Quebec.

Firms in this industry take surveys from a sample of the population and extrapolate the data to make generalities about public opinion.