According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.

In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.

In 2018, Massachusetts was the state that leaned most toward the Democratic Party, with ** percent of people surveyed throughout the year stating they either identify with or lean towards the Democrats. On the other end of the political spectrum, ** percent of respondents in Wyoming preferred the Republican Party.

PROBLEM AND OPPORTUNITY In the United States, voting is largely a private matter. A registered voter is given a randomized ballot form or machine to prevent linkage between their voting choices and their identity. This disconnect supports confidence in the election process, but it provides obstacles to an election's analysis. A common solution is to field exit polls, interviewing voters immediately after leaving their polling location. This method is rife with bias, however, and functionally limited in direct demographics data collected. For the 2020 general election, though, most states published their election results for each voting location. These publications were additionally supported by the geographical areas assigned to each location, the voting precincts. As a result, geographic processing can now be applied to project precinct election results onto Census block groups. While precinct have few demographic traits directly, their geographies have characteristics that make them projectable onto U.S. Census geographies. Both state voting precincts and U.S. Census block groups: are exclusive, and do not overlap are adjacent, fully covering their corresponding state and potentially county have roughly the same size in area, population and voter presence Analytically, a projection of local demographics does not allow conclusions about voters themselves. However, the dataset does allow statements related to the geographies that yield voting behavior. One could say, for example, that an area dominated by a particular voting pattern would have mean traits of age, race, income or household structure. The dataset that results from this programming provides voting results allocated by Census block groups. The block group identifier can be joined to Census Decennial and American Community Survey demographic estimates. DATA SOURCES The state election results and geographies have been compiled by Voting and Election Science team on Harvard's dataverse. State voting precincts lie within state and county boundaries. The Census Bureau, on the other hand, publishes its estimates across a variety of geographic definitions including a hierarchy of states, counties, census tracts and block groups. Their definitions can be found here. The geometric shapefiles for each block group are available here. The lowest level of this geography changes often and can obsolesce before the next census survey (Decennial or American Community Survey programs). The second to lowest census level, block groups, have the benefit of both granularity and stability however. The 2020 Decennial survey details US demographics into 217,740 block groups with between a few hundred and a few thousand people. Dataset Structure The dataset's columns include: Column Definition BLOCKGROUP_GEOID 12 digit primary key. Census GEOID of the block group row. This code concatenates: 2 digit state 3 digit county within state 6 digit Census Tract identifier 1 digit Census Block Group identifier within tract STATE State abbreviation, redundent with 2 digit state FIPS code above REP Votes for Republican party candidate for president DEM Votes for Democratic party candidate for president LIB Votes for Libertarian party candidate for president OTH Votes for presidential candidates other than Republican, Democratic or Libertarian AREA square kilometers of area associated with this block group GAP total area of the block group, net of area attributed to voting precincts PRECINCTS Number of voting precincts that intersect this block group ASSUMPTIONS, NOTES AND CONCERNS: Votes are attributed based upon the proportion of the precinct's area that intersects the corresponding block group. Alternative methods are left to the analyst's initiative. 50 states and the District of Columbia are in scope as those U.S. possessions voting in the general election for the U.S. Presidency. Three states did not report their results at the precinct level: South Dakota, Kentucky and West Virginia. A dummy block group is added for each of these states to maintain national totals. These states represent 2.1% of all votes cast. Counties are commonly coded using FIPS codes. However, each election result file may have the county field named differently. Also, three states do not share county definitions - Delaware, Massachusetts, Alaska and the District of Columbia. Block groups may be used to capture geographies that do not have population like bodies of water. As a result, block groups without intersection voting precincts are not uncommon. In the U.S., elections are administered at a state level with the Federal Elections Commission compiling state totals against the Electoral College weights. The states have liberty, though, to define and change their own voting precincts https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_precinct. The Census Bureau... Visit https://dataone.org/datasets/sha256%3A05707c1dc04a814129f751937a6ea56b08413546b18b351a85bc96da16a7f8b5 for complete metadata about this dataset.

This dataset was designed to provide information on the personal and political backgrounds, political attitudes, and relevant behavior of party leaders. The data pertain to Democratic and Republican party elites holding office during the election year of 1980 and include County and State Chairs, members of the Democratic and Republican National Committees, and delegates to the National Conventions. These data focus on the "representativeness" of the party elites on a variety of dimensions and also permit a comparison of party leaders from the local, state, and national organizational levels. Other issues explored include the party reform era, the effects of the growing body of party law, and the nationalization of the political parties. Specific variables include characterization of respondent's political beliefs on the liberal-conservative scale, length of time the respondent had been active in the party, and the respondent's opinions on minorities in the party, party unity, national- and local-level party strength, and party loyalty. Respondents were also queried on attitudes toward important national problems, defense spending, and inflation. In addition, their opinions were elicited on controversial provisions in their parties' charters and on the directions their parties should take in the future. Demographic characteristics are supplied as well.

Welcome to BatchData, your trusted source for comprehensive US homeowner data, contact information, and demographic data, all designed to empower political campaigns. In the fast-paced world of politics, staying ahead and targeting the right audience is crucial for success.

At BatchData, we understand the importance of having the most accurate, up-to-date, and relevant data to help you make informed decisions and connect with your constituents effectively. With our robust data offerings, political campaign agencies can easily reach both homeowners and renters, using direct contact information such as cell phone numbers, emails, and mailing addresses.

The Power of Data in Political Campaigns In the digital age, political campaigns are increasingly reliant on data-driven strategies. Precise targeting, tailored messaging, and efficient outreach have become the cornerstones of successful political campaigning. BatchData equips political campaign agencies with the tools they need to harness the power of data in their campaigns, enabling them to make the most of every interaction. Harness the power of voter data and campaign & election data to effectively run political campaigns.

Key Features of BatchData 1. US Homeowner Data At BatchData, we understand that having access to accurate and comprehensive homeowner data is the bedrock of a successful political campaign. Our vast database includes information on homeowners across the United States, allowing you to precisely target this key demographic. With our homeowner data, you can segment your campaign and craft messages that resonate with this audience. Whether you're running a local, state, or national campaign, our homeowner data is an invaluable asset.

1. Contact Information 258M Phone Numbers (US Phone Number Data) BatchData doesn't just stop at providing you with demographic data; we go a step further by giving you direct contact information. We offer cell phone numbers, email addresses, and mailing addresses, ensuring that you can connect with your audience on multiple fronts. This multifaceted approach allows you to engage with potential voters in a way that suits their preferences and lifestyles. Whether you want to send targeted emails, reach out through phone calls, or even send physical mailers, BatchData has you covered with both the data and the tools. (See BatchDialer for more Info).

2. Demographic Data In addition to homeowner data and contact information, BatchData provides a treasure trove of demographic data. You can refine your campaign strategy by tailoring your messages to specific demographics, including age, gender, income, religious preferences, and more. Our demographic data helps you understand your audience better, allowing you to craft compelling messages that resonate with their values and interests.

3. Targeting Both Homeowners and Renters We understand that not all political campaigns are exclusively focused on homeowners. That's why BatchData caters to a diverse range of campaign needs. Whether your campaign is directed at homeowners or renters, our data sets have you covered. You can effectively target a broader spectrum of the population, ensuring that your message reaches the right people, regardless of their housing status.

Flexible Data Delivery Methods BatchData understands that political campaigns are time-sensitive, and efficiency is paramount. That's why we offer a variety of data delivery methods to suit your specific needs.

1. API Integration For real-time access to data, our API integration is your go-to solution. Easily integrate BatchData's data into your campaign management systems, ensuring that you always have the latest information at your fingertips.

2. Bulk File Delivery When you require a large volume of data in one go, our bulk file delivery option is ideal. We'll deliver the data to you in a format that's easy to import into your campaign databases, allowing you to work with a comprehensive dataset on your terms.

3. S3 Data Storage If you prefer to host your data in an S3 bucket, BatchData can seamlessly deliver your datasets to the cloud storage location of your choice. This option ensures that your data is readily available whenever you need it.

4. Self-Service List Building Our self-service list building tool empowers you to create custom lists based on your specific criteria. You have the flexibility to choose the data elements you need, ensuring that your campaign efforts are tailored to your goals.

5. File Exporting Need to download data for offline use or share it with your team? Our file exporting feature lets you export data in a user-friendly format, making it easy to work with.

6. On-Demand Concierge Services For those campaigns that require a more personalized touch, BatchData offers on-demand concierge services. Our experienced team is here to assist you in building lists, refining your targeting, and providing support as needed. This high-touch service ensures that you have t...

According to a survey conducted in 2023, Gen Z teens were more likely than other generations to identify as independents in the United States, at ** percent. A further ** percent of Gen Z teens identified as Democratic, while ** percent identified as Republicans.

This Gallup Poll aims to gather the Canadians' opinons of politics. Included is data regarding voting habits, election interest, favoured political parties, and attitudes towards the careers of politicians. Information regarding demographics, geographic location and social class was also collected from the respondents. Topics of interest include: car ownership; family problems; the federal election; phone ownership; political careers for the respondents' sons; political parties; union membership; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

As of 2023, the political party with the highest number of female members in Mexico was Morena, with nearly *** million female affiliates. Furthermore, the Morena also had the highest figure of male members compared to other political parties.

The Detroit Area Study (DAS) is a face-to-face survey of adults in the Detroit, Michigan metropolitan area. Information was collected on the political attitudes and behavior of 596 adults in the period during the fall of 1956 and early spring 1957. This collection was a combination of two separate studies: PARTY LEADERSHIP AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR by Daniel Katz and Samuel Eldersveld, and INTRA-CLASS CORRELATION OF ATTITUDES IN DETROIT by Leslie Kish. Of the 596 respondents, 149 were categorized as belonging to a leadership sample consisting of 77 Republicans and 72 Democratic precinct leaders. For data on the political activities and attitudes of party leaders, see the related collection, DETROIT AREA STUDY, 1957: LEADER SURVEY (ICPSR 7107) (ICPSR 07107). Items in this survey focused on perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of the adult public toward party structures and organizations at the county, district, and precinct levels. In order to assess the sources of influence on the respondents' political attitudes and behavior, they were asked about the mass media they depended on most heavily for political information, as well as the frequency with which politics was discussed in meetings of their families, friends, neighbors, and other groups to which they belonged. A series of questions asked for whom respondents had voted in the 1956 presidential, gubernatorial, and congressional races, as well as which presidential candidate their family, friends, co-workers, and neighbors voted for. Other questions elicited information about the respondents' knowledge of and involvement in local party politics and their knowledge of precinct workers and their state party chairman. Also explored were respondents' feelings about the importance of voting, their general attitudes toward politics and political figures such as Adlai Stevenson and Dwight Eisenhower, their perception of the differences between the major parties on various issues, and their opinions on several controversial issues such as a national health care, school integration, ending the military draft, and monetary aid to countries that were not anti-communist. Additional items covered the use of telephones in respondents' homes, their living experiences before coming to Detroit, their handling of change of residences since coming to Detroit, and their feelings about their neighborhood. Demographic variables include the respondent's age, sex, race, education level, place of birth, marital status, number of children, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, employment status, occupation, labor union membership, perceived social class, relationship to the head of household, length of time at present residence, and length of residence in the Detroit area. Demographic information was collected on the nationality, occupation, and political party affiliation of the respondent's father. Information was also collected on the number and ages of household members, the number of household members employed, labor union membership in the household, household income, whether anyone in the household was employed by the government, and the occupation and employment status of the head of the household.

The data sets released here has been used in our study on "The Geography of Money and Politics."

In this study, we examined the social antecedents for contributing to campaigns, with a particular focus on the role of population density and social networking opportunities. Using ten years of US campaign contribution data from the Federal Election Commission (FEC) and a national survey of party leaders, we reported interesting findings regarding the interplay among density and mobility (operationalized by commuting flows). This analysis also reveals differences between political parties. Democrats are more dependent on social networking in dense population areas. This difference in the importance of social networking opportunities present in geographical space helps explain macro-level patterns in party fundraising.

Our study was based on a collection of data sets, including: 1) FEC contribution, 2) US census, 3) US presidential vote share, 4) earning, and 5) commuting.

These data were used to create the final analysis dataset consisting of variables in the models described in our R&P paper.

The MATLAB code can be used to reproduce the results w.r.t. all models specified in the paper.

More details can be found in the enclosed README files.

Publication

If you make use of this data set, please cite:

Lin, Y.-R., Kennedy, R., Lazer, D. (2017). The Geography of Money and Politics: Population Density, Social Networking and Political Contributions. Research & Politics, 4(4) (doi: 10.1177/2053168017742015)

Political situation in Germany. Attitudes towards political parties.

Topics: Turnout intention and voting intention (Sunday question); Alternative voting intention; other electable party: Pirate Party; other electable party: Free voters; voting behaviour in the last federal election in 2009 (recall); positive or negative association with terms (people´s party, compassion, conservative, christian, social, close to the economy, middle-class, liberal, opportunities, achievement, cohesion, freedom, security, stability, order, performance justice, social market economy, centre, qualified immigration, budget consolidation, freedom of choice for families, intelligent saving, respect, demographic change, values, tradition, home, trust); annoyance about political decisions; issues about which one was annoyed; affected by political decisions (current); decisions by which one was personally affected (current); positive or negative impact of the decision; affected by political decisions (prospective); decisions by which one will be personally affected (prospective); party with which one feels most comfortable; subjective affiliation with ´little people´.

Political positions (politics takes care of the problems of the little people, concern about limiting living standards, debt reduction to maintain prosperity, public debt is good if it is made for the future of the children, fear of going out alone in the evening, problems keeping up with the pace of everyday life, state support for those who are willing to perform, acceptance of the performance principle, people´s parties prevent the assertion of individual interests, 30 km/h speed limit in cities, support for large-scale projects); association of certain terms with parties (people´s party, modern, compassionate, conservative, christian, down-to-earth, social, close to the economy, middle-class, liberal, advancement, opportunities, achievement, cohesion, freedom, security, stability, order, performance fairness, future, social market economy, centre, prosperity, qualified immigration, budget consolidation, freedom of choice for families, intelligent savings, demographic change, values, tradition, home, good governance, expertise, cares for citizens, party for all, can move Germany forward, strong leadership, energetic, honest, reliable, credible, responsible, trust).

Demography: age; highest school-leaving qualification; intended school-leaving qualification, completed studies; completed apprenticeship; occupation; profession; household size; frequency of churchgoing; party identification (direction, strength, stability); sex.

Additionally coded were: Federal state; inhabitant of place of residence; target persons in the household; number of telephone numbers; indicator replenishment sample; weighting factors.

This Gallup poll seeks to collect the opinions of Canadians on a variety of subjects. The main topics of discussion are politics and elections, children, and the average Canadian. In addition, there are several current events topics, with subjects that include income taxes, obesity, and sports. Respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: the American election; the average Canadian; car ownership; child pampering; donating to a political campaign; drivers license possesion, the Duke of Windsor; the federal election; federal office; government problems; the Grey Cup, opinions on what happiness is; how happy the respondents are; income tax rates; the lifespan of obese people; mandatory military service; whether obese people are more prone to heart attacks; population predictions; preferred political parties; traffic tickets; the Suez Canal dispute; Union membership; voting behaviour; and how world relations are affected by the Olympics. Basic demographics variables are also included.

NYU Libraries has licensed access to the L2 Political Academic Voter File. The file is a continuously updated dataset consisting of public information for every registered voter in the United States and includes basic socio-demographic indicators (some of which are modeled), consumer preferences, political party affiliation, voting history, and more.

The data consists of .tab files organized into individual state folders (all states and DC). Each state folder contains two files: demographics data and voter history data, with a data dictionary for each dataset. The size of the folders vary by state and data for all states adds up to approximately 40 GB. The data is organized into releases, generally two per year (spring and fall), which represent a snapshot of the country's voters at the time of the dataset creation.

NYU has also licensed access to L2 Political historical backlog of data. This backlog includes versions of the L2 Processed voter file going back to 2008 (for most U.S. states) and unprocessed "raw" state voter rolls, also going back to 2008 for most U.S. states.

This collection is available to NYU faculty and students only, and requires users to first submit a data management plan to account for how access and storage of the data will be handled. Information on how to submit a request to use this data and create a data management plan is available at https://guides.nyu.edu/l2political.

We examine the social antecedents for contributing to campaigns, with a particular focus on the role of population density and social networking opportunities. Using 10 years of US campaign contribution data from the Federal Election Commission (FEC) and a national survey of party leaders, we find that recruiting contributors is easier in a densely populated region, where the daily opportunity of individuals being exposed to the same information via their social networks is high. Furthermore, the effect of population density is heterogeneous with respect to mobility: if a region has substantial commuting outflow, the chance of being mobilized from the place of residence decreases, but the chance of mobilization in their place of work increases. This analysis also reveals differences between political parties. Democrats are more dependent on social networking in population dense areas. This difference in the importance of social networking opportunities present in geographical space helps explain macro-level patterns in party fundraising.

This Gallup poll aims to collect the political views of Canadians. It seeks thoughts on political parties, issues central to politics, and interest in elections, across various demographic, geographic and social groups. Topics of interest include: car ownership; farm problems; the federal election; health plans; high prices; labour problems; phone ownership; preferred political parties; taxation; union membership; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

This data collection contains electoral and demographic data for Massachusetts counties and cities during 1848-1876. The data for this collection were compiled to study electoral changes in Massachusetts politics during the Civil War period and to link the changes to socioeconomic determinants of support for the Republican and Democratic parties. Specific variables include number of voters for specific years and demographic information such as number of males and females and number of males employed in certain trades. Electoral data consists of election results.

Abstract: Islamist political parties are a structural feature of politics across the Muslim world, raising persisting questions for scholars of democracy. Under what conditions will Islamists moderate to support democracy and pluralism? Under what conditions will they adopt more exclusive behavior? Taking a fresh approach, we focus on electoral competition and the conditions under which Islamic party candidates campaign using either inclusive nationalist appeals or exclusively Islamic appeals. Using a unique data source, we coded the appeals contained on the campaign posters of 572 Islamic party candidates in Indonesia. We found that demographics, urban-rural differences, and the level of government office (i.e., national or regional) affected the inclusive or exclusive nature of campaigns. We also highlight differences in appeals made by candidates from Muslim democratic and Islamist parties. The study illustrates the effectiveness of posters as a data source and presents a new approach to understanding the behavior of Islamic parties.

This Gallup poll seeks the opinions of Canadians on issues of importance to the country and government. This survey has a strong interest in politics, elections and votings, due to the fact that it was conducted prior to an election. Most of the questions are about voting habits, preferred parties, and political leaders. The respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic and social variables. Topics of interest include: car ownership; causes of high prices; whether Diefenbaker or Pearson would be better for national unity; whether farmers are getting a fair deal from the government; federal elections; the importance of a majority government; preferred political parties; union membership; and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

In the early part of 2015, the party secretaries of six of the eight Swedish Riksdag parties (plus the Feminist Initiative as the only other Swedish party represented in the European Parliament) agreed to take part in an online survey of their memberships, which would be administered through the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg.

In May, these party secretaries distributed individualized links to an otherwise identical web-survey to their members via email. All parties, except for the Social Democrats, sent out the survey to the entire membership list. The Social Democrats sent the survey to a large randomly drawn sample from their membership list. When it was closed on July 3, a total of 10,392 Swedish party members had completed the survey.

Purpose:

The purpose of the Swedish party membership survey is to allow researchers to investigate much more specific and rich questions about party members in Sweden. The survey questions are grouped into six modules: socio-demographic, general political attitudes, reasons for and extent of enrolment, position within the party, activism, and perception of role and attitudes towards membership. The questions were developed in consultation with the Members and Activists of Political Parties (MAPP) research group in order to facilitate cross-national comparisons.

In the early part of 2015, the party secretaries of six of the eight Swedish Riksdag parties (plus the Feminist Initiative as the only other Swedish party represented in the European Parliament) agreed to take part in an online survey of their memberships, which would be administered through the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg.

In May, these party secretaries distributed individualized links to an otherwise identical web-survey to their members via email. All parties, except for the Social Democrats, sent out the survey to the entire membership list. The Social Democrats sent the survey to a large randomly drawn sample from their membership list. When it was closed on July 3, a total of 10,392 Swedish party members had completed the survey. The purpose of the Swedish party membership survey is to allow researchers to investigate much more specific and rich questions about party members in Sweden. The survey questions are grouped into six modules: socio-demographic, general political attitudes, reasons for and extent of enrolment, position within the party, activism, and perception of role and attitudes towards membership. The questions were developed in consultation with the Members and Activists of Political Parties (MAPP) research group in order to facilitate cross-national comparisons.

The dataset is available as a SPSS file (.sav), a Nesstar Publisher project and as comma-separated values (.csv).