According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.
According to a survey conducted in 2023, Gen Z teens were more likely than other generations to identify as independents in the United States, at ** percent. A further ** percent of Gen Z teens identified as Democratic, while ** percent identified as Republicans.
Since 1988, the share of adults in the U.S. who identify as political independents has continued to grow, often surpassing the that of Democrats or Republicans. In 2024, approximately ** percent of adults rejected identification with the major parties, compared to ** percent of respondents identified with the Democratic Party, and ** percent with the Republican Party.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/30404/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/30404/terms
This special topic poll, fielded October 9-13, 2009, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. This poll surveyed 987 adults in the state of New Jersey, 867 of which were registered voters. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling the presidency and whether they thought things in New Jersey were going in the right direction. Respondents were asked their opinions of John Corzine, whether they approved of the way he was handling his job as governor, the state's economy, the state's property taxes, and the issue of corruption within the state. Opinions were solicited about 2009 New Jersey governor candidates Christopher Christie and Christopher Daggett, for whom they would vote if the election for governor were held that day, and who they expected to win the election. Several other questions addressed issues in the state of New Jersey including those that asked about the quality of public schools, corruption in New Jersey politics, what respondents thought the most important issue in New Jersey was, their rating of New Jersey's economy, and whether they thought the economy was getting better. Additional topics addressed respondent's approval of United States Senators Robert Menedez and Frank Lautenberg, abortion, personal finances, home ownership, job security, and the impact of federal government's stimulus package in the respondent's community. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, marital status, household income, employment status, perceived social class, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, religious preference, the presence of adults between the ages of 18 and 29 in the household, and whether respondents had children under the age of 18 years.
In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/terms
Supplementary Empirical Teaching Units in Political Science (SETUPS) for American Politics are computer-related modules designed for use in teaching introductory courses in American government and politics. The modules are intended to demonstrate the process of examining evidence and reaching conclusions and to stimulate students to independent, critical thinking and a deeper understanding of substantive content. They enable students with no previous training to make use of the computer to analyze data on political behavior or to see the results of policy decisions by use of a simulation model. The SETUPS: AMERICAN POLITICS modules were developed by a group of political scientists with experience in teaching introductory American government courses who were brought together in a workshop supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in the summer of 1974. The American Political Science Association administered the grant, and the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research was host to the workshop and provided data for most of the SETUPS. The modules were tested and evaluated during the 1974-1975 academic year by students and faculty in 155 classes at 69 universities and colleges. Appropriate revisions were made based upon this experience. This collection comprises 15 separate modules: (1) Political Socialization Across the Generations, (2) Political Participation, (3) Voting Behavior, The 1980 Election, (4) Elections and the Mass Media, (5) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Court Decisions, (6) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Police Interrogations, (7) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, State Expenditures, (8) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE Simulation, (9) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE II Simulation, (10) Fear of Crime, (11) Presidential Popularity in America, Presidential Popularity, (12) Presidential Popularity in America, Advanced Analyses, (13) Campaign '80, The Public and the Presidential Selection Process, (14) Voting Behavior, The 1976 Election, and (15) Policy Responsiveness and Fiscal Strain in 51 American Communities. Parts 8 and 9 are FORTRAN IV program SIMSTATE sourcedecks intended to simulate the interaction of state policies. Variables in the various modules provide information on respondents' level of political involvement and knowledge of political issues, general political attitudes and beliefs, news media exposure and usage, voting behavior (Parts 1, 2, and 3), and sectional biases (15). Other items provide information on respondents' views of government, politics, Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as presidents, best form of government, government spending (Part 3), local police, the Supreme Court (Parts 4 and 15), the economy, and domestic and foreign affairs. Additional items probed respondents' opinions of prayer in school, abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment Law, nuclear energy, and the most important national problem and the political party most suitable to handle it (Part 3). Also included are items on votes of Supreme Court judges (Part 5), arrest of criminal suspects and their treatment by law enforcement agencies (Part 6), federal government expenditures and budgeting (Part 7), respondents' feelings of safety at home, neighborhood crime rate, frequency of various kinds of criminal victimization, the personal characteristics of the targets of those crimes (Part 10), respondents' opinions of and choice of party presidential candidates nominees (Part 13), voter turnout for city elections (15), urban unrest, and population growth rate. Demographic items specify age, sex, race, marital status, education, occupation, income, social class identification, religion, political party affiliation, and union membership.
This poll, fielded September 19-22, 2008, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. A national sample of 1,082 adults was surveyed, including oversamples of African Americans for a total of 163 African American respondents. Respondents were asked whether the Democratic or Republican party could be trusted to do a better job coping with the main problems the nation would face over the next few years, whether things in the country were going in the right direction, and how concerned they were about the national economy. Respondents were also asked how closely they were following the 2008 presidential race, their opinions of presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, their opinion of Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, for whom they would vote in the general election in November, which candidate had the best chance of getting elected, and how comfortable respondents would be with a president who was African American or a president over the age of 72. Respondents identifying with the Democratic party, were asked for whom they originally voted for to be the party nominee: Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama. Economic topics addressed how concerned respondents were that they could maintain their current standard of living, the most difficult economic issue affecting their family, particularly personal finances, the stock market, and the ability to obtain bank loans. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, political philosophy, education level, religious preference, military service, household income, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), home ownership and whether respondents considered themselves to be a born-again Christian.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/2167/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/2167/terms
This special topic poll, conducted November 6-10, 1996, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of political and social issues. The focus of this data collection was on the presidential and congressional elections held November 5, 1996. In the days following the election, respondents who had voted were asked about their choice for president, when they decided on their candidate, whether they had known enough about the candidates to make an informed choice, and whether factors such as leadership and a candidate's stance on issues were major or minor reasons for their vote. Respondents were quizzed on their knowledge of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates, as well as party platforms, campaign funding, and which party had the most members in the United States Congress. Views were sought on the media's treatment of the presidential candidates, campaign advertisements featuring the issue of Medicare, whether the presidential campaigns were more negative than in the past, and whether the news media should report public opinion poll results. Other topics addressed the condition of the national economy, abortion, sources of campaign information, types of negative news media coverage, and how much attention respondents paid to media coverage of the presidential campaign. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, ethnicity, education level, marital status, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, labor union membership, voter registration status, religious preference, and whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again or evangelical Christians.
This poll, conducted November 1-4, 2006, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling his job as president, whether they approved of the way the United States Congress and their own representative in Congress was handling their job, and to rate the condition of the national economy. Registered voters were asked whether they were following the upcoming congressional mid-term elections on November 7, 2006, whether they were likely to vote, and which candidate they would vote for if the election were being held that day. Registered voters who had already voted were asked which candidate they voted for, how enthusiastic they were about their vote, and whether their vote was more for one political party, or more against the other political party. Opinions were solicited on what was the most important issue in the vote for Congress, whether things in the country were generally going in the right direction, whether their reason for voting for Congress included showing support for George W. Bush, and which political party they trusted to do a better job handling issues such as the situation in Iraq and the economy. Information was collected on whether respondents had been contacted by any organization working in support of a candidate for Congress and if so, which political party they were asked to vote for, which political party best represented their own personal values, and whether the war with Iraq was worth fighting. Demographic variables include sex, age, religious preference, race, education level, voter registration and participation history, political party affiliation, political philosophy, marital status, whether anyone in the household was a veteran, and type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural).
This web map displays data from the voter registration database as the percent of registered voters by census tract in King County, Washington. The data for this web map is compiled from King County Elections voter registration data for the years 2013-2019. The total number of registered voters is based on the geo-location of the voter's registered address at the time of the general election for each year. The eligible voting population, age 18 and over, is based on the estimated population increase from the US Census Bureau and the Washington Office of Financial Management and was calculated as a projected 6 percent population increase for the years 2010-2013, 7 percent population increase for the years 2010-2014, 9 percent population increase for the years 2010-2015, 11 percent population increase for the years 2010-2016 & 2017, 14 percent population increase for the years 2010-2018 and 17 percent population increase for the years 2010-2019. The total population 18 and over in 2010 was 1,517,747 in King County, Washington. The percentage of registered voters represents the number of people who are registered to vote as compared to the eligible voting population, age 18 and over. The voter registration data by census tract was grouped into six percentage range estimates: 50% or below, 51-60%, 61-70%, 71-80%, 81-90% and 91% or above with an overall 84 percent registration rate. In the map the lighter colors represent a relatively low percentage range of voter registration and the darker colors represent a relatively high percentage range of voter registration. PDF maps of these data can be viewed at King County Elections downloadable voter registration maps. The 2019 General Election Voter Turnout layer is voter turnout data by historical precinct boundaries for the corresponding year. The data is grouped into six percentage ranges: 0-30%, 31-40%, 41-50% 51-60%, 61-70%, and 71-100%. The lighter colors represent lower turnout and the darker colors represent higher turnout. The King County Demographics Layer is census data for language, income, poverty, race and ethnicity at the census tract level and is based on the 2010-2014 American Community Survey 5 year Average provided by the United States Census Bureau. Since the data is based on a survey, they are considered to be estimates and should be used with that understanding. The demographic data sets were developed and are maintained by King County Staff to support the King County Equity and Social Justice program. Other data for this map is located in the King County GIS Spatial Data Catalog, where data is managed by the King County GIS Center, a multi-department enterprise GIS in King County, Washington. King County has nearly 1.3 million registered voters and is the largest jurisdiction in the United States to conduct all elections by mail. In the map you can view the percent of registered voters by census tract, compare registration within political districts, compare registration and demographic data, verify your voter registration or register to vote through a link to the VoteWA, Washington State Online Voter Registration web page.
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.1/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/GPRVC6https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.1/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/GPRVC6
Attending high school can alter students' life trajectories by affecting labor market prospects and through exposure to ideas and networks. However, schooling's influence competes with early socialization forces, and may be confounded by selection biases. Consequently, little is known about whether or how high school education shapes downstream political preferences and voting behavior. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design leveraging variation in U.S. state dropout laws across cohorts, I find that raising the school dropout age decreases Democratic partisan identification and voting later in life. Instrumental variables estimates suggest that an additional completed grade of high school decreases Democrat support by around fifteen percentage points among students induced to remain in school by higher dropout ages. High school's effects principally operate by increasing income and support for conservative economic policies, especially at an individual's mid-life earnings peak. In contrast, schooling does not affect conservative attitudes on non-economic issues or political engagement.
https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de450624https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de450624
Abstract (en): This poll, fielded February, 2012, and the first of two, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicits public opinion on a range of political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling his job as president, foreign policy, the economy, the situation in Afghanistan, job creation, and the federal budget deficit. Respondents were also asked whether they approved of Congress, about the condition of the economy, and whether things in the country were on the right track. Multiple questions addressed the 2012 Republican presidential candidates, including respondents' overall opinions of several of the candidates and their policies. Respondents were asked what issues and qualities were most important in deciding who to support for the Republican nomination, what topics they would like to hear them discuss, as well as the Tea Party movement and the amount of influence they have in the Republican Party. Additionally, respondents were questioned whether they voted in the 2008 presidential election and who they voted for, whether they voted or plan to vote in a Democratic or Republican 2012 primary or caucus, their first and second choice for the 2012 Republican nomination for president, which candidate would have the best chance of winning against Barack Obama, and who they would vote for in the 2012 presidential election. Other topics include the housing market, the federal budget deficit, birth control, same-sex marriage, and illegal immigrants. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, household income, religious preference, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again Christians, marital status, number of people in the household between the ages of 18 and 29, political party affiliation, political philosophy, and voter registration status. The data contain a weight variable that should be used in analyzing the data. According to the CBS News Web site, the data were weighted to match United States Census Bureau breakdowns on age, sex, race, education, and region of the country. The data were also adjusted for the fact that people who share a telephone with others have less chance to be contacted than people who live alone and have their own telephones, and that households with more than one telephone number have more chances to be called than households with only one telephone number. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In addition to these procedures, ICPSR performed the following processing steps for this data collection: Checked for undocumented or out-of-range codes.. Persons aged 18 years and older living in households with telephones in the United States. Smallest Geographic Unit: congressional district A variation of random-digit dialing (RDD) using primary sampling units (PSUs) was employed, consisting of blocks of 100 telephone numbers identical through the eighth digit and stratified by geographic region, area code, and size of place. Phone numbers were dialed from RDD samples of both standard land-lines and cell phones. Within households, respondents were selected using a method developed by Leslie Kish and modified by Charles Backstrom and Gerald Hursh (see Backstrom and Hursh, SURVEY RESEARCH. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1963). telephone interview
In the Winter of 2024/2025, over a third of Fidesz-KDNP voters were above the age of 64, while in the case of TISZA party this figure reached only ** percent.
https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
As part of Cards Against Humanity Saves America, this poll is funded for one year of monthly public opinion polls. Cards Against Humanity is asking the American people about their social and political views, what they think of the president, and their pee-pee habits.
To conduct their polls in a scientifically rigorous manner, they partnered with Survey Sampling International — a professional research firm — to contact a nationally representative sample of the American public. For the first three polls, they interrupted people’s dinners on both their cell phones and landlines, and a total of about 3,000 adults didn’t hang up immediately. They examined the data for statistically significant correlations which can be found here: [https://thepulseofthenation.com/][1]
These polls are from Cards Against Humanity Saves America and the raw data can be found here: [https://thepulse...
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Research suggests that partisans are increasingly avoiding members of the other party—in their choice of neighborhood, social network, even their spouse. Leveraging a national database of voter registration records, we analyze 18 million households in the U.S. We find that three in ten married couples have mismatched party affiliations. We observe the relationship between inter-party marriage and gender, age, and geography. We discuss how the findings bear on key questions of political behavior in the US. Then, we test whether mixed-partisan couples participate less actively in politics. We find that voter turnout is correlated with the party of one’s spouse. A partisan who is married to a co-partisan is more likely to vote. This phenomenon is especially pronounced for partisans in closed primaries, elections in which non-partisan registered spouses are ineligible to participate.
This statistic displays the age distribution of members of the major political parties in the United Kingdom in 2019. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) has the highest proportion of over 60s in it's membership ranks at ** percent. The Green Party is the party that is best represented by it's younger members, with ** percent of them being under the age of **.
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komitetas naryste_ naryste_-politine_je-organizacijoje naryste_-politine_je-partijoje partija partijos-narys politika politine_-organizacija politinis-komitetas politiniu_-partiju_-nariu_-sa_ras_u_-is rc registru_-centras
https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de444232https://search.gesis.org/research_data/datasearch-httpwww-da-ra-deoaip--oaioai-da-ra-de444232
Abstract (en): The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether election night reporting of presidential election results affected voter turnout in the 1980 United States election. The study gathered information on what time of day respondents voted, whether they had heard early reports of election results, and when they heard such reports. The dataset also includes variables used to assess likelihood of voting, including education, region, partisan strength, and feelings of citizen duty, as well as vote validation variables indicating the respondent's registration status and whether he or she voted. This study used part of the sample from the AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDY, 1980 (ICPSR 7763). A brief telephone interview was conducted in January 1981 with individuals who participated in that study's Minor Panel (C1-C4) and Traditional Time Series samples (C3-C3po), and who agreed to be reinterviewed and could be reached by telephone. Vote validation variables and variables used to assess the likelihood of voting were drawn from the Integrated File of ICPSR 7763. This dataset can be merged with the entire Integrated File to permit analysis using the full data gathered for these respondents. Merging instructions are included in the machine-readable documentation for this study. Demographic information collected on respondents includes age, educational attainment, and political party affiliation. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In addition to these procedures, ICPSR performed the following processing steps for this data collection: Standardized missing values.; Checked for undocumented or out-of-range codes.. Respondents from the AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDY, 1980 (ICPSR 7763) who had agreed to be reinterviewed and could be contacted by telephone. The AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDY samples were cross-sectional samples of United States citizens of voting age on November 4, 1980.
As of July 2025, the political party that 18 to 24 year-old's in Great Britain would be most likely to vote for was the Labour Party, at 33 percent, with Labour also the most popular party among those aged 25 to 49. Reform UK was the most popular party for the 50 to 64 age group, with 29 percent of voters saying they would vote for them. For the oldest age group, the Reform was also the most popular, with 35 percent of over 65s intending to vote for them. Reform surge in the polls Since winning the last UK general election in July 2024, the ruling Labour Party have steadily become more unpopular among voters. After winning 33.7 percent of the vote in that election, the party was polling at 24 percent in April 2025, only slightly ahead of Reform UK on 23 percent. A right-wing populist party, Reform benefited from the collapse in support for the center-right Conservative Party in the last election, winning several seats at their expense. While the next UK general election is not due to be held until 2029, the government will be keen to address their collapsing approval ratings, in the face of Reform's rising support. Economic headaches for Labour in 2025 Although Labour inherited a growing economy, with falling inflation, and low unemployment from the Conservatives, the overall economic outlook for the UK is still quite gloomy. The country's government debt is around 100 percent of GDP, and without large tax rises and spending cuts, the government hopes to create a stronger, more resilient economy to reduce the deficit. While this is still a possibility, the UK's economic prospects for 2025 were recently slashed, with growth of one percent forecast, down from an earlier prediction of two percent. Although mainly due to external factors such as the threat of increasing tariffs, and general geopolitical instability, the UK's faltering economy will add further problems to the embattled government.
https://dataverse-staging.rdmc.unc.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/4.0/customlicense?persistentId=hdl:1902.29/11782https://dataverse-staging.rdmc.unc.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/4.0/customlicense?persistentId=hdl:1902.29/11782
The mission of the non-partisan Paul Simon Public Policy Institute polling is to provide citizens, policy-makers, and academic researchers with objective information about trends and issues facing society. The 2010 Simon Poll interviewed 1,000 registered voters across Illinois. For the entire sample, the statistical margin for error is plus or minus 3 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level. Areas covered by the poll include: general outlook, Illinois 2010 General Election, the governor’s race, legislative redistricting, Illinois budget, Illinois political reform, political tolerance, First Amendment knowledge, mass media and the press, the Tea Party, abortion, gay/lesbian military service and gay marriage. Demographic information is also included, covering age, race, gender, income, political party affiliation, political ideology, employment, household income, and religious activities. Respondents ZIP Codes and other geographic identifiers are included.
According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.