According to a 2023 survey, Americans between 18 and 29 years of age were more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than any other surveyed age group. While 39 percent identified as Democrats, only 14 percent identified ad Republicans. However, those 50 and older identified more with the Republican Party.

According to a survey conducted in 2023, Gen Z teens were more likely than other generations to identify as independents in the United States, at ** percent. A further ** percent of Gen Z teens identified as Democratic, while ** percent identified as Republicans.

In the Winter of 2024/2025, over a third of Fidesz-KDNP voters were above the age of 64, while in the case of TISZA party this figure reached only ** percent.

This special topic poll, fielded October 9-13, 2009, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. This poll surveyed 987 adults in the state of New Jersey, 867 of which were registered voters. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling the presidency and whether they thought things in New Jersey were going in the right direction. Respondents were asked their opinions of John Corzine, whether they approved of the way he was handling his job as governor, the state's economy, the state's property taxes, and the issue of corruption within the state. Opinions were solicited about 2009 New Jersey governor candidates Christopher Christie and Christopher Daggett, for whom they would vote if the election for governor were held that day, and who they expected to win the election. Several other questions addressed issues in the state of New Jersey including those that asked about the quality of public schools, corruption in New Jersey politics, what respondents thought the most important issue in New Jersey was, their rating of New Jersey's economy, and whether they thought the economy was getting better. Additional topics addressed respondent's approval of United States Senators Robert Menedez and Frank Lautenberg, abortion, personal finances, home ownership, job security, and the impact of federal government's stimulus package in the respondent's community. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, marital status, household income, employment status, perceived social class, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, religious preference, the presence of adults between the ages of 18 and 29 in the household, and whether respondents had children under the age of 18 years.

In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.

PROBLEM AND OPPORTUNITY In the United States, voting is largely a private matter. A registered voter is given a randomized ballot form or machine to prevent linkage between their voting choices and their identity. This disconnect supports confidence in the election process, but it provides obstacles to an election's analysis. A common solution is to field exit polls, interviewing voters immediately after leaving their polling location. This method is rife with bias, however, and functionally limited in direct demographics data collected. For the 2020 general election, though, most states published their election results for each voting location. These publications were additionally supported by the geographical areas assigned to each location, the voting precincts. As a result, geographic processing can now be applied to project precinct election results onto Census block groups. While precinct have few demographic traits directly, their geographies have characteristics that make them projectable onto U.S. Census geographies. Both state voting precincts and U.S. Census block groups: are exclusive, and do not overlap are adjacent, fully covering their corresponding state and potentially county have roughly the same size in area, population and voter presence Analytically, a projection of local demographics does not allow conclusions about voters themselves. However, the dataset does allow statements related to the geographies that yield voting behavior. One could say, for example, that an area dominated by a particular voting pattern would have mean traits of age, race, income or household structure. The dataset that results from this programming provides voting results allocated by Census block groups. The block group identifier can be joined to Census Decennial and American Community Survey demographic estimates. DATA SOURCES The state election results and geographies have been compiled by Voting and Election Science team on Harvard's dataverse. State voting precincts lie within state and county boundaries. The Census Bureau, on the other hand, publishes its estimates across a variety of geographic definitions including a hierarchy of states, counties, census tracts and block groups. Their definitions can be found here. The geometric shapefiles for each block group are available here. The lowest level of this geography changes often and can obsolesce before the next census survey (Decennial or American Community Survey programs). The second to lowest census level, block groups, have the benefit of both granularity and stability however. The 2020 Decennial survey details US demographics into 217,740 block groups with between a few hundred and a few thousand people. Dataset Structure The dataset's columns include: Column Definition BLOCKGROUP_GEOID 12 digit primary key. Census GEOID of the block group row. This code concatenates: 2 digit state 3 digit county within state 6 digit Census Tract identifier 1 digit Census Block Group identifier within tract STATE State abbreviation, redundent with 2 digit state FIPS code above REP Votes for Republican party candidate for president DEM Votes for Democratic party candidate for president LIB Votes for Libertarian party candidate for president OTH Votes for presidential candidates other than Republican, Democratic or Libertarian AREA square kilometers of area associated with this block group GAP total area of the block group, net of area attributed to voting precincts PRECINCTS Number of voting precincts that intersect this block group ASSUMPTIONS, NOTES AND CONCERNS: Votes are attributed based upon the proportion of the precinct's area that intersects the corresponding block group. Alternative methods are left to the analyst's initiative. 50 states and the District of Columbia are in scope as those U.S. possessions voting in the general election for the U.S. Presidency. Three states did not report their results at the precinct level: South Dakota, Kentucky and West Virginia. A dummy block group is added for each of these states to maintain national totals. These states represent 2.1% of all votes cast. Counties are commonly coded using FIPS codes. However, each election result file may have the county field named differently. Also, three states do not share county definitions - Delaware, Massachusetts, Alaska and the District of Columbia. Block groups may be used to capture geographies that do not have population like bodies of water. As a result, block groups without intersection voting precincts are not uncommon. In the U.S., elections are administered at a state level with the Federal Elections Commission compiling state totals against the Electoral College weights. The states have liberty, though, to define and change their own voting precincts https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_precinct. The Census Bureau... Visit https://dataone.org/datasets/sha256%3A05707c1dc04a814129f751937a6ea56b08413546b18b351a85bc96da16a7f8b5 for complete metadata about this dataset.

In Sweden, the most recent surveys on voting intentions show that the Social Democratic Party is significantly larger among the older voters than among the younger. Whereas nearly half the voters aged 65 years or more would vote for the Social Democrats, only ** percent of those between 18 and 29 years responded the same. Nevertheless, the Social Democratic Party was the most preferred party among all age groups in Sweden. The right-wing Sweden Democrats found the highest share of its potential voters among those aged 50 to 64. Read all about the most recent parliamentary election in Sweden here.

Supplementary Empirical Teaching Units in Political Science (SETUPS) for American Politics are computer-related modules designed for use in teaching introductory courses in American government and politics. The modules are intended to demonstrate the process of examining evidence and reaching conclusions and to stimulate students to independent, critical thinking and a deeper understanding of substantive content. They enable students with no previous training to make use of the computer to analyze data on political behavior or to see the results of policy decisions by use of a simulation model. The SETUPS: AMERICAN POLITICS modules were developed by a group of political scientists with experience in teaching introductory American government courses who were brought together in a workshop supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in the summer of 1974. The American Political Science Association administered the grant, and the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research was host to the workshop and provided data for most of the SETUPS. The modules were tested and evaluated during the 1974-1975 academic year by students and faculty in 155 classes at 69 universities and colleges. Appropriate revisions were made based upon this experience. This collection comprises 15 separate modules: (1) Political Socialization Across the Generations, (2) Political Participation, (3) Voting Behavior, The 1980 Election, (4) Elections and the Mass Media, (5) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Court Decisions, (6) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Police Interrogations, (7) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, State Expenditures, (8) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE Simulation, (9) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE II Simulation, (10) Fear of Crime, (11) Presidential Popularity in America, Presidential Popularity, (12) Presidential Popularity in America, Advanced Analyses, (13) Campaign '80, The Public and the Presidential Selection Process, (14) Voting Behavior, The 1976 Election, and (15) Policy Responsiveness and Fiscal Strain in 51 American Communities. Parts 8 and 9 are FORTRAN IV program SIMSTATE sourcedecks intended to simulate the interaction of state policies. Variables in the various modules provide information on respondents' level of political involvement and knowledge of political issues, general political attitudes and beliefs, news media exposure and usage, voting behavior (Parts 1, 2, and 3), and sectional biases (15). Other items provide information on respondents' views of government, politics, Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as presidents, best form of government, government spending (Part 3), local police, the Supreme Court (Parts 4 and 15), the economy, and domestic and foreign affairs. Additional items probed respondents' opinions of prayer in school, abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment Law, nuclear energy, and the most important national problem and the political party most suitable to handle it (Part 3). Also included are items on votes of Supreme Court judges (Part 5), arrest of criminal suspects and their treatment by law enforcement agencies (Part 6), federal government expenditures and budgeting (Part 7), respondents' feelings of safety at home, neighborhood crime rate, frequency of various kinds of criminal victimization, the personal characteristics of the targets of those crimes (Part 10), respondents' opinions of and choice of party presidential candidates nominees (Part 13), voter turnout for city elections (15), urban unrest, and population growth rate. Demographic items specify age, sex, race, marital status, education, occupation, income, social class identification, religion, political party affiliation, and union membership.

The Detroit Area Study (DAS) is a face-to-face survey of adults in the Detroit, Michigan metropolitan area. Information was collected on the political attitudes and behavior of 596 adults in the period during the fall of 1956 and early spring 1957. This collection was a combination of two separate studies: PARTY LEADERSHIP AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR by Daniel Katz and Samuel Eldersveld, and INTRA-CLASS CORRELATION OF ATTITUDES IN DETROIT by Leslie Kish. Of the 596 respondents, 149 were categorized as belonging to a leadership sample consisting of 77 Republicans and 72 Democratic precinct leaders. For data on the political activities and attitudes of party leaders, see the related collection, DETROIT AREA STUDY, 1957: LEADER SURVEY (ICPSR 7107) (ICPSR 07107). Items in this survey focused on perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of the adult public toward party structures and organizations at the county, district, and precinct levels. In order to assess the sources of influence on the respondents' political attitudes and behavior, they were asked about the mass media they depended on most heavily for political information, as well as the frequency with which politics was discussed in meetings of their families, friends, neighbors, and other groups to which they belonged. A series of questions asked for whom respondents had voted in the 1956 presidential, gubernatorial, and congressional races, as well as which presidential candidate their family, friends, co-workers, and neighbors voted for. Other questions elicited information about the respondents' knowledge of and involvement in local party politics and their knowledge of precinct workers and their state party chairman. Also explored were respondents' feelings about the importance of voting, their general attitudes toward politics and political figures such as Adlai Stevenson and Dwight Eisenhower, their perception of the differences between the major parties on various issues, and their opinions on several controversial issues such as a national health care, school integration, ending the military draft, and monetary aid to countries that were not anti-communist. Additional items covered the use of telephones in respondents' homes, their living experiences before coming to Detroit, their handling of change of residences since coming to Detroit, and their feelings about their neighborhood. Demographic variables include the respondent's age, sex, race, education level, place of birth, marital status, number of children, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, employment status, occupation, labor union membership, perceived social class, relationship to the head of household, length of time at present residence, and length of residence in the Detroit area. Demographic information was collected on the nationality, occupation, and political party affiliation of the respondent's father. Information was also collected on the number and ages of household members, the number of household members employed, labor union membership in the household, household income, whether anyone in the household was employed by the government, and the occupation and employment status of the head of the household.

This special topic poll, conducted November 6-10, 1996, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of political and social issues. The focus of this data collection was on the presidential and congressional elections held November 5, 1996. In the days following the election, respondents who had voted were asked about their choice for president, when they decided on their candidate, whether they had known enough about the candidates to make an informed choice, and whether factors such as leadership and a candidate's stance on issues were major or minor reasons for their vote. Respondents were quizzed on their knowledge of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates, as well as party platforms, campaign funding, and which party had the most members in the United States Congress. Views were sought on the media's treatment of the presidential candidates, campaign advertisements featuring the issue of Medicare, whether the presidential campaigns were more negative than in the past, and whether the news media should report public opinion poll results. Other topics addressed the condition of the national economy, abortion, sources of campaign information, types of negative news media coverage, and how much attention respondents paid to media coverage of the presidential campaign. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, ethnicity, education level, marital status, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, labor union membership, voter registration status, religious preference, and whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again or evangelical Christians.

This poll, fielded September 19-22, 2008, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. A national sample of 1,082 adults was surveyed, including oversamples of African Americans for a total of 163 African American respondents. Respondents were asked whether the Democratic or Republican party could be trusted to do a better job coping with the main problems the nation would face over the next few years, whether things in the country were going in the right direction, and how concerned they were about the national economy. Respondents were also asked how closely they were following the 2008 presidential race, their opinions of presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, their opinion of Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, for whom they would vote in the general election in November, which candidate had the best chance of getting elected, and how comfortable respondents would be with a president who was African American or a president over the age of 72. Respondents identifying with the Democratic party, were asked for whom they originally voted for to be the party nominee: Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama. Economic topics addressed how concerned respondents were that they could maintain their current standard of living, the most difficult economic issue affecting their family, particularly personal finances, the stock market, and the ability to obtain bank loans. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, political philosophy, education level, religious preference, military service, household income, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), home ownership and whether respondents considered themselves to be a born-again Christian.

This poll, conducted November 1-4, 2006, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling his job as president, whether they approved of the way the United States Congress and their own representative in Congress was handling their job, and to rate the condition of the national economy. Registered voters were asked whether they were following the upcoming congressional mid-term elections on November 7, 2006, whether they were likely to vote, and which candidate they would vote for if the election were being held that day. Registered voters who had already voted were asked which candidate they voted for, how enthusiastic they were about their vote, and whether their vote was more for one political party, or more against the other political party. Opinions were solicited on what was the most important issue in the vote for Congress, whether things in the country were generally going in the right direction, whether their reason for voting for Congress included showing support for George W. Bush, and which political party they trusted to do a better job handling issues such as the situation in Iraq and the economy. Information was collected on whether respondents had been contacted by any organization working in support of a candidate for Congress and if so, which political party they were asked to vote for, which political party best represented their own personal values, and whether the war with Iraq was worth fighting. Demographic variables include sex, age, religious preference, race, education level, voter registration and participation history, political party affiliation, political philosophy, marital status, whether anyone in the household was a veteran, and type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural).

This poll, conducted June 22-25, 2006, is part of a continuing series of monthly polls that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way President George W. Bush was handling the presidency and issues such as the economy and the situation in Iraq. Several questions asked which political party respondents trusted to handle the main problems the country would face in the next few years, whether they would vote for a Democrat or Republican candidate if the November 2006 election for the United States House of Representatives were being held that day, and which issue was most important in their vote. Views were sought on the war in Iraq and whether it had improved the lives of the Iraqi people, encouraged democracy in other Arab nations, and contributed to the long-term security of the United States. Respondents were polled on whether the Bush Administration and the Democrats in the United States Congress had a clear plan for handling the situation in Iraq, how well the United States campaign against terrorism was going, whether the country was safer from terrorism than before September 11, 2001, and whether President Bush would be remembered more for the United States campaign against terrorism or the war in Iraq. A series of questions asked respondents whether they approved of the way United States military forces in Iraq were doing their job, whether a deadline should be set for their withdrawal from Iraq, and respondents' reactions to the alleged killings of Iraqi civilians by United States military forces. Additional topics addressed the death penalty, the federal government's detention of suspected terrorists without trial in the United States military prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and the federal government's progress in its efforts to rebuild New Orleans and the Gulf Coast. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, household income, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status, religious preference, and whether respondents considered themselves born-again or evangelical Christians.

Abstract (en): This poll, conducted July 20-23, 2000, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency, foreign policy, and the economy, as well as their views on the way Congress was handling its job. Those polled expressed their interest in and opinions about the 2000 presidential election, their readiness to vote in the upcoming election, and their level of support for both candidates, Vice President Al Gore and Texas governor George W. Bush. Respondents were also asked whether on the day of the survey they would vote for Al Gore or George W. Bush. They then answered the same question once more, this time choosing among four candidates: Al Gore (Democratic Party candidate), George W. Bush (Republican Party candidate), Pat Buchanan (Reform Party candidate), and Ralph Nader (Green Party candidate). Opinions of the four candidates and their respective parties were also elicited. Additional questions probed respondents' participation and candidate selection in the 1996 presidential election and in the 1998 House of Representatives election. Respondents answered another set of questions comparing Al Gore and George W. Bush as presidential candidates in terms of their qualities of leadership, their understanding of the complex problems a president has to deal with (especially international problems), whether they could be trusted to keep their word as president, whether they shared the same moral values as most Americans, whether they said what they believed or what people wanted to hear, and whether they cared about people like the respondent. Other questions examined respondents' opinions about both candidates' views on the following subjects: the economy, abortion, taxes, the environment, and health care. Those polled also expressed their views about whether the Democratic Party or the Republican Party was more likely to ensure a strong economy, make sure that the tax system was fair, make sure United States military defenses were strong, make the right decisions about Social Security, improve the education and health care systems, and protect the environment. Respondents also indicated which party was better at upholding traditional family values, which party cared more about people like the respondent, what the most important problems for the government in the coming year were, and what their views were on abortion. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, race/ethnic identity, education, religion, voter registration and participation history, political party affiliation, political orientation, marital status, age of children in the household, and income. ICPSR data undergo a confidentiality review and are altered when necessary to limit the risk of disclosure. ICPSR also routinely creates ready-to-go data files along with setups in the major statistical software formats as well as standard codebooks to accompany the data. In addition to these procedures, ICPSR performed the following processing steps for this data collection: Created variable labels and/or value labels.. 2009-04-29 As part of an automated retrofit of some studies in the holdings, ICPSR updated the frequency file for this collection to include the original question text.2009-04-22 As part of an automated retrofit of some studies in the holdings, ICPSR created the full data product suite for this collection. Note that the ASCII data file may have been replaced if the previous version was formatted with multiple records per case. A frequency file, which contains the authoritative column locations, has also been added. (1) This collection has not been processed by ICPSR staff. ICPSR is distributing the data and documentation for this collection in essentially the same form in which they were received. When appropriate, documentation has been converted to Portable Document Format (PDF), data files have been converted to non-platform-specific formats, and variables have been recoded to ensure respondents' anonymity. (2) The codebook is provided by ICPSR as a Portable Document Format (PDF) file. The PDF file format was developed by Adobe Systems Incorporated and can be accessed using PDF reader software, such as the Adobe Acrobat Reader. Information on how to obtain a copy of the Acrobat Reader is provided on the ICPSR Web site.The ...

As of July 2025, the political party that 18 to 24 year-old's in Great Britain would be most likely to vote for was the Labour Party, at 33 percent, with Labour also the most popular party among those aged 25 to 49. Reform UK was the most popular party for the 50 to 64 age group, with 29 percent of voters saying they would vote for them. For the oldest age group, the Reform was also the most popular, with 35 percent of over 65s intending to vote for them. Reform surge in the polls Since winning the last UK general election in July 2024, the ruling Labour Party have steadily become more unpopular among voters. After winning 33.7 percent of the vote in that election, the party was polling at 24 percent in April 2025, only slightly ahead of Reform UK on 23 percent. A right-wing populist party, Reform benefited from the collapse in support for the center-right Conservative Party in the last election, winning several seats at their expense. While the next UK general election is not due to be held until 2029, the government will be keen to address their collapsing approval ratings, in the face of Reform's rising support. Economic headaches for Labour in 2025 Although Labour inherited a growing economy, with falling inflation, and low unemployment from the Conservatives, the overall economic outlook for the UK is still quite gloomy. The country's government debt is around 100 percent of GDP, and without large tax rises and spending cuts, the government hopes to create a stronger, more resilient economy to reduce the deficit. While this is still a possibility, the UK's economic prospects for 2025 were recently slashed, with growth of one percent forecast, down from an earlier prediction of two percent. Although mainly due to external factors such as the threat of increasing tariffs, and general geopolitical instability, the UK's faltering economy will add further problems to the embattled government.

This Gallup poll seeks to obtain the views of Canadians on current issues of national importance. Included are questions on labour unions, religion, and activities people do and feel should be allowed on Sundays. Respondents were also asked questions so that they could be grouped according to geographic, demographic, and social variables. Topics of interest include: belief in the New Testament; car ownership; the federal election; the ideal number of children; labour union criticisms; whether newspapers should be allowed on Sunday; old age pension amounts; whether organized sports should be allowed on Sunday; preferred political parties; physical exam requirements to be able to drive a vehicle; religious influence; Sunday activities; whether theatres should be allowed to be open on Sunday; union membership; the influence of the United Nations, and voting behaviour. Basic demographics variables are also included.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicits public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. This survey, fielded November 11-14, 2006, is a call-back of the October 27-31, 2006, cohort CBS NEWS/NEW YORK TIMES MONTHLY POLL #4, OCTOBER 2006 (ICPSR 4647). In the poll conducted prior to the election, respondents gave their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, and issues such as foreign policy and the economy. Respondents were asked about the upcoming midterm elections, how well members of the United States Congress were doing their jobs, whether the country was moving in the right direction, and the condition of the national economy. Views were also sought on the war in Iraq, corrupt politics in Washington, DC, environmental protection, illegal immigration, North Korea's development of weapons, and gay marriage. In the call-back poll conducted a week following the election, respondents were asked whether they had voted in the United States House of Representatives election and for whom, when they decided for whom they would vote, and whether they were pleased with the outcome of the elections for Congress. Those polled were again asked their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency and Iraq, whether they had favorable opinions of the Republican and Democratic parties, and whether George W. Bush and the Democrats in Congress would be able to work together. Information was collected on whether the president's political party and the political party that controls Congress should be the same, the effect the Democratic party might have on issues such as taxes, the minimum wage, and the threat of terrorism, and whether the United States did the right thing in taking military action against Iraq. Information was also collected on which voting method respondents used, and the likelihood that they would participate in an exit poll. Demographic information includes voter registration status and participation history, political party affiliation, political philosophy, marital status, sex, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, education level, age, household income, race, whether respondents had any children under the age of 18, household union membership, military service, length of time living at current residence, and type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural).

Attending high school can alter students' life trajectories by affecting labor market prospects and through exposure to ideas and networks. However, schooling's influence competes with early socialization forces, and may be confounded by selection biases. Consequently, little is known about whether or how high school education shapes downstream political preferences and voting behavior. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design leveraging variation in U.S. state dropout laws across cohorts, I find that raising the school dropout age decreases Democratic partisan identification and voting later in life. Instrumental variables estimates suggest that an additional completed grade of high school decreases Democrat support by around fifteen percentage points among students induced to remain in school by higher dropout ages. High school's effects principally operate by increasing income and support for conservative economic policies, especially at an individual's mid-life earnings peak. In contrast, schooling does not affect conservative attitudes on non-economic issues or political engagement.

Abstract of associated article: We identify a new explanation for political budget cycles (PBCs): politicians have stronger incentives to increase spending around elections in the presence of younger political parties. Previous research suggests that PBCs should be larger when voters are uninformed about politician characteristics and politicians are less credible. Research on political parties suggests that older parties are more likely to attenuate problems of both information and credible commitment. The effects of party age are robust to controls for numerous other political characteristics of countries. In particular, the arguments and evidence here illuminate a mechanism underlying recent robust findings that PBCs are larger in younger democracies: party age fully accounts for these effects.

komitetas naryste_ naryste_-politine_je-organizacijoje naryste_-politine_je-partijoje partija partijos-narys politika politine_-organizacija politinis-komitetas politiniu_-partiju_-nariu_-sa_ras_u_-is rc registru_-centras