In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at 45 percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.
Since 1988, the share of adults in the U.S. who identify as political independents has continued to grow, often surpassing the that of Democrats or Republicans. In 2024, approximately 43 percent of adults rejected identification with the major parties, compared to 28 percent of respondents identified with the Democratic Party, and 28 percent with the Republican Party.
The share of people in the United States who trust in the government has been steadily decreasing for both Democrats and Republicans. However, 2024 saw an increase across all political ideologies, but remained lowest amongst conservative Republicans, with only seven percent of those surveyed inMay 2024 stating they trust their government always or most of the time. This figure stood at 66 percent in 1972.
This study investigated the cognitive processing of true and false political information. Specifically, it examined the impact of source credibility on the assessment of veracity when information comes from a polarizing source (Experiment 1), and effectiveness of explanations when they come from one's own political party or an opposition party (Experiment 2). These experiments were conducted prior to the 2016 Presidential election. Participants rated their belief in factual and incorrect statements that President Trump made on the campaign trail; facts were subsequently affirmed and misinformation retracted. Participants then re-rated their belief immediately or after a delay. Experiment 1 found that (i) if information was attributed to Trump, Republican supporters of Trump believed it more than if it was presented without attribution, whereas the opposite was true for Democrats and (ii) although Trump supporters reduced their belief in misinformation items following a correction, they did not change their voting preferences. Experiment 2 revealed that the explanation's source had relatively little impact, and belief updating was more influenced by perceived credibility of the individual initially purporting the information. These findings suggest that people use political figures as a heuristic to guide evaluation of what is true or false, yet do not necessarily insist on veracity as a prerequisite for supporting political candidates.
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.2/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/FHD6M2https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.2/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/FHD6M2
Audio-visual data is ubiquitous in politics. Campaign advertisements, political debates, and the news cycle all constantly generate sound bites and imagery, which in turn inform and affect voters. Though these sources of information have been a topic of research in political science for decades, their study has been limited by the cost of human coding. To name but one example, to answer questions about the effects of negative campaign advertisements, humans must watch tens of thousands of advertisements and manually label them. And even if the necessary resources can be mustered for such a study, future researchers may be interested in a different set of labels, and so must either recode every advertisement or discard the exercise entirely. Through three separate models, this dissertation resolves this limitation by developing automated methods to study the most common types of audio-video data in political science. The first two models are neural networks, the third a hierarchical hidden Markov model. In Chapter 1, I introduce neural networks and their complications to political science, building up from familiar statistical methods. I then develop a novel neural network for classifying newspaper articles, using both the text of the article and the imagery as data. The model is applied to an original data set of articles about fake news, which I collected by developing and deploying bots to concurrently crawl the online pages of newspapers and download news text and images. This is a novel engineering effort that future researchers can leverage to collect effectively limitless amounts of data about the news. Building on the methodological foundations established in Chapter 1, in Chapter 2 I develop a second neural network for classifying political video and demonstrate that the model can automate classification of campaign advertisements, using both the visual and the audio information. In Chapter 3 (joint with Dean Knox), I develop a hierarchical hidden Markov model for speech classification and demonstrate it with an application to speech on the Supreme Court. Finally, in Chapter 4 (joint with Volha Charnysh and Prerna Singh), I demonstrate the behavioral effects of imagery through a dictator game in which a visual image reduces out-group bias. In sum, this dissertation introduces a new type of data to political science, validates its substantive importance, and develops models for its study in the substantive context of politics.
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The NOP National Political Surveys were designed principally to ascertain public opinion on political parties, leaders and government, and to record voting intention. In addition, the majority of the surveys included data of topical interest and of social importance.CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
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Each R script replicates all of the example code from one chapter from the book. All required data for each script are also uploaded, as are all data used in the practice problems at the end of each chapter. The data are drawn from a wide array of sources, so please cite the original work if you ever use any of these data sets for research purposes.
A survey measuring levels of engagement with political news in the United States found that older adults were by far the most likely to get news about politics and elections from journalists and news organizations, with 78 percent of adults aged 65 years or above saying they did so. Meanwhile, adults aged 18 to 29 years old were the likeliest to go to friends, family, or neighbors for updates about elections and politics.
This dataset contains cash and in-kind contributions, (including unpaid loans) made to Washington State Candidates and Political Committees for the last 10 years as reported to the PDC on forms C3, C4, Schedule C and their electronic filing equivalents. It does not include loans which have been paid or forgiven, pledges or any expenditures. For candidates, the number of years is determined by the year of the election, not necessarily the year the contribution was reported. For political committees, the number of years is determined by the calendar year of the reporting period. Candidates and political committees choosing to file under "mini reporting" are not included in this dataset. See WAC 390-16-105 for information regarding eligibility. This dataset is a best-effort by the PDC to provide a complete set of records as described herewith and may contain incomplete or incorrect information. The PDC provides access to the original reports for the purpose of record verification. Descriptions attached to this dataset do not constitute legal definitions; please consult RCW 42.17A and WAC Title 390 for legal definitions and additional information political finance disclosure requirements. CONDITION OF RELEASE: This publication constitutes a list of individuals prepared by the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission and may not be used for commercial purposes. This list is provided on the condition and with the understanding that the persons receiving it agree to this statutorily imposed limitation on its use. See RCW 42.56.070(9) and AGO 1975 No. 15.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/7368/terms
Supplementary Empirical Teaching Units in Political Science (SETUPS) for American Politics are computer-related modules designed for use in teaching introductory courses in American government and politics. The modules are intended to demonstrate the process of examining evidence and reaching conclusions and to stimulate students to independent, critical thinking and a deeper understanding of substantive content. They enable students with no previous training to make use of the computer to analyze data on political behavior or to see the results of policy decisions by use of a simulation model. The SETUPS: AMERICAN POLITICS modules were developed by a group of political scientists with experience in teaching introductory American government courses who were brought together in a workshop supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in the summer of 1974. The American Political Science Association administered the grant, and the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research was host to the workshop and provided data for most of the SETUPS. The modules were tested and evaluated during the 1974-1975 academic year by students and faculty in 155 classes at 69 universities and colleges. Appropriate revisions were made based upon this experience. This collection comprises 15 separate modules: (1) Political Socialization Across the Generations, (2) Political Participation, (3) Voting Behavior, The 1980 Election, (4) Elections and the Mass Media, (5) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Court Decisions, (6) The Supreme Court in American Politics, Police Interrogations, (7) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, State Expenditures, (8) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE Simulation, (9) The Dynamics of Political Budgeting, A Public Policy Simulation, SIMSTATE II Simulation, (10) Fear of Crime, (11) Presidential Popularity in America, Presidential Popularity, (12) Presidential Popularity in America, Advanced Analyses, (13) Campaign '80, The Public and the Presidential Selection Process, (14) Voting Behavior, The 1976 Election, and (15) Policy Responsiveness and Fiscal Strain in 51 American Communities. Parts 8 and 9 are FORTRAN IV program SIMSTATE sourcedecks intended to simulate the interaction of state policies. Variables in the various modules provide information on respondents' level of political involvement and knowledge of political issues, general political attitudes and beliefs, news media exposure and usage, voting behavior (Parts 1, 2, and 3), and sectional biases (15). Other items provide information on respondents' views of government, politics, Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter as presidents, best form of government, government spending (Part 3), local police, the Supreme Court (Parts 4 and 15), the economy, and domestic and foreign affairs. Additional items probed respondents' opinions of prayer in school, abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment Law, nuclear energy, and the most important national problem and the political party most suitable to handle it (Part 3). Also included are items on votes of Supreme Court judges (Part 5), arrest of criminal suspects and their treatment by law enforcement agencies (Part 6), federal government expenditures and budgeting (Part 7), respondents' feelings of safety at home, neighborhood crime rate, frequency of various kinds of criminal victimization, the personal characteristics of the targets of those crimes (Part 10), respondents' opinions of and choice of party presidential candidates nominees (Part 13), voter turnout for city elections (15), urban unrest, and population growth rate. Demographic items specify age, sex, race, marital status, education, occupation, income, social class identification, religion, political party affiliation, and union membership.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38/terms
This study contains selected electoral and demographic national data for nine nations in the 1950s and 1960s. The data were prepared for the Data Confrontation Seminar on the Use of Ecological Data in Comparative Cross-National Research held under the auspices of the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research on April 1-18, 1969. One of the primary concerns of this international seminar was the need for cooperation in the development of data resources in order to facilitate exchange of data among individual scholars and research groups. Election returns for two or more national and/or local elections are provided for each of the nine nations, as well as ecological materials for at least two time points in the general period of the 1950s and 1960s. While each dataset was received at a single level of aggregation, the data have been further aggregated to at least a second level of aggregation. In most cases, the data can be supplied at the commune or municipality level and at the province or district level as well. Part 1 (Germany, Regierungsbezirke), Part 2 (Germany, Kreise), Part 3 (Germany, Lander), and Part 4 (Germany, Wahlkreise) contain data for all kreise, laender (states), administrative districts, and electoral districts for national elections in the period 1957-1969, and for state elections in the period 1946-1969, and ecological data from 1951 and 1961. Part 5 (France, Canton), and Part 6 (France, Departemente) contain data for the cantons and departements of two regions of France (West and Central) for the national elections of 1956, 1962, and 1967, and ecological data for the years 1954 and 1962. Data are provided for election returns for selected parties: Communist, Socialist, Radical, Federation de Gauche, and the Fifth Republic. Included are raw votes and percentage of total votes for each party. Ecological data provide information on total population, proportion of total population in rural areas, agriculture, industry, labor force, and middle class in 1954, as well as urbanization, crime rates, vital statistics, migration, housing, and the index of "comforts." Part 7 (Japan, Kanagawa Prefecture), Part 8 (Japan, House of Representatives Time Series), Part 9 (Japan, House of (Councilors (Time Series)), and Part 10 (Japan, Prefecture) contain data for the 46 prefectures for 15 national elections between 1949 and 1968, including data for all communities in the prefecture of Kanagawa for 13 national elections, returns for 8 House of Representatives' elections, 7 House of Councilors' elections, descriptive data from 4 national censuses, and ecological data for 1950, 1955, 1960, and 1965. Data are provided for total number of electorate, voters, valid votes, and votes cast by such groups as the Jiyu, Minshu, Kokkyo, Minji, Shakai, Kyosan, and Mushozoku for the Communist, Socialist, Conservative, Komei, and Independent parties for all the 46 prefectures. Population characteristics include age, sex, employment, marriage and divorce rates, total number of live births, deaths, households, suicides, Shintoists, Buddhists, and Christians, and labor union members, news media subscriptions, savings rate, and population density. Part 11 (India, Administrative Districts) and Part 12 (India, State) contain data for all administrative districts and all states and union territories for the national and state elections in 1952, 1957, 1962, 1965, and 1967, the 1958 legislative election, and ecological data from the national censuses of 1951 and 1961. Data are provided for total number of votes cast for the Congress, Communist, Jan Sangh, Kisan Mazdoor Praja, Socialist, Republican, Regional, and other parties, contesting candidates, electorate, valid votes, and the percentage of valid votes cast. Also included are votes cast for the Rightist, Christian Democratic, Center, Socialist, and Communist parties in the 1958 legislative election. Ecological data include total population, urban population, sex distribution, occupation, economically active population, education, literate population, and number of Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, Jainis, Moslems, Sikhs, and other religious groups. Part 13 (Norway, Province), and Part 14 (Norway, Commune) consist of the returns for four national elections in 1949, 1953, 1957, and 1961, and descriptive data from two national censuses. Data are provided for the total number
An in-depth description of the various Political Boundaries GIS data layers outlining terms of use, update frequency, attribute explanations, and more. District data layers include: Lake County Boundary, County Board, Judicial Circuit Court Subcircuits, Political Townships, State Representative Districts, State Senate, Congressional Districts, and Voting Precincts.
U.S. Government Workshttps://www.usa.gov/government-works
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This data set contains a summary of information about candidate campaigns and political committees by election year. For candidate campaigns and single-year/election committees, a single record is provided that covers all activity of the campaign for the given election year. Information for continuing political committees is summarized by calendar/reporting year. The data set covers that prior 16 years plus the current election year. The data are compiled from the campaign reports deposit (C3), campaign summary reports (C4), campaign registrations (C1/C1pc) and candidate declarations and elections data provided to the PDC by the Washington Secretary of State. Records are updated in near real-time, typically less than 2 minutes from the time the campaign submits new data.
This dataset is a best-effort by the PDC to provide a complete set of records as described herewith. The PDC provides access to the original reports for the purpose of record verification.
Descriptions attached to this dataset do not constitute legal definitions; please consult RCW 42.17A and WAC Title 390 for legal definitions and additional information regarding political finance disclosure requirements.
CONDITION OF RELEASE: This publication and or referenced documents constitutes a list of individuals prepared by the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission and may not be used for commercial purposes. This list is provided on the condition and with the understanding that the persons receiving it agree to this statutorily imposed limitation on its use. See RCW 42.56.070(9) and AGO 1975 No. 15.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/34/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/34/terms
This study contains selected demographic, social, economic, public policy, and political comparative data for Switzerland, Canada, France, and Mexico for the decades of 1900-1960. Each dataset presents comparable data at the province or district level for each decade in the period. Various derived measures, such as percentages, ratios, and indices, constitute the bulk of these datasets. Data for Switzerland contain information for all cantons for each decennial year from 1900 to 1960. Variables describe population characteristics, such as the age of men and women, county and commune of origin, ratio of foreigners to Swiss, percentage of the population from other countries such as Germany, Austria and Lichtenstein, Italy, and France, the percentage of the population that were Protestants, Catholics, and Jews, births, deaths, infant mortality rates, persons per household, population density, the percentage of urban and agricultural population, marital status, marriages, divorces, professions, factory workers, and primary, secondary, and university students. Economic variables provide information on the number of corporations, factory workers, economic status, cultivated land, taxation and tax revenues, canton revenues and expenditures, federal subsidies, bankruptcies, bank account deposits, and taxable assets. Additional variables provide political information, such as national referenda returns, party votes cast in National Council elections, and seats in the cantonal legislature held by political groups such as the Peasants, Socialists, Democrats, Catholics, Radicals, and others. Data for Canada provide information for all provinces for the decades 1900-1960 on population characteristics, such as national origin, the net internal migration per 1,000 of native population, population density per square mile, the percentage of owner-occupied dwellings, the percentage of urban population, the percentage of change in population from preceding censuses, the percentage of illiterate population aged 5 years and older, and the median years of schooling. Economic variables provide information on per capita personal income, total provincial revenue and expenditure per capita, the percentage of the labor force employed in manufacturing and in agriculture, the average number of employees per manufacturing establishment, assessed value of real property per capita, the average number of acres per farm, highway and rural road mileage, transportation and communication, the number of telephones per 100 population, and the number of motor vehicles registered per 1,000 population. Additional variables on elections and votes are supplied as well. Data for France provide information for all departements for all legislative elections since 1936, the two presidential elections of 1965 and 1969, and several referenda held in the period since 1958. Social and economic data are provided for the years 1946, 1954, and 1962, while various policy data are presented for the period 1959-1962. Variables provide information on population characteristics, such as the percentages of population by age group, foreign-born, bachelors aged 20 to 59, divorced men aged 25 and older, elementary school students in private schools, elementary school students per million population from 1966 to 1967, the number of persons in household in 1962, infant mortality rates per million births, and the number of priests per 10,000 population in 1946. Economic variables focus on the Gross National Product (GNP), the revenue per capita per household, personal income per capita, income tax, the percentage of active population in industry, construction and public works, transportation, hotels, public administration, and other jobs, the percentage of skilled and unskilled industrial workers, the number of doctors per 10,000 population, the number of agricultural cooperatives in 1946, the average hectares per farm, the percentage of farms cultivated by the owner, tenants, and sharecroppers, the number of workhorses, cows, and oxen per 100 hectares of farmland in 1946, and the percentages of automobiles per 1,000 population, radios per 100 homes, and cinema seats per 1,000 population. Data are also provided on the percentage of Communists (PCF), Socialists, Radical Socialists, Conservatives, Gaullists, Moderates, Poujadists, Independents, Turnouts, and other political groups and p
The National Flood Hazard Layer (NFHL) data incorporates all Digital Flood Insurance Rate Map(DFIRM) databases published by FEMA, and any Letters Of Map Revision (LOMRs) that have been issued against those databases since their publication date. The DFIRM Database is the digital, geospatial version of the flood hazard information shown on the published paper Flood Insurance Rate Maps(FIRMs). The primary risk classifications used are the 1-percent-annual-chance flood event, the 0.2-percent-annual-chance flood event, and areas of minimal flood risk. The NFHL data are derived from Flood Insurance Studies (FISs), previously published Flood Insurance Rate Maps (FIRMs), flood hazard analyses performed in support of the FISs and FIRMs, and new mapping data where available. The FISs and FIRMs are published by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). The specifications for the horizontal control of DFIRM data are consistent with those required for mapping at a scale of 1:12,000. The NFHL data contain layers in the Standard DFIRM datasets except for S_Label_Pt and S_Label_Ld. The NFHL is available as State or US Territory data sets. Each State or Territory data set consists of all DFIRMs and corresponding LOMRs available on the publication date of the data set.
Assessment of own financial situation. Assessment of the general living situation and perception of the policy of the federal government. Assessment of the the world situation and of the European situation.
Topics: 1. Assessment of own financial situation: assessment of own financial situation compared with the situation one year ago; expected change in own financial situation; favorable time for larger acquisitions vs. hold back; suspected rather optimistic or pessimistic estimation of the economic situation in the circle of acquaintances.
Assessment of the general living situation and perception of the policy of the federal government: development in the country in the right direction; satisfaction in selected areas of life and problem areas (situation on the labor market, protection against violence and crime, extent of social justice, quality of life in Germany, financial situation of public budgets, school and education system, integration of migrants and foreigners, dealing with refugees and asylum seekers, securing retirement benefits, care of people in need of long-term care, protection of the environment and climate); perception of policy topics of the federal government (for example, debates or legislative proposals) in the past weeks (open).
Assessment of the world situation and the European situation: worries about world peace; worldwide crises with potential threat to Germany (open); opinion on Germany´s foreign policy role in the world in terms of the global political situation (taking more vs. less responsibility, already doing enough); opinion on the role of Germany in the EU (takes too little consideration vs. too much consideration for other Member States, just right).
Demography: sex; age; employment status; education; household net income (grouped); intention to vote in the federal election; voting behaviour in the federal election.
Additonally coded was: region east/ west; weighting factor.
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What are the local political, economic, and social conditions of the communities that sent insurrectionists to the U.S. Capitol in support of Donald Trump? Using a new dataset of the home counties of individuals charged for the Capitol Insurrection, we present the first systematic analysis of community-level factors on county rates of arrested insurrectionists. A one standard deviation decline in non-Hispanic White population share is associated with a 37% increase in the rate of insurrectionists, while manufacturing decline is associated with a 12% increase, even when controlling for population, racial makeup, and populist Trump support. The effect of white population decline is greater in counties whose U.S. Representative objected to the certification of the 2020 election results. Our findings suggest that improving economic conditions alone will not solve the problem of violent populism. Future research should further investigate the differences between electoral and violent populism. This dataset contains the Stata (version 18) dofiles and datafiles needed to replicate the figures and tables in the publication "The Political Geography of the January 6 Insurrectionists."
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
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Predicting votes for Mr. Obama (1) versus Mr. McCain (0) from explicit and implicit prejudice toward Blacks and their interactions with confidence. Controlling for date of implicit attitude measure administration. Model 1 examines explicit prejudice separately (N = 2,056). Model 2 examines implicit prejudice separately (N = 2,024). Model 3 examines both prejudice measures simultaneously (N = 2,024). CCC: correctly classified cases; B: regression weight B (log odds); SE: standard error of the regression weight B; Wald: Wald test statistic; OR: Odds ratio. Relative amount by which the odds increase (OR >1.0) or decrease (OR
According to a survey conducted in the United States in summer 2022, 79 percent of Republican respondents felt that news coverage had a great deal of political bias, making these voters the most likely to hold this opinion of the news media. Independents also felt strongly about this issue, whereas only 33 percent of Democrats said they saw a great deal of political bias in news.
How politics affects news consumption
Political bias in news can alienate consumers and may also be poorly received when coverage of a non-political topic leans too heavily towards one end of the spectrum. However, at the same time, personal politics in general are often closely interlinked with how a consumer perceives or engages with news and information. A clear example of this can be found when looking at political news sources used weekly in the U.S., with Republicans and Democrats opting for the national networks they most identify with. But what if audiences cannot find the content they want?
A change in behavior
Engaging with news aligning with one’s politics is not uncommon. That said, perceived bias in mainstream media may lead some consumers to look elsewhere and turn away from more “neutral” outlets if they believe the news is no longer partisan. Data shows that a number of leading conservative websites registered a substantial increase in visitors year over year. Looking at this data in context of Republicans’ concern about bias in political news, it is likely that this trend will continue and consumers will pursue outlets they feel resonate with them most.
This table contains data on the percent of adults (18 years or older) who are registered voters and the percent of adults who voted in general elections, for California, its regions, counties, cities/towns, and census tracts. Data is from the Statewide Database, University of California Berkeley Law, and the California Secretary of State, Elections Division. The table is part of a series of indicators in the Healthy Communities Data and Indicators Project of the Office of Health Equity. Political participation can be associated with the health of a community through two possible mechanisms: through the implementation of social policies or as an indirect measure of social capital. Disparities in political participation across socioeconomic groups can influence political outcomes and the resulting policies could have an impact on the opportunities available to the poor to live a healthy life. Lower representation of poorer voters could result in reductions of social programs aimed toward supporting disadvantaged groups. Although there is no direct evidentiary connection between voter registration or participation and health, there is evidence that populations with higher levels of political participation also have greater social capital. Social capital is defined as resources accessed by individuals or groups through social networks that provide a mutual benefit. Several studies have shown a positive association between social capital and lower mortality rates, and higher self- assessed health ratings. There is also evidence of a cycle where lower levels of political participation are associated with poor self-reported health, and poor self-reported health hinders political participation. More information about the data table and a data dictionary can be found in the About/Attachments section.
In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at 45 percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.