In 2023, according to the most recent national data, approximately 46 percent of people living in Brazil identified as Pardo Brazilian, making it the largest ethnic group in the country. In 2012, whites were the largest group, accounting for 46 percent of the population.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Brazil by race. It includes the population of Brazil across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Brazil across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

The percent distribution of Brazil population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 93.58% are white, 0.21% are Black or African American, 0.30% are Asian, 1.64% are some other race and 4.28% are multiracial.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (excluding ethnicity) for the Brazil
• Population: The population of the racial category (excluding ethnicity) in the Brazil is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Brazil total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Brazil Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

According to the most recent national census, approximately 46 percent of the people residing in Brazil identified as Pardo Brazilians making it the largest ethnic group in the country. However, when breaking it down by regions, it can be seen that the ethnic distribution of Brazilian population varied considerably across the country. In the North, for example, 69 percent of the population identify as Pardo, while this share fell to 22 percent in the South, where 71 of inhabitants are white. The Northeast has the largest percentage of black people, with 13 percent.

Brazil conducted its first nationwide census in 1872, just 16 years before slavery's official abolition in 1888. Modern estimates place Brazil's total population in 1872 at approximately 10.3 million; the exclusion of non-white infants and indigenous populations from the census is likely the cause of this deficit. The 1872 census showed that non-whites made up the majority of Brazil's population at this time, at roughly 5.75 million, compared to the white population of 3.79 million. Of these 5.75 million, over 4.2 million were free, compared to 1.5 million living in slavery; this gives a ratio of almost three free non-whites for every one slave. To compare, in the United States in 1860, there were at least eight slaves for every one free person of color in the years leading up to slavery's nationwide abolition.

Brazil and the United States are the two most populous countries in the Americas today. In 1500, the year that Pedro Álvares Cabral made landfall in present-day Brazil and claimed it for the Portuguese crown, it is estimated that there were roughly one million people living in the region. Some estimates for the present-day United States give a population of two million in the year 1500, although estimates vary greatly. By 1820, the population of the U.S. was still roughly double that of Brazil, but rapid growth in the 19th century would see it grow 4.5 times larger by 1890, before the difference shrunk during the 20th century. In 2024, the U.S. has a population over 340 million people, making it the third most populous country in the world, while Brazil has a population of almost 218 million and is the sixth most populous. Looking to the future, population growth is expected to be lower in Brazil than in the U.S. in the coming decades, as Brazil's fertility rates are already lower, and migration rates into the United States will be much higher. Historical development The indigenous peoples of present-day Brazil and the U.S. were highly susceptible to diseases brought from the Old World; combined with mass displacement and violence, their population growth rates were generally low, therefore migration from Europe and the import of enslaved Africans drove population growth in both regions. In absolute numbers, more Europeans migrated to North America than Brazil, whereas more slaves were transported to Brazil than the U.S., but European migration to Brazil increased significantly in the early 1900s. The U.S. also underwent its demographic transition much earlier than in Brazil, therefore its peak period of population growth was almost a century earlier than Brazil. Impact of ethnicity The demographics of these countries are often compared, not only because of their size, location, and historical development, but also due to the role played by ethnicity. In the mid-1800s, these countries had the largest slave societies in the world, but a major difference between the two was the attitude towards interracial procreation. In Brazil, relationships between people of different ethnic groups were more common and less stigmatized than in the U.S., where anti-miscegenation laws prohibited interracial relationships in many states until the 1960s. Racial classification was also more rigid in the U.S., and those of mixed ethnicity were usually classified by their non-white background. In contrast, as Brazil has a higher degree of mixing between those of ethnic African, American, and European heritage, classification is less obvious, and factors such as physical appearance or societal background were often used to determine racial standing. For most of the 20th century, Brazil's government promoted the idea that race was a non-issue and that Brazil was racially harmonious, but most now acknowledge that this actually ignored inequality and hindered progress. Racial inequality has been a prevalent problem in both countries since their founding, and today, whites generally fare better in terms of education, income, political representation, and even life expectancy. Despite this adversity, significant progress has been made in recent decades, as public awareness of inequality has increased, and authorities in both countries have made steps to tackle disparities in areas such as education, housing, and employment.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the Non-Hispanic population of Brazil by race. It includes the distribution of the Non-Hispanic population of Brazil across various race categories as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the Non-Hispanic population distribution of Brazil across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

Of the Non-Hispanic population in Brazil, the largest racial group is White alone with a population of 7,500 (95.12% of the total Non-Hispanic population).

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (for Non-Hispanic) for the Brazil
• Population: The population of the racial category (for Non-Hispanic) in the Brazil is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Brazil total Non-Hispanic population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Brazil Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

In 2023, approximately 49 percent of the resident population of the Federal District of Brazil identified as Pardo Brazilian. This is in line with published data for the Brazilian national population, where Pardo Brazilians appear as the largest ethnic group.

Brazil conducted its first nationwide census in 1872; this census gave total populations of 4.2 million free non-whites, 1.5 million slave non-whites, and 3.8 million whites. Indigenous people and those of mixed indigenous descent were largely excluded from the census, although an overall figure of 0.4 million was given for the entire country. These figures combined to give a total of 9.9 million (modern UN estimates put the total at 10.3 million in 1872; likely due to the census' exclusion of many non-white infants).

The state of Minas Gerais had the largest population, at over two million people, with the neighboring states of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro with the second and third largest populations respectively. East Brazil was the region with the largest population, followed by the northeast and then south. In terms of ethnicity, non-whites outnumbered white people in every region except for the south, and free people of color outnumbered slaves in every state except for Rio de Janeiro.

In 2023, the prevalence of extreme poverty among black men and women in Brazil was higher than that observed in other demographic groups. In particular, the rate of extreme poverty among black men reached two percent, which was the highest among all demographic groups.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the Brazil Hispanic or Latino population. It includes the distribution of the Hispanic or Latino population, of Brazil, by their ancestries, as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the origin of the Hispanic or Latino population of Brazil.

Key observations

Among the Hispanic population in Brazil, regardless of the race, the largest group is of Mexican origin, with a population of 67 (37.43% of the total Hispanic population).

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Origin for Hispanic or Latino population include:

• Mexican
• Puerto Rican
• Cuban
• Other Hispanic or Latino

Variables / Data Columns

• Origin: This column displays the origin for Hispanic or Latino population for the Brazil
• Population: The population of the specific origin for Hispanic or Latino population in the Brazil is shown in this column.
• % of Total Hispanic Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each Hispanic origin as a proportion of Brazil total Hispanic or Latino population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Brazil Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

The average monthly income per person in Brazil is higher for white workers than for other ethnic groups. In 2024, the gap was ***** Brazilian reals per month when compared to the average income of the black population.

ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE To evaluate food consumption in Brazil by race/skin color of the population. METHODS Food consumption data from the Pesquisa de Orçamentos Familiares (POF – Household Budget Survey) 2017–2018 were analyzed. Food and culinary preparations were grouped into 31 items, composing three main groups, defined by industrial processing characteristics: 1 – in natura/minimally processed, 2 – processed, and 3 – ultra-processed. The percentage of calories from each group was estimated by categories of race/skin color – White, Black, Mixed-race, Indigenous, and Yellow– using crude and adjusted linear regression for gender, age, schooling, income, macro-region, and area. RESULTS In the crude analyses, the consumption of in natura/minimally processed foods was lower for Yellow [66.0% (95% Confidence Interval 62.4–69.6)] and White [66.6% (95%CI 66.1–67.1)] groups than for Blacks [69.8% (95%CI 68.9–70.8)] and Mixed-race people [70.2% (95%CI 69.7–70.7)]. Yellow individuals consumed fewer processed foods, with 9.2% of energy (95%CI 7.2–11.1) whereas the other groups consumed approximately 13%. Ultra-processed foods were less consumed by Blacks [16.6% (95%CI 15.6–17.6)] and Mixed-race [16.6% (95%CI 16.2–17.1)], with the highest consumption among White [20.1% (95%CI 19.6–20.6)] and Yellow [24.5% (95%CI 20.0–29.1)] groups. The adjustment of the models reduced the magnitude of the differences between the categories of race/skin color. The difference between Black and Mixed-race individuals from the White ones decreased from 3 percentage points (pp) to 1.2 pp in the consumption of in natura/minimally processed foods and the largest differences remained in the consumption of rice and beans, with a higher percentage in the diet of Black and Mixed-race people. The contribution of processed foods remained approximately 4 pp lower for Yellow individuals. The consumption of ultra-processed products decreased by approximately 2 pp for White and Yellow groups; on the other hand, it increased by 1 pp in the consumption of Black, Mixed-race, and Indigenous peoples. CONCLUSION Differences in food consumption according to race/skin color were found and are influenced by socioeconomic and demographic conditions.

In the third quarter of 2024, 7.6 percent of the black population in Brazil was unemployed. The unemployment rate for Pardo Brazilians was approximately seven percent, while for whites it was five percent.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset presents the median household income across different racial categories in Brazil. It portrays the median household income of the head of household across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to gain insights into economic disparities and trends and explore the variations in median houshold income for diverse racial categories.

Key observations

Based on our analysis of the distribution of Brazil population by race & ethnicity, the population is predominantly White. This particular racial category constitutes the majority, accounting for 93.58% of the total residents in Brazil. Notably, the median household income for White households is $48,592. Interestingly, White is both the largest group and the one with the highest median household income, which stands at $48,592.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race of the head of household: This column presents the self-identified race of the household head, encompassing all relevant racial categories (excluding ethnicity) applicable in Brazil.
• Median household income: Median household income, adjusting for inflation, presented in 2023-inflation-adjusted dollars

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Brazil median household income by race. You can refer the same here

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Brazil by gender, including both male and female populations. This dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Brazil across both sexes and to determine which sex constitutes the majority.

Key observations

There is a majority of female population, with 53.6% of total population being female. Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Scope of gender :

Please note that American Community Survey asks a question about the respondents current sex, but not about gender, sexual orientation, or sex at birth. The question is intended to capture data for biological sex, not gender. Respondents are supposed to respond with the answer as either of Male or Female. Our research and this dataset mirrors the data reported as Male and Female for gender distribution analysis. No further analysis is done on the data reported from the Census Bureau.

Variables / Data Columns

• Gender: This column displays the Gender (Male / Female)
• Population: The population of the gender in the Brazil is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each gender as a proportion of Brazil total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Brazil Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

Abstract

This study is an experiment designed to compare the performance of three methodologies for sampling households with migrants:

• a stratified sample using the census to sample census tracts randomly, in which each household is then listed and screened to determine whether or not it has a migrant, with the full length questionnaire then being applied in a second phase only to the households of interest;
• a snowball survey in which households are asked to provide referrals to other households with migrant members;
• an intercept point survey (or time-and-space sampling survey), in which individuals are sampled during set time periods at a prespecified set of locations where households in the target group are likely to congregate.

Researchers from the World Bank applied these methods in the context of a survey of Brazilians of Japanese descent (Nikkei), requested by the World Bank. There are approximately 1.2-1.9 million Nikkei among Brazil’s 170 million population.

The survey was designed to provide detail on the characteristics of households with and without migrants, to estimate the proportion of households receiving remittances and with migrants in Japan, and to examine the consequences of migration and remittances on the sending households.

The same questionnaire was used for the stratified random sample and snowball surveys, and a shorter version of the questionnaire was used for the intercept surveys. Researchers can directly compare answers to the same questions across survey methodologies and determine the extent to which the intercept and snowball surveys can give similar results to the more expensive census-based survey, and test for the presence of biases.

Geographic coverage

Sao Paulo and Parana states

Analysis unit

Japanese-Brazilian (Nikkei) households and individuals

The 2000 Brazilian Census was used to classify households as Nikkei or non-Nikkei. The Brazilian Census does not ask ethnicity but instead asks questions on race, country of birth and whether an individual has lived elsewhere in the last 10 years. On the basis of these questions, a household is classified as (potentially) Nikkei if it has any of the following: 1) a member born in Japan; 2) a member who is of yellow race and who has lived in Japan in the last 10 years; 3) a member who is of yellow race, who was not born in a country other than Japan (predominantly Korea, Taiwan or China) and who did not live in a foreign country other than Japan in the last 10 years.

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

1) Stratified random sample survey

Two states with the largest Nikkei population - Sao Paulo and Parana - were chosen for the study.

The sampling process consisted of three stages. First, a stratified random sample of 75 census tracts was selected based on 2000 Brazilian census. Second, interviewers carried out a door-to-door listing within each census tract to determine which households had a Nikkei member. Third, the survey questionnaire was then administered to households that were identified as Nikkei. A door-to-door listing exercise of the 75 census tracts was then carried out between October 13th, 2006, and October 29th, 2006. The fieldwork began on November 19, 2006, and all dwellings were visited at least once by December 22, 2006. The second wave of surveying took place from January 18th, 2007, to February 2nd, 2007, which was intended to increase the number of households responding.

2) Intercept survey

The intercept survey was designed to carry out interviews at a range of locations that were frequented by the Nikkei population. It was originally designed to be done in Sao Paulo city only, but a second intercept point survey was later carried out in Curitiba, Parana. Intercept survey took place between December 9th, 2006, and December 20th, 2006, whereas the Curitiba intercept survey took place between March 3rd and March 12th, 2007.

Consultations with Nikkei community organizations, local researchers and officers of the bank Sudameris, which provides remittance services to this community, were used to select a broad range of locations. Interviewers were assigned to visit each location during prespecified blocks of time. Two fieldworkers were assigned to each location. One fieldworker carried out the interviews, while the other carried out a count of the number of people with Nikkei appearance who appeared to be 18 years old or older who passed by each location. For the fixed places, this count was made throughout the prespecified time block. For example, between 2.30 p.m. and 3.30 p.m. at the sports club, the interviewer counted 57 adult Nikkeis. Refusal rates were carefully recorded, along with the sex and approximate age of the person refusing.

In all, 516 intercept interviews were collected.

3) Snowball sampling survey

The questionnaire that was used was the same as used for the stratified random sample. The plan was to begin with a seed list of 75 households, and to aim to reach a total sample of 300 households through referrals from the initial seed households. Each household surveyed was asked to supply the names of three contacts: (a) a Nikkei household with a member currently in Japan; (b) a Nikkei household with a member who has returned from Japan; (c) a Nikkei household without members in Japan and where individuals had not returned from Japan.

The snowball survey took place from December 5th to 20th, 2006. The second phase of the snowballing survey ran from January 22nd, 2007, to March 23rd, 2007. More associations were contacted to provide additional seed names (69 more names were obtained) and, as with the stratified sample, an adaptation of the intercept survey was used when individuals refused to answer the longer questionnaire. A decision was made to continue the snowball process until a target sample size of 100 had been achieved.

The final sample consists of 60 households who came as seed households from Japanese associations, and 40 households who were chain referrals. The longest chain achieved was three links.

Mode of data collection

Face-to-face [f2f]

Research instrument

1) Stratified sampling and snowball survey questionnaire

This questionnaire has 36 pages with over 1,000 variables, taking over an hour to complete.

If subjects refused to answer the questionnaire, interviewers would leave a much shorter version of the questionnaire to be completed by the household by themselves, and later picked up. This shorter questionnaire was the same as used in the intercept point survey, taking seven minutes on average. The intention with the shorter survey was to provide some data on households that would not answer the full survey because of time constraints, or because respondents were reluctant to have an interviewer in their house.

2) Intercept questionnaire

The questionnaire is four pages in length, consisting of 62 questions and taking a mean time of seven minutes to answer. Respondents had to be 18 years old or older to be interviewed.

Response rate

1) Stratified random sampling 403 out of the 710 Nikkei households were surveyed, an interview rate of 57%. The refusal rate was 25%, whereas the remaining households were either absent on three attempts or were not surveyed because building managers refused permission to enter the apartment buildings. Refusal rates were higher in Sao Paulo than in Parana, reflecting greater concerns about crime and a busier urban environment.

2) Intercept Interviews 516 intercept interviews were collected, along with 325 refusals. The average refusal rate is 39%, with location-specific refusal rates ranging from only 3% at the food festival to almost 66% at one of the two grocery stores.

ABSTRACT Objective: To compare infant mortality rates of indigenous and non-indigenous children according to microregions in Brazil. Method: The study was based on data from the 2010 Population Census and from the Mortality Information System. Rates and proportions were calculated using data from 558 microregions. Results: Indigenous children presented a higher risk of dying before completing one year of age (60% higher compared to non-indigenous), and rates were higher in microregions with < 1% of indigenous population. Seven out of 10 deaths were in children over one month of age and were mostly caused by infectious diseases. Conclusion: In general, indigenous children die mostly due to preventable causes. The study shows that there are important differences in the levels of infant mortality between indigenous and non-indigenous children in Brazil, even in geographical areas with increased presence of indigenous population.

In the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 2023, 42 percent of the population identified as white and 57.8 percent as black, including Pardo Brazilians. However, the number of white civilians killed as a result of police intervention reached nearly 13 percent that year, while black victims made up the remaining 87 percent.

Abstract This study compares the availability of basic sanitation infrastructure in indigenous and nonindigenous household located in urban and rural areas using data from the 2000 and 2010 Brazilian National Censuses. The analyses were based on descriptive statistics and modelling with multiple logistic regression. While there was an increase in the availability of basic sanitation in Brazilian households over the decade, indigenous households continued to have worse conditions in 2010. Sewage was the sanitation service with the lowest coverage in both censuses, and indigenous households had a lower rate of sewage services than nonindigenous households did. Logistic regression results confirmed the findings of the descriptive analyses, attesting to the fact that sanitation conditions are worse in indigenous households. In some areas, such as the urban North and Southeast and rural areas of the Central-West region, the gap in basic sanitation infrastructure between indigenous and nonindigenous households increased from 2000 to 2010. This study not only indicates the less-adequate sanitation conditions in indigenous households in Brazil but also attests to the persistence of major inequalities associated with race or color in the country.

COVID-19 incidence and mortality in countries with heavy social inequalities differ in population terms. In countries like Brazil with colonial histories and traditions, the social markers of differences are heavily anchored in social and racial demarcation, and the political and social dynamics and processes based on structural racism act on this demarcation. The pandemic’s actual profile in Brazil clashes with narratives according to which COVID-19 is a democratic pandemic, an argument aligned with the rhetoric of racial democracy that represents a powerful strategy aimed at maintaining the subaltern place of racialized populations such as indigenous peoples and blacks, as a product of modern coloniality. This essay focuses on the pandemic’s profile in the Brazilian black population, in dialogue with decolonial contributions and critical readings of racism. The authors discuss government responses and COVID-19 indicators according to race/color, demonstrating the maintenance of historical storylines that continue to threaten black lives. The article also discusses the importance of local resistance movements, organized in the favelas, precarious urban spaces underserved by the State and occupied by black Brazilians.