This statistic shows the results of a 2013 survey among Americans on whether they considered the majority of Americans to be pro-choice or pro-life. In 2013, 51 percent of respondents stated they thought most Americans were pro-choice. According to the same survey, 48 percent of respondents stated they were in fact pro-choice, while 45 percent stated they were pro-life.

In 2024, around 54 percent of adults in the United States stated they considerd themselves pro-choice, meaning they would leave the decision to abort a pregnancy up to the pregnant woman. Pro-life supporters, which made up 41 percent at that time, oppose abortion altogether. Abortion in the United States Abortion and the question whether one is pro-life (and thus against abortion) or pro-choice (i.e. in favor of abortion) is a controversial topic in the United States and the subject of many heated discussions. Before the notorious “Roe vs. Wade” decision of the Supreme Court in 1973, abortion was illegal in most U.S. states and only legal under certain circumstances in others. In short, the case “Roe vs. Wade” was a milestone in granting women freedom over their own body, making abortion legal, as it ruled that a woman’s right to privacy included her unborn child, and set regulations for the availability of abortions. However, in June of 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, making it possible for states to choose to completely ban abortion. As a result, around half of U.S. states were expected to ban the procedure. Pro-life and Pro-choice Ever since this decision, there have been two main mindsets (with many variations) when it comes to abortion. One is the pro-life attitude, which deems abortion murder and considers life starting at conception. The other is the pro-choice movement, which focuses on the well-being of the mother and insists that the woman alone should decide whether she wants to keep a baby or not. Politically, pro-lifers are usually seen as conservative, often belonging to the Republican camp, while pro-choicers are usually regarded as liberals who lean towards the Democrats. Of course, exceptions are not uncommon.

As of March 2024, among U.S. adults who believe that abortion should be restricted at all times during a pregnancy, ** percent were in favor of allowing abortion if the person's life is endangered by the pregnancy. For selected circumstances, except for when the fetus is diagnosed with a serious disability, anti-abortion supporters in the U.S. were likely to favor exceptions to abortion restriction.

Higher levels of education in the United States appear to correlate with support for the legalization of abortion, with ** percent of college graduates in a 2024 survey stating they support the legalization of abortion under any circumstance. Support dropped to ** percent for respondents who did not go to college at all.

Younger adults in the United States are far more likely to support the legalization of abortion, with a 2025 survey finding that ***percent of respondents aged between 18 and 29 years favored the legalization of abortion under any circumstance. This position was supported by just ***percent of adults over **.

Among respondents surveyed in 29 countries, Sweden and France had the largest population in favor of abortion. The Netherlands followed with 76 percent of respondents in favor. On the contrary, India, Malaysia and Indonesia had the lowest percentages of people in favor of abortion.

It is perhaps no surprise that adults in the United States who identify as Democrats are far more likely to favor the legalization of abortion, with 59 percent of Democrats surveyed in 2025 supporting the legalization of abortion under any circumstance. This position was supported by only six percent of Republicans.

The purpose of this study was to explore factors influencing the attitudes of pro-choice and anti-abortion activists and to weigh individual commitments to the abortion debate. The study examines the values and moral beliefs of activists on both sides of the abortion issue. Both pro-choice and anti-abortion activists were interviewed, including men and women between the ages of 19 and 73. The respondents were asked open-ended questions on the following topics: the development of their political thinking; what factors (including upbringing, religious affiliation, moral beliefs) contributed to their choice to support either the pro-choice or anti-abortion movement; their history of activism in the movement and involvement in other political movements; their careers and family life; social tensions related to their activism; factors which motivate them to continue their activism; and predictions for the future of the movement and the importance of the abortion debate in the political future. Participants also completed background information sheets which consisted of questions on family and marital history, education, occupation, and political and religious affiliation. The Murray Archive holds additional analogue materials for this study [127 of the 212 original transcripts from the open-ended interviews (including 53 with pro-choice activists and 74 with anti-abortion activists) and 144 background information sheets; audiotapes for some of the interviews may be obtained with special permission]. If you would like to access this material, please apply to use the data. Audio Data Availability Note: This study contains audio data that have been digitized. There are 39 audio files available.

Abstract This paper is interested on the political action of anti-abortion Catholic activism in Argentina, and the different performances of collective action that such groups develop in the urban public space. It analyzes how those calling themselves pro-life groups maintain a discourse opposing the legalization of abortion based on the deployment of scientific and bioethical arguments as a way to counter the presence and mobilization of feminist organizations, and oppose their demands for a voluntary pregancy interruption law.

This study empirically examines the ways in which anti- and pro-abortion rights actors utilize human rights frames with varying success in getting them repeated by the news media in the different legal terrains of the Republic of Ireland and Canada. Given the results of a content analysis of 1,100 news articles on abortion from six newspapers spanning five years (2009-2014) during periods of relative policy stability in these two countries, this article suggests that social movement actors who feel their voices have been ignored in their domestic contexts may find human rights frames helpful in attracting news media attention. This finding has implications for the way in which international human rights language can be harnessed by diverse actors and employed domestically in battles over women’s rights.

According to a 2025 survey, ***percent of adults in the United States earning less than ****** U.S. dollars per year favored outlawing abortions under any circumstance. This statistic shows the percent of U.S. adults who thought abortion should be legal under certain circumstances in 2025, by income level.

The dataset contains the summary of the voters, valid votes, invalid votes and the votes to the Yes/No answers for the Abrogative Referendum on the Modification of the Abortion Law (Movement for Life proposal) which took place on 05/17/1981, in all sections of the Municipality of Milan.

ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE Explore the use of two abortion care models in Argentina over the period 2016–2019: pro-rights private medical service providers and abortion accompaniment (via self-management and via health institutions); and compare the profile of who accesses these models and when. METHODS We used data from accompaniment collectives in the Socorristas en Red and private service providers. We estimated annual abortion rates via these service models and compared the profile of the populations by type of service and gestational age (2019) using descriptive statistics and chi-square tests. RESULTS In 2016, 37 people per 100,000 women of reproductive age obtained accompanied self-managed abortions, and the number increased to 111 per 100,000 in 2019, a threefold increase. The rate of abortions via care providers was 18 per 100,000 in 2016 and 33 in 2019. Higher proportions of those who obtained abortion via care providers were 30 years or older. A higher proportion of those accompanied were 19 years or younger; 11% of those who obtained accompanied self-managed abortions were more than 12 weeks gestation compared with 7% among those who had accompanied abortions via health institutions and 0.2% among those who had abortions with private providers. A higher proportion of those who accessed accompanied abortions after 12 weeks gestation had lower educational levels, did not work or have social security coverage, had more past pregnancies, and attempted to terminate their pregnancies prior to contacting the Socorristas compared to those who had accompanied abortions at 12 weeks or earlier. CONCLUSIONS In Argentina, prior to Law 27.610 models of care guaranteed access to safe abortion. It is important to continue making visible and legitimizing these models of care so that all those who decide to have an abortion, whether inside or outside health institutions, have safe and positive experiences.

This statistic shows the level of support, by gender, for changing the law in Ireland to allow women the right to have an abortion (as of 2018). Although the majority of both male and female respondents support changing the law, the level of support is higher among female respondents. Male respondents who do not support changing the law make up 28 percent of respondents, the same percentage as the female respondents. It is the 13 percent of males who have no opinion that bring the support levels for male respondents below females in this survey.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.The purpose of this survey was to collect data from a random sample of women living in England, Wales and Scotland and having abortions in the Spring of 1972 and to find out whom they had consulted in the process, the number of consultations, any delays involved and the reasons for them, and what the women felt about the way they had been treated. Main Topics: Attitudinal/Behavioural Questions Number of consultations with professionals (type), order of consultation, gestation weeks at consultation, discussion of abortion, advice and information given (satisfaction), satisfaction with treatment received. Multi-stage stratified random sample two-stage 1. Selection of hospitals and approved places by systematic sampling. Then stratified by number of abortions performed (ie less than or more than 50). 2. Sample of patients: total sample for patients in institutions performing less than 50 abortions per quarter, and patients in institutions performing more than 50 abortions per quarter selected with probability proportional to the number of abortions performed. Face-to-face interview

Numbers of women who considered to view or not to view the fetus and who actually did so.

In 2022, the states with the highest rates of abortion per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 years in the United States were New Mexico, Illinois, and Kansas. The states with the lowest rates of abortion were Missouri and South Dakota. Abortion differences among the states In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade allowing states to restrict the practice of abortion or outright ban it completely. A number of states immediately banned the procedure through trigger laws they had in place in anticipation of the ruling. Even before the ruling, abortion accessibility and rates varied greatly from state to state, but this difference has become even more pronounced. For example, in 2022, Florida had an abortion rate of 20.5 per 1,000 women, while the rate in Missouri was just .1. Florida had the highest total number of abortions that year, followed by New York and Illinois. While Florida reported around 82,581 abortions in 2022, there were just 88 such procedures in Missouri. Public opinion on abortion In the United States, the debate surrounding abortion is often divided among those who are “pro-life” and think abortion should be restricted or banned and those who are “pro-choice” and believe the decision to abort a pregnancy should be up to the woman. Gallup polls show the distribution of people in the United States who are pro-life or pro-choice has fluctuated over the years but in 2023 around 52 percent of respondents stated they were pro-choice while 44 percent said they were pro-life. Older respondents are more likely to express views limiting access to abortion, while younger people are more likely to believe abortion should be legal under any circumstance. However, just a small minority of people of all ages believe abortion should be illegal in all circumstances.

Age of the participating women and gestational week at the induced abortion.

Aborti legali: rati skont l-Organizzazzjoni tal-Kura Primarja skont l-età. Rati għal kull 1,000 fil-grupp ta’ età. L-età mhux iddikjarata ġiet distribwita pro-rata fil-grupp ta’ età ta’ bejn l-20 u l-24 sena. Ir-rati għal taħt is-16-il sena huma bbażati fuq il-popolazzjonijiet 13–15. Ir-rati għall-etajiet kollha, taħt it-18 u l-35 sena u aktar huma bbażati fuq il-popolazzjonijiet ta’ 15–44, 15–17 u 35–44 rispettivament. Links esterni: https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/report-on-abortion-statistics-in-england-and-wales-for-2012 https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/abortion-statistics-for-england-and-wales rati skont l-Organizzazzjoni tal-Kura Primarja skont l-età. Rati għal kull 1,000 fil-grupp ta’ età. L-età mhux iddikjarata ġiet distribwita pro-rata fil-grupp ta’ età ta’ bejn l-20 u l-24 sena. Ir-rati għal taħt is-16-il sena huma bbażati fuq il-popolazzjonijiet 13–15. Ir-rati għall-etajiet kollha, taħt it-18 u l-35 sena u aktar huma bbażati fuq il-popolazzjonijiet ta’ 15–44, 15–17 u 35–44 rispettivament.

Links esterni:

https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/report-on-abortion-statistics-in-england-and-wales-for-2012

https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/abortion-statistics-for-england-and-wales

Emotions prior to the abortion selected by participants from the questionnaire.