A May 2024 survey revealed that the main worry Mexicans face are crime and insecurity. 57.1 percent of people surveyed. That does not come as a surprise when the victimization rate was over 22,000 victims per every 100,000 inhabitants in 2022. Moreover, violence and crime have an estimated economic cost of almost five billion Mexican pesos per year.

During a survey carried out in June and July of 2019, more than half (55 percent) of the opinion leaders and prominent journalists surveyed in Mexico stated that insecurity, criminality and drug trafficking were the most important problems in the country. Corruption was the second most cited issue, mentioned by one quarter of Mexican interviewees. In fact, the number of organized-crime related homicides in Mexico has been escalating lately.

A March 2024 survey revealed that the main problem Mexican voters want political candidates to discuss ahead of the presidential election was the fight against insecurity. That does not come as a surprise when the victimization rate was over 22,000 victims per every 100,000 inhabitants in 2022. Moreover, violence and crime have an estimated economic cost of almost five billion Mexican pesos per year. Other main problems voters considered important to decide their votes were the public health system and the fight against corruption.

Abstract (en): The 2004 Mexico Global Views Survey is the first ever comprehensive study of Mexican public and leadership opinion on international affairs. The study is designed to measure general attitudes and values concerning Mexico's relationship with the world rather than opinions on specific foreign policies or issues. This year's survey was conducted in cooperation with the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations' (CCFR) study GLOBAL VIEWS 2004: AMERICAN PUBLIC OPINION AND FOREIGN POLICY (ICPSR 4137). Approximately one-third of the questions on the Mexican and American surveys were asked of the general public in both countries. The thematic emphases of the surveys are the rules and norms of foreign policy interaction between nations and within international organizations and the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the United States. The Mexico survey also emphasizes Mexico's foreign policy decision-making processes as well as its relations with other countries and regions. Part 1 contains data pertaining to a survey conducted to interview members of Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales, A.C. (The Mexican Council on Foreign Relations - COMEXI). Part 2 is a survey of the general public. In particular, this study covers (1) Mexicans, Mexican identity, and the world, (2) Mexico's role in the world, (3) global governance, the use of force, and international institutions, (4) foreign relations, and (5) relations with the United States. Regarding Mexicans, Mexican identity, and the world, respondents were asked the importance they placed on various government activities, their interest in the news, their contact with the world, their sense of self-identity, and whether Mexico should have its own foreign policy or follow the United States' lead. On the topic of Mexico's role in the world, respondents were asked their views on the direction of the world, critical threats to Mexico's vital interests, and Mexico's role against terrorism and in world affairs. Concerning global governance, the use of force, and international institutions, respondents rated several international organizations, and commented on the impact of globalization, and foreign investment. On the subject of foreign relations, respondents provided their views on why it was important for Mexico to diversify its relations with the countries of Europe, Latin America, and Asia, the importance of other regions in the world, how to handle disputes in Latin American countries, and their feelings on several individual countries. Regarding relations with the United States, respondents were asked how they felt toward the United States, how much cooperation they favored between the United States and Mexico, who was more responsible for handling common United States-Mexico problems, and their feeling on the North American Free Trade Agreement. A set of influential policy leaders was asked their attitudes in order to assess whether the attitudes of the leaders aligned with those of the general public. Background information on respondents includes gender, age, education, employment status, income, religion, and political party affiliation. Response Rates: No information was provided regarding response rates for Part 1. The overall response rate for Part 2 was 60 percent. Part 1: Members of Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales, A.C. (The Mexican Council on Foreign Relations - COMEXI). Part 2: Adult population of Mexico aged 18 and older. For Part 1, of the 230 total members of COMEXI, all 176 who were Mexican and living in Mexico were contacted by telephone. Eighty-two of those contacted completed the survey. While the leadership survey should not be considered representative of Mexico's political, business, and cultural leadership, it does reliably capture a significant sector of these leaders with an interest in and influence on Mexico's foreign policy. They include administration officials belonging to different ministries as well as other agencies dealing with foreign policy, members of Congress (senators and deputies) or their staff, state government officials or staff and administrators, active members of Mexico's political parties, business and financial executives, university faculty and researchers, leaders of organizations active in foreign affairs, top executives of consulting firms, journalists from Mexico's major newspapers as well as writers and staff of major magazines and foreign policy publications, and leaders of trade associations...

When asked about the main problem encountered while surfing the internet over the past year, almost one third (31 percent) of Mexican online users surveyed in 2024 reported facing internet connection problems due to their internet providers. Meanwhile, 24 percent said that they experienced very slow internet connections in their area.

International debt issues to GDP (%) in Mexico was reported at 28.35 % in 2020, according to the World Bank collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources. Mexico - International debt issues to GDP - actual values, historical data, forecasts and projections were sourced from the World Bank on May of 2025.

Graph and download economic data for Net Issues of International Debt Securities for Issuers in General Government Sector, All Maturities, Residence of Issuer in Mexico (IDSGAMRINIMX) from Q1 1972 to Q3 2024 about issues, Mexico, sector, maturity, debt, residents, securities, Net, and government.

On average, 25 people were murdered every 100,000 inhabitants in Mexico in 2022, down from 28 homicide cases per 100,000 people the previous year. Mexico's murder rate increased remarkably between 2015 and 2018. Between January and June of 2023, the homicide rate stood at 12 cases.

Crime and violence in Mexico

Street violence and crime are some of the most pressing problems affecting Mexican society today. A recent survey revealed that, on average, almost 76 percent of the adult population felt unsafe. The perceived level of insecurity in Mexico is more worrisome among women than men. In recent years, violence against women in Mexico has significantly worsened.

Violence against women in Mexico

The number of femicides registered in Mexico has more than doubled between 2015 and 2023. Up to 827 women were murdered in Mexico in 2023 solely on account of their gender. Over the past decade, Mexico adopted this federal criminal typification to address the increasing cases of homicide motivated by gender. Mexico State was the region with the largest number of femicides reported as such in 2023, whereas Colima stood out as the Mexican state with the highest prevalence of femicides, based on 100,000 women.

The Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) is an academic institution hosted by Vanderbilt University that began with the study of democratic values in Costa Rica, but today carries out surveys in much of Latin America, Canada, the United States, and the Caribbean. In 2004, LAPOP established the AmericasBarometer as multi-country, regularly conducted survey of democratic values and behaviors in the Americas, and the first round included voting-age respondents from 11 countries. LAPOP collected opinions on major problems facing the country and community, threats to security, attitudes towards the country's political system, and trust in government institutions. Also measured were respondents' participation in community organizations, attitudes towards government critics, voting behavior, confidence in local government, and the prevalence of crime. Demographic information collected includes nationality, ethnicity, native language, age, gender, education level, occupation, religion, and whether the respondent lives in an urban or rural area.

In January 2024, the most usual type of crime reported in Mexico was domestic violence. In that month, the cases of this type of violence amounted to around 20,814 cases. Regarding property crimes, the highest number of occurrences were vehicle thefts, with nearly 11,887 reported crimes.

Domestic violence Domestic violence stands out as the crime with the highest incidence and, paradoxically, one of the least attended to by the government. Public spending allocated to combat domestic violence has been dismally low, with a value only around 25 percent of the spending on the military. Adding to the concern, this budget has witnessed a consistent decrease each year since 2015. This decline in resources has had severe consequences, leading to a surge in domestic violence crimes, with many resulting in homicides. It's noteworthy that the majority of registered femicides occur within the confines of closed domestic spaces and are often committed by the partners of the victims. This paints a concerning picture of the challenges faced in addressing and preventing domestic violence.

Mexico and the most violent cities in the world
Mexico hosts seven of the most dangerous cities globally, with Celaya ranking as the number one in terms of murder rate, registering a staggering 109.39 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants and the most of these other cities are concentrated in the upper region of the country, highlighting the significant regional variations in safety and security. On the other hand, the capital, Mexico City, has experienced a decreasing trend in crime incidence, with a notable decrease from 2018 to 2022, nonetheless, the crime rate is still high. As a result, crime and insecurity have become the primary concern for nearly half of the country's population, underscoring the pressing need for addressing these issues.

During a survey conducted in Mexico in 2024, nearly ********** of responding advertisers mentioned the difficulty of measuring the return on investment (ROI) as a main problem when running digital marketing campaigns. For ** percent of respondents, the campaigns did not generate enough clients, while ** percent cited issues with the complexity of managing quality content for each platform.

Graph and download economic data for Net Issues of International Debt Securities for Issuers in General Government Sector, All Maturities, Nationality of Issuer in Mexico (DISCONTINUED) (IDSGGGAMNINIMX) from Q3 1993 to Q2 2015 about issues, Mexico, sector, maturity, debt, securities, Net, and government.

Cybercrimes as reported to the Mexican national cyberpolice from September 2020 to September 2021.

This survey assessed campaign influences on public opinion and voting behavior in Mexico's July 2, 2000, presidential election. The study consists of five separate surveys conducted over the course of the campaign and following the election, using a hybrid panel/ cross-sectional design. The Pre- and Post-Election Panel Data (Part 1) includes data collected from a national cross-section of 2,400 adults. All respondents were interviewed following the official start of the campaign, February 19-27, and following the election, July 7-16, while subsets of them were also interviewed April 28-May 7 and/or June 2-18. The Post-Electoral Cross-Section Data (Part 2) includes only data collected from a new and separate cross-section of 1,199 respondents, gathered to supplement the panel sample. Additional information regarding the design of the study may be found within the codebook. Respondents were queried on a wide range of issues relating to voting behavior, including exposure to media, political knowledge and engagement, opinions about salient political issues including privatization, employment, crime, the death penalty, and government services, attitudes toward the main political parties and candidates, impressions of the electoral process, voting intentions, faith in the electoral process, credibility of the media, exposure to the campaign, and opinions of current president Ernesto Zedillo and presidential candidates Cuauhtemoc Cardenas (Alliance for Mexico), Vicente Fox (Alliance for Change), and Francisco Labastida (PRI). Respondents queried following the election were asked for whom they voted and why, and whether they felt the election was clean. In addition, they were asked to assess their interest level in politics, their involvement and familiarity with the campaign media and activities, how frequently they discuss the issues, and the ability of the candidates to address important social issues. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party affiliation, voting history, religion, education, marital status, children, employment status, labor union membership, languages spoken, travel to the United States, socio-economic status, and household income.

Politics and the Migrant Poor in Mexico City is a comparative study of male migrants and their city-born neighbors living in six relatively small, predominately low-income communities on the periphery of Mexico City. Based on 14 months of fieldwork in these communities during 1970, 1971, and 1972, this study dealt with a relatively small group of people in a limited number of localities at a particular point in time. The research addressed several broad theoretical and empirical problems such as the most important incentives and disincentives for political involvement, the effect a large group of people entering the political arena has on the functioning of the political system, how the individual citizen -- and especially the disadvantaged citizen -- can manipulate the political system to satisfy their needs, the process by which individuals form images of politics and the political system, the process by which individuals assume a role of participation or non-participation in political activity, what occurs at the "grass roots" of a nation's political system, and how political activity at that level affects system outputs. This study attempted to place the low-income migrant in a social and political context, and focused on the nature and frequency of interactions between the research communities and external actors, especially political and government officials. Demographic variables include age, race, socio-economic status, marital status, dwelling unit type, and religious preference.

This is an Active Citation data project. Active Citation is a precursor approach toAnnotation for Transparent Inquiry (ATI). It has now been converted to the ATI format. The annotated article can be viewed on the publisher's website. Please use the Chrome browser with the Hypothesis extension installed to view the annotations. Project Summary This study evaluates experiences in three Mexican cities to assess whether decentralization and commercialization practices have resulted in improved water and sanitation services. It finds that commercialization has increased social conflict surrounding urban services provision, and that local institutional constraints further undermine mayors’ ability to adopt politically contentious policies. This study examines Mexico, a country that has experienced an extensive amount of both decentralization and neoliberal policies, and selects the water and sanitation sector, which 79 percent of all Mexican mayors list as the most important municipal responsibility. Through process tracing the author examines how two-macro-level processes—decentralization and neoliberal commercialization—interacted with the political and institutional context within Mexican municipalities to disincentivize the adoption of cost recovery, adversely affecting service outcomes. The causal leverage of this study is gained from “within-case” analysis of three of the largest urban centers within Mexico State (Estado de México): Naucalpan, Nezahualcóyotl (Neza), and Toluca. As the country’s economic powerhouse, Mexico State is a critical case for examining whether decentralization and commercialization policies have helped improve public services in Mexico more broadly. Such a wealthy state would be the least likely to have public services deficiencies, so if service problems are identified within Mexico State’s urban centers, they are more likely to be seen throughout the country in poorer and less industrialized regions. This article presents data collected as part of a larger research project on the politics of urban services reform in Mexico after the “top-down” implementation of decentralization and commercialization reforms. This larger research project, a subnational comparative research design, entailed extensive field research in more than nine cities located in the states of Mexico State, Guanajuato and Veracruz. The primary research question was: under what conditions do mayors successfully circumvent political and institutional barriers to services reform and adopt commercialization policies in the water and sanitation sector? Data Abstract The collected data cover the period from 1997 to 2012 and were gathered during extensive field research in 2007-2008 and 2012 that entailed 180 in-depth interviews, data collection from internal government documents, newspaper articles and archival material. Interviews lasted from one to four hours, and interview subjects were identified using snowball sampling. Almost all interviews were conducted in person at municipal, state and federal level of government with government employees, elected officials, policymakers, business leaders, consultants, engineers and academics. The author also observed meetings with government officials, the day-to-day office work of water utilities and also went on site visits with water utility engineers being interviewed to illustrate the conditions of the infrastructure network. In addition, archival research was conducted at the Archivo Historico del Agua in Mexico City, and in electronic archives in the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank (exploring the international loan history of Mexico’s water and sewage sector as well as diagnostic studies of the sector). Extensive research was conducted to identify all secondary source material written in Spanish about the cities under study, their local government, economies, party politics, democratization experiences, protests and collective action surrounding reform policies, and technical aspects of the water and sewage sector. This included extensive compilation and analysis of primary source documents – e.g., government performance data – at three tiers of government, including occasional reports from consultants or the private sector and newspaper coverage for the periods under study in local Spanish-language newspapers. Additionally, transparency requests were made to the government regarding the number and content of formal protest and petitions against government regarding the policies under study. Almost all of interviews were tape recorded; of those, approximately 30 percent were transcribed, while the remaining 70 percent were summarized. Extensive notes were taken during and after each interview. For observations, notes were taken after events. For newspaper articles, information was scanned and later notes were taken on the content of the information (including timelines, and the construction of comparable categories of analysis for each case in...

State ownership in financial intermediation in Mexico has continued to be significant in qualitative as well as quantitative terms, with about 20-25 percent per cent of the total credit of the banking system provided by development banks (DBs) and funds during the last five years. The importance of government ownership in financial intermediation is not only quantitative, but qualitative, with influence on key sectors in the Mexican economic development. The 2001 joint World Bank- International Monetary Fund (IMF) Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) that took place in 2001 identified a number of problems related to the operation of DBs in Mexico. Some DBs had unclear mandates or did not live up to their mandates with their activities overlapping among themselves or with the activities of commercial banks. Some of them were performing quasi-fiscal activities outside the scope of the budget process, and all of them were loss making even after several rounds of recapitalization. Their operation was often inefficient with high costs, too many employees, and weak internal controls. Fiscal subsidies involved in their operations were not well targeted and were channeled in a non-transparent manner. After the 2001 FSAP assessment the authorities started a reform effort addressing some of the problems mentioned above through legal reforms and tighter monitoring.

The statistic presents the results of a survey conducted in December 2018 and January 2019 to find out about the situation of women and gender (in)equality across 27 countries. When asked which were the main issues that women and girls were facing in Mexico, 40 percent of respondents answered sexual harassment.

This study is part of a quadrennial series designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. The survey covered the following international topics: relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, benefits or drawbacks of globalization, situations that might justify the use of United States troops in other parts of the world, the number and location of United States military bases overseas, respondent feelings toward people of other countries, opinions on the influence of other countries in the world and how much influence those countries should have, whether there should be a global regulating body to prevent economic instability, international trade, United States participation in potential treaties, the United States' role in the United Nations and NATO, respondent opinions on international institutions and regulating bodies such as the United Nations, World Trade Organization, and the World Health Organization, whether the United States will continue to be the world's leading power in the next 50 years, democracy in the Middle East and South Korea, the role of the United Nations Security Council, which side the United States should take in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what measures should be taken to deal with Iran's nuclear program, the military effort in Afghanistan, opinions on efforts to combat terrorism and the use of torture to extract information from prisoners, whether the respondent favors or opposes the government selling military equipment to other nations and using nuclear weapons in various circumstances, the economic development of China, and the conflict between North and South Korea. Domestic issues included economic prospects for American children when they become adults, funding for government programs, the fairness of the current distribution of income in the United States, the role of government, whether the government can be trusted to do what is right, climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, United States' dependence on foreign energy sources, drilling for oil and natural gas off the coast of the United States, and relations with Mexico including such issues as the ongoing drug war, as well as immigration and immigration reform. Demographic and other background information included age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, and religious preference. Also included are household size and composition, whether the respondent is head of household, household income, housing type, ownership status of living quarters, household Internet access, Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) status, and region and state of residence.

Electoral accountability rests on voters re-electing high-performing and removing low-performing incumbents. However, voters in many developing contexts are poorly informed about incumbent performance, particularly of local politicians. This dissertation asks: how do voters in low-information environments hold local governments to account for their performance in office? I seek to explain when Mexican voters obtain performance information pertaining to their municipal incumbents, and ultimately how it impacts their beliefs and voting behavior. I argue that voters are able and willing to sanction local governments upon receiving incumbent performance indicators. However, electoral accountability requires incentives for voters and media outlets to respectively acquire and supply politically-relevant news. Information in the news just before elections, when these incentives align, thus strongly influences electoral accountability. I test these propositions by examining in detail voter responses to two key issues in Mexican politics---malfeasance in office and violent crime.